RHETORICAL STRATEGIES IN OLD ENGLISH PROSE

RHETORICAL STRATEGIES IN OLD ENGLISH PROSE: A STUDY OF THREE DRAMATIC MONOLOGUES

Dorodiy ha Haines

A thesis subrnitted in confomity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Graduate Department of Medieval Studies, University of Toronto

O Copyright by Dorothy Ina Haines 1998

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Thesis Abstract Title: Rhetorical Strategies in Old Enghsh Prose: A Study of Three Dramatic Monologues Subrnitted by: Dorothy h a Haines Degree: Doctor of Philosophy, 1998 Department: Centre for Medieval Studies, University of Toronto This thesis examines three dramatic monologues found in Old English homiletic Iiterature in order to understand their cultural, religious and literary impact on a contemporary audience. In chapter 1,1 s w e y early medieval attitudes towards preaching as well as various efforts to promote preaching as a vehicle for religious instruction. 1 discuss the production of homiletic compositions in late Anglo-saxon England, particularly focusing on the interrelation of works by named authors, such

as Ælfiic and Wulfstan, and those by their anonyrnous conternporaries in terms of their differing rhetorical goals and approaches.

In each of the succeeding chapters 1 seek to discover how contemporaries viewed these dramatic monologues by closely examining their manuscript context, Latin sources, other related materials which constitute the literary environment, the structure and composition of each homily, and, most importantIy, the rhetorical and dramatic strategies of the monologues themselves. An examination of Middle English analogues provides a valuable point of cornparison for the Old English. The first of these monologues, the Soul's Address to the Body, though it has

..

11

ofien been seen as an expression of heterodox views concerning the body, is here seen to be a rhetorical device capitalking on the relationship of intimacy between sou1 and body in order to portray, as drarnatically as possible, mord choice. The second monologue, Christ's Address to the Sinner, takes place at Doomsday and is no less effective in its ability to sway an audience. It employs the rhetoric of legal indictrnent in the form of a catalogue of Christ's deeds on behdf of mankind, recalling other such lists used in Iiturgical and confessional contexts. The so-called "Sunday Letter," purporting to be a missive sent by Christ and urging strict observance of Sunday regulations, is seen to be a document appreciated rnainly for its forcefül rhetoric rather than for the specific prohibitions it enjoins. The use of the kt-person address and the pronouncement of curse and blessing, like the Judaic restrictions it seeks to enforce, clearly derive fiom the prophetic writings of the Old Testament. These monologues are but three examples of a broader tradition of dramatic speeches used for the purpose of persuasion. 1 conclude by summarizing evidence that the Anglo-Saxons were especially attracted to this genre and used it effectively in their homilies to dramatize contemporary religious concerns.

iii

Contents Chapter 1: Introduction: Homilerie Tradifins in Late AngIu-Saxon England

I

Ælfnc, Wulfstan and the Benedictine Reforrn 2; The Anonymous Homilies 7; Preaching in the Early Middle Ages 15; Preaching Materials and Styles in Late Anglo-saxon England 32 Chapter 2: The Soul's Address io the Body The Latin Sources 47; The Manuscripts 52; Analogues 62; Body and Sou1 Theology 78; Drama and Rhetoric 98; Developments in Middle English Literature 114; Conclusion 125 Chapter 3: Christ's Address to the Sinner Latin Analogues 129; The Passion in Old English Homiletic Literature 141; Manuscripts 148; Use of the Latin Source in the Old English Homilies 151; Setting of the Monologue in Old English Homilies 164; Rhetoric 175; Middle English Developments 185; Conclusion 197 Chaper 4: Christ's Monologue in the Sunday Letter A History of Sunday Observance 200; Sunday Observance in Anglo-saxon England 211; Old English Manuscript

Contexts 225; The Latin Manuscripts 228; The Irish Sunday Letter 230; Adaptation of Latin Sources 234; Old and New Testament Rhetonc 241; Middle English Sunday Letters 255; Conclusion 263

34

ASupp.

Homilies o f Ælflc: A Supplementary Collection (ed. J . Pope*)

ASE

AngZo-Smcon Erghnd

ASPR

The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records (ed. G. Krapp and E.V.K.Dobbie*)

Blick

The Blickling Homilies (ed. R. Morris*)

CCCC

Corpus Christi College Library, Cambridge

CCSL

Corpus Christimonun, series Latina

CH I

Ælfiic 's Catholic Homilies, First Series (ed. P . Clemoes*)

CH II

ÆZfiic 's Catholic Homilies, Second Series (ed. M . Godden*)

CSEL

Corpus scnptonim ecclesiasticorurn latinonun

CUL

Cambridge University Library

EETS

Early English Text Society

HBS

Henry Bradshaw Society

JECP

Journal of English and Germanic Philology

LS

Lives of Saints (ed. W. Skeat*)

ME

Medium Kvum

NM

Neuphilologische Mitteilungen

OE PL

Old English

PlW

Publications of the Modern Language Association

SASLC

Sources of Anglo-Saxon Literary Culture (ed. F . Biggs et al.*)

Verc.

The Vercelli Homilies (ed. D.G. Scragg*)

Patrologia Latina

*See bibliography for hl1 reference.

v

Chapter I

Introducfion:

Homiletic Traditions in Late AngCo-Sawon E n g h d

This study will concern itself with Old English homiletic texts wrinen durhg the tenth, eleventh and twelfth centuries. Although the surviving corpus of Old

English literature includes an extensive body of homiletic works,' much remains to be discovered concerning the historical, cultural and literary contexts which spawned this activity. Understandably, scholarly attention has focused on the most prolific author of the period, Ælfiic, a monk, mas-priest and abbot writing at the end of the fust millemium. He and his contemporary Wulfstan, archbishop of York, were the first Anglo-saxon homilists to be subject to detailed analysis, particularly in terms of

1

Hildegard Tristram notes that there are %me 1200 texts in 85 manuscripts, of which 32 are more or less complete hornily collections"; "Eariy Insuiar Preaching: Verbal Artistry and Method of Composition," Osterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften phil. -hisr. KZusse: Sitzungsberichte, vol. 623 (Vienna: ~sterreichischeAkadernie der ~issenschaften, 1995),3.

canon? sources, and prose style.'

But there are many homiletic texts whose authors are not known by name and which might have been written anywhere fiom the t h e of Alfked to well after the

Norman Conquest. In this chapter, I will be Iooking at ways in which the anonyrnous tradition o f translating, adapting and compiling homilies may be defmed in relation both to its broader historical antecedents and the traditions which shaped the writings

of Elfkic and Wulfstam3

ÆIfric, Wuijstan and the Benedictine Reform E l f n c and Wulfstan were products of the Benedictine Reform which, though

'Karl lost, Wumanstudien (Bem: A. Francke, 1950); Milton McC. Gatch, Preaching and Theol o u in Anglo-Saron England: ÆIfi-ic and WuIfstan (Toronto : Univ. of Toronto Press, 1977); Bibliographies and accounts of the work of ÆIfnc and Wulfstan are provided in the introductions to the following editions: John C. Pope, ed., Homilies of ÆZfiic: A Supplementary Collection, 2 vols., EETS, O.S., 259 (London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1967); and Dorothy Bethunim, ed., The Homilies of Wurfstan (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1957). See also the articles by Peter Clemoes ("Ælfnc") and Dorothy Bethunim ("Wulfstan") in Continuations und Beginnings, ed. E.G. Stanley (London: Thomas Nelson, l966), 176-209. 2 10-46;and the bibliography compiled by Luke Reinsma, LEZ$%: An Annotated Bibliopphy (New York: Garland, 1987). 'A homily is considered to be an exposition based on a biblical text, and a sermon a moral, catechetical, or exhortatory piece; Mary Clayton, "Homiliaries and Preaching in Anglo-saxon England," Peritia 4 (1985): 208. However, this distinction may not have been observed in Anglo-saxon homiliaries; Joyce Hill, "Reform and Resistance: Preaching Styles in Late Anglo-saxon England," in De l'homélie au sermon: Histoire de la prédication médiévale, ed. Jacqueline Hamesse and Xavier Hermand (Louvain-la-Neuve: Université Catholique de Louvain, 1993), 19, n. 13. In this study, 1 will be using the ternis "homily" and "sermon" interchangeably, even though nearly dl the texts 1 will examine technically fdl into the latter category.

primarîly a monastic movement, also sought to spre3.d its achievements to the secular church, notably by means of renewed preaching activity.' The originators of the reform in England, Dunstan (d. 988) and Oswald (d. 992), had been trained on the continent in the monasteries at Ghent and Fleury and introduced not only reforming ideas but many new texts to England. For instance, one important document which provides clear evidence of continental influence is the ReguZmis concordia, composed in order to bring al1 monastic houses into conformity of observance.' The ReguZaris concordia does not specifically mention current preaching practice, but in

its instructions for Sundays and feast days it assumes that laity and monks celebrated mass together. a situation which must have been fairly common; one exarnple is Ælfnc's congregation at Cerne Abbas! Ælfnc's emphasis on preaching is well-known and needs no lengthy exposition here. He encouraged preaching in the letters he wrote on behdf of Wulfstan and Wulfsige and by his own example of Iabouring to compose suitable preaching materiai, products of his own experience in the preaching office while a mas-priest at Cerne. In his letters he urges both bishops and priests to preach and

4

Joyce Hill, "Monastic Reform and the Secular Church: Ælfnc's Pastoral Letters in Context," in England in the Elevenfh Century, ed. Carola Hicks (Stamford: Paul Watkins, 1992), 104. 5

Regdaris concordia, ed. Thomas Symons (London: Thomas Nelson, 1953, 18.

6Clayton, "Homiliaries and Preaching," 239.

3

compares unwilling priests to "mute dogs'? when they ought to "bark and preach to lay people, lest they pensh for lack of teaching."' The two collections which Ælfnc called the Sermones catholici contain some forty homilies each, covering Sundays and feast days, and meant, in his words, '-to

suffice for a year, if they are recited to the faithful in their entirety by the ministers of God in church."'

Many of them are exegetical, that is, they mainly seek to explicate

the gospel reading for the day, but because they were composed for the laity, Ælfnc sought to use simple language, speaking not with "loquacious verbosity but with the pure and clear words of the language of this people.'">

It is perhaps irresistible to associate Ælfnc and Wulfstan, since both composed homilies noted for their carefully crafted rhythrnical prose, and both shared the

"'We sceolan beorcan and bodigan barn lapwedum, pe Iæs hy for larlyste losian sceoldan"; 'Ælfncs Bief an Bischof Wulfsige,' Die Hirtenbriefe Al$-ics, ed. Bernhard Fehr (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1966), 14-15. Cf. 'Elfrics enter lateinischer Brief an Erzbishof Wulfstan,' (Fehr. 53); and 'Ælfics erster altenglischer Brief an Erzbischof Wulfstan,' (Fehr, 110-1 1, 131). So also Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 1.5: "Unde timendum est ne ad nos illa dura per prophetam increpatio dirigatur: Canes muti non valentes latrare"; Germain Morain, ed., CCSL 1O3 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1953), 4. 8"Quadraginta sententias in isto libro posuimus, credentes hoc sufficere posse per annum fidelibus, si integre eis a rninistris Dei recitentur in ecclesia"; 'Latin Preface to the First Senes of Catholic Homilies,' ÆZfiic s.' Prefms, ed. Jonathan Wilcox (Durham: Durham Medieval Texts, 1994), 107. Malcolm Godden has shown that whereas the fint senes was to be read to the congregation at Cerne, ÆlfXc's second series offered preachers a more active role in selecbng and arranging the materials; "The Development of iElfric's Second Senes of Catholic Homilies," English Studies 54 (1973): 209-2 15. "Won garnila verbositate ... sed puris et apertis verbis lingue huius gentis"; 'Latin Preface to the Second Series of Catholic Homilies,' Wilcox, 11 1.

conviction that preaching to the laity was an urgent necessity, but there are also Wulfstan (d. 1023), bishop of important differences between the two h~milists.'~ Worcester and archbishop of York, was a public figure, heavily involved in the secular church as well as at court. That he knew Æliiic's work may be seen in his own adaptations of the latter's homilies for his own sermons and by the pastoral letters he commissioned Ælfnc to write for him. But in the type o f homily Wulfstan wrote, he must be differentiated fiom Ælfkic. He composed mostly occasional sermons not intended for particular events in the church year, he did not publish what he wrote as a collection, and, most importantly, his sermons are mainly catechetical or exhortatory in content."

Wulfstan, in fact, should be seen as standing somewhere

between ÆIfnc and the anonymous tradition in that he must have approved of the choice of authoritative materials made by Elfric, but apparently did not feel that his

own audience would appreciate the depth of exposition found in the Catholic Homilies." As Bethurum notes: "he was not interested in hermeneutics7?;instead he ''Cf. Wulfstan's Imitutes ofPoliv XIX.52: "And we Icrad, bæt preostas ælce sunnandæge folce bodigan and aa wel bisnian"; Die "InstitutesofPolity Civil and Ecclesiasfical, ' " ed. Karl Jost (Bem: Francke, 1959), 198. Allen Frantzen, commenting on Wulfstan's statements on penance, aiso stresses the differences in treatment between that author and Ælfnc; The Literature ofPenance in AngZo-Saxon England (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers Univ. Press, 1983), 158. "Two possible exceptions are Homiiies XIV and XV. Bethururn lists four categories for Wulfstan's sermons: eschatological, Christian life, archiepiscopal functions, and evil days; Homilies of WuYstan,29ff.

"Tristram has stated that, even though he did not use vemacular sources, "Wulfstan elaborated on the verbal artistry of the affective style of some of the anonymous Anglo-saxon

focused on catechetical, eschatologicai and moral themes." His choice of subject rnatter reveals Wulfstan as a bishop who felt that the gravity of immediate abuses took precedence over the fmer points of biblical exegesis. Milton Gatch, in discussing Wulfstan's adaptation of Ælfncian material in Homily V, suggests a possible motivation for Wulfstan's practice: Lest the reader be misled by the fact that Wulfstan characteristically deletes the niceties of biblical explication fkom his sources, it rnay be well to stress the fact that he does not reject the exegetical tradition. It is, sirnply, irrelevant to his parenetic, or hortatory, purposes, and its reflections are omitted lest they get in the way.'"

In part, his habits may d s o have been due to a difference in audience since Wulfstan was responsible for the 'wild and partly heathen province of York,'"' but we have no way of satisfactorily gauging lay congregations elsewhere in England in order to be certain that his audience differed significantly from that of other h~milists.'~

homilies"; "Early Insular Preaching," 13.

'"Gatch, Preaching, 2 1. About Wulfstm1ssermons in general, Gatch says: "Wulfstan made it a point to avoid theological subtlety, to drop exempla and most traces of allegorical interpretation and, usually, to delete specific histoncal allusions" (Preaching, 20). "~rankBarlow, me Eng[ish Church 1000-1066: A His tory of the Later Anglo-Saxon Church. 2d ed. (London: Longman, 1979), 69. A lengthy list of heathen practices rnay be found in the Institutes of Polity X E . 16; Jost, Imtitutes, 184. Cf. Bethunim, Homiiies of Wulfstan, 72. I6Methodsof adaptation sirnilar to Wulfstan's have been discemed in some of the anonyrnous compilations as well; Malcolm Godden notes a comparable avoidance of explanation, interpretation, and narrative in certain homilies compiled at Winchester; "Old English Composite Homilies fiom Winchester," ASE 4 (1975): 57-65. See also the study by

What is most conspicuous is that the homilies which have been attributed to Wulfstan are powerful oratorical pieces. It has been suggested that Wulfstan revised his source materials in order to produce an "oral style" well suited to his audience.'' Bethurum credits Wulfstan with 'rhe most carefùl adjustrnent to his audience," noting his attention to clarity and particularly the way a sermon would sound in oral delivery." This suggests a view of his audience which coincides with that of Elfric in certain respects-for prose-but

exarnple, in the desire for lucidity and the use of rhythmical

the two authors show less agreement in the subject matter deemed suitable

for their audience.

The Anonymous Homilies Elfric and Wulfstan are the only vemacular homilists From the Anglo-saxon period whom we know by name, and it has seemed convenient to most scholars to

divide the homiletic literature along the lines of what is familiar as against that which is unknown, grouping the remaining texts into the category "anonyrnous." And to a

Mary Swan listed in note 32.

"A.P. Orchard, "Crying Wolf: Oral Style and the Sermones Lupi," ASE 2 1 (1992): 239-264. Bethum prints a letter addressed to Wulfstan which mentions his oratoncd skill; Appendix U, Bethurum, Homilies of Wurfstan, 3 74-77. Cf. GabrieIe h a p p e , Traditionen der klassischen Rhetorik im angelsachsischen England, Anglistische Forschungen 236 (Heidelberg: Universitatsverlag Car1 Winter, 1996), 457-58.

certain extent this kind of classification has proven to be appropnate; it is clear that Ælfnc at least saw the process of composing preaching texts in a somewhat different light from his anonymous colleagues, especially in his selection of exegetical source material. But this binary classification is not entirely equal to the task of defining the varied cultural and literary circumstances and diveeity of ideologies which motivated Anglo-saxon homily-making. Probably the earliest witnesses to this tradition are the wdl-known Vercelli and Blickling collection^.^^ These manuscripts dating fiom the end of the tenth century, though they are often grouped together, represent two ' ~ Blickling Book different textual traditions and methods of c ~ m ~ i l a t i o n .The contains eighteen hornilies which are, for the most part, liturgically arranged. The Vercelli Book, on the other hand, does not follow the church year but seems to be a

19

D.G. Scragg, ed., The Vercelli Homilies and Reluted Texts, EETS, O.S., 300 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992); and R. Morris, ed., nie BIickling Homilies, EETS, O.S., 58,63, and 73 (1874-80; reprint, London Oxford Univ. Press, 1967). Hereafter these two editions will be referred to as Verc. and Blick, respectively. "Scragg posits a southeastem origin for the Vercelli Book: St. Augustine's Abbey, Canterbury; Verc., introd., Ixxix. Anglian (probably Mercian) onginals have been posnilated for many of the Vercelli and Blickling Homilies; F m Wenisch, Spezzjisch anglisches Wortgut in den nordhumbrischen Interlinearglossen des Lukusevungeliums (Heidelberg: Car1 Winter, 1979), 72-78. Cf. R.J. Memer, "The Anglian Vocabulary of the Blickling homilies," in Philologica: the Malone Annivers-y Srudies, ed. Thomas A. Kirby and Henry Bosley Woolf (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1949), 56-64; and D.G. Scragg, ''The Homilies of the Blickling Manuscript," Literature and Learning in Anglo-Saon England, ed. Michael Lapidge and Helmut Gneuss (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, l985), 3 16.

kind offloriIegium for private devotional reading ';it contains twenty-three homilies and six poems. A cornparison between the influence of the Vercelli Book and that of the Blickling Book, and a study of the two sermons which are common to both, has

prompted Scragg to note that these two collections have very different textual traditions?

Furthermore, Scragg's study of the Vercelli pieces has allowed him to

postdate the kinds of collections from which they must have been drawn, another reminder that the idea of a vernacular homiliary did not onginate with ~lfkic." Alîhough these two collections have been associated with a time period before the reform, there are difficulties with such a classification. It may be tme that many

of the individual texts are considered to be early compositions, some perhaps as early as the ninth century,'" but the manuscripts thernselves are still late enough (Vercelli, S.

"Scragg calls it a 'zuiiform collection of pious reading"; Verc., introd., xix. Cf. Celia Sisam, ed., The Vercelli Book: A Lote Tenth Century Manuscripl Contoining Prose and Verse. Vercelli Biblioteca Capitolare CXVU Early English Manuscripts in Facsimile, vol. 19 (Copenhagen: Rosenkilde and Bagger, 1976), 44. "Scragg, "The Hornilies of the Blickling Manuscript," 3 15- 16. Cf. idem, T h e Corpus of Vemacular Homilies and Prose Saint's Lives before ÆIfric," ASE 8 (1979): 23435.

-?D.G. Scragg, "The Compilation of the Vercelli Book," ASE 2 (1973): 189-207Similady, Scragg has noted that many of the anonyrnous saints' lives must have been written before 1000, and that Ælnic "in no sense fiiled a vacuum. However he may be shown to have transmuted it, the genre was already well established in English''; T h e Corpus of Anonymous Lives and Their Manmcnpt Context," in Holy Men and Holy Women: Old English Prose Saints' Lives and Their Contexls, ed. Paul Szarmach (Albany, N.Y .: Univ. of New York Press, 1996),225.

Z4Cf.Rudolf Vleeshyer, The Life of St. Chad: An Old English Homily (Amsterdam: North-HOlland, 1953), 67-70; Ham Schabrarn, Superbia: Studien m m altenglischen

x', Blickling, S. dxi) to be considered, at least in their production, the fmt-hits of

the Benedictine Reform? Even if these codices were not produced under the influence of the reform, the tradition which they represent by no means becarne obsolete after the publication of Ælfiic's collection. Almost imrnediately ÆIfkic's homilies were placed side by side with texts which he had emphatically ~ondernned.'~Elfric hirnself must have known how common this procedure was, since he specifically tries to forestdl such a fate for his own homiletic texts."

Collectors ofien broke up his sets against his express

wi~hes,'~ substituting non-exegetical and allegedly less "orthodox" homilies for his." Wortschatz (München: Wilhelm Fink, 7965), 73-87; Joan Türville-Petre, "Translations of a Lost Penitential Homily," Traditio 19 (1963):5 1-78, Scragg ( Verc., introd.. xxxix) leaves '-die possibility of composition within a range from the later ninth to the later tenth centuries" open for the Vercelli homilies.

" ~ h edating of ail Anglo-saxon manuscripts in this study will follow that of N. R. Ker in Catalogue of Manuscripts Containing Anglo-S'on (Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1957). I6Thesurprishg complacency with which this was done may be explicable if we remember that the main vehicles for expressing his wishes in the matter were prefaces and closing prayers, the most likely part of a collection to be lost or neglected in transmission; Hill, "Reform and Resistance," 38-39. "Cf. Joyce Hill, '?Elfic, Authorid Identity and the Changing Text," in The Editing of Old EngZish, ed. D. G. Scragg and P. E. Szarmach (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1994), 177189. Hill makes the point that %on-authorial re-use can be seen as degradation of the Klfrician tradition," but that cbecclesiasticaland theological activity in the eleventh and early twelfth century cannot be understood if these adapted texts are not examined" (182). "'Old English Prayer Appended to the Second Series of C a t h o k Homilies': "Gif hwa ma awendan wille, donne bidde ic hine, for Godes Mon, bæt he gesette his boc onsundron fram dam twam bocum ae we awend habbaa, we truwid burh Godes diht" (Wilcox, 114). 'Old English Preface to Lives of Saints': "Ic bidde nu on Godes naman, gif hwa bas boc awritan wille, bæt he hi wel gerihte be Pære bysne, and bær na mare b e n ~ u xne sette bonne

Malcolm Godden, while pointing out the extensive circulation of Ælfic's homilies, also notes their kee combination with anonymous works in rnany, if not most, ~~ he calls the method collections and their use in new composite h ~ r n i l i e s .Elsewhere of extraction a "striking but perverse talent for ferreting out fkom unlikely texts by Ælfkic the exhortatory and eschatological material that is in general so uncharacteristic of that author."" Joyce Hill also remarks that the material extracted for use in the anonymous tradition is unrepresentative of the Catholic Humilies as a whole. The compilers omit the validatuig references, side-step much of the systematic exegesis, avoid complex theology, and seize instead upon incidental narrative details and on those occasions when Æifkic deals with such basic practical topics as prayer, penance, fasting, tithing, pride, greed, love, or the need to prepare for ~udgement."

we awendon" (Wilcox, 121). Æl&c is more measured in his Latin preface to the First Series, saying that if his book is not pleasing, the reader may make his own book containing deeper intrrpretations (condar sibi altiore interpretatione librum), but should not pervert his own [ E lfric's] text (Wilcox, 107-8). 2 9 similar ~ process took place with his Lives of Saints collection, although these were usually appropnated as entire texts rather than being excerpted; Joyce Hill, "The Dissemination of Ælfiic's Lives of Saints: A Preliminary Survey," in Holy Men and Ho& Women: Old English Prose Saints ' Lives and their Contexts, ed. Paul E. Szarmach (N.Y. : State Univ. of New York Press, 1996)' 248,252.

30''~lfiicand the Vemacular Prose Tradition," in The Old Engiish Homily a n d its Backgtounds, ed. Paul E. Szarmach and Bernard Huppé, (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1978.), 110-113. 31''Old English Composite Homilies fiom Winchester," 65. 3'~ill,"Reform and Resistance," 40-41. Hill is referring to a study by Mary Swan: "tEfiicas Source: The Exploitation of Elfric's Catholic Homilies fiom the Late Tenth to TweIfth Centuries" (Ph.D. diss., University of Leeds, 1993).

Though Ælfiic's homilies were certauily popular, they apparently never influenced the way homilies were composed by contemporaries or successors.

Ælfnc knew that the anonymous tradition was vigorous and well-established, as he fmds it necessary to state his disagreement with it on several occasions; Malcolm Godden has identified items in the Vercelli and Blickling collections which fit Ælfiic's descriptions." Modem scholars have tended to agree with ÆIfiic in their own assessments of the anonymous tradition. For example, Gatch, in his analysis of the eschatology in Vercelli and Blickling, fmds their theology of the Last Times ambiguous and contradictory, and his verdict has been often cited as conclusive in subsequent s~holarship.~~ It is crucial to notice that scholarly judgment conceming the anonymous homilies has simply followed the preferences of Ælfric himself. There are good reasons for this development. Hill nghtly draws attention to Our own modem j3~oddenlists the Visio Pauli, the apocryphai Assumption of Mary, and the intercession for the damned on Judgment Day as three such texts to which Ælfnc objected; "tEfric and the Vemacular Prose Tradition," 99-1 17. A fiequentiy quoted statement by Ælfi-ic concerning his predecessors may be found in his preface to his First Series: "Pa bearn me on mode, ic truwige ourh Godes gife, Pæt ic das boc of Ledenum gereorde to Engliscre spræce awende, na Purh gebylde micelre lare, ac for dan de ic geseah and gehyrde mycel gedwyld on manegum Engliscum bocum, de ungelærede menn durh heora bilewitnysse to micclum wisdome tealdon; and me ofhreow pæt hi ne cuaon ne næfdon da godspellican lare on heora gewritum" (Wilcox, 108). "Gatch, "Eschatology in the Anonymous Old English Homilies," Traditio 2 1 (1 965): 1 17-165. Gatch's evaluation seems to me to be marred by a misdirected quest for Wear doctrinal statement" in the anonymous homilies, which, as he himself admits, are not concemed with speculative theologizing. Furthemore, his discussion does not sufficiently take into account the variety of sources represented in the anonymous texts.

To the modem scholar, Ælfic's self-definition is seductive. There is a coherence in his work which we c m feel confident about; there is a consistency in his use of sources which aids our andysis; and-most seductive of dl-we have a partially autobiographical persona.... But there is a danger, nonetheless, for as Clare Lees has recently pointed out, our modem authorial conditioning creates "a binary division [of the homiletic corpus] into known writers (ÆIfiic and Wulfstan) and the unknown (anonymous) texts," with a resulting bias in value judgements and a resulting imbalance in the scholarly effort e ~ p e n d e d . ~ ~ In aligning themselves with Ælfric, scholars of Old English homiletic literature have ofien failed to acknowledge the preoccupations of the anonymous tradition and to recognize it as meeting cultural and religious needs which are in a sense complementary to the predominately educational purposes of Ælfnc. Although it is important to note the prejudices of Ælfic (as of modem scholarship), it is also essential to work toward a better understanding of that "other" tradition which forms the background to his efforts. An important step in sharpening Our sensitivity to the various traditions has

been made in terms of Ælfkic's status as a representative of the Benedictine Reform. Joyce Hill has demonstrated that there are areas in which we can observe that Ælfic

''~ethurumhas also observed the modem scholar's preference for ÆIfiic over Wulfstan, the former evoking a "readier response from scholars than do Wulfstan's passion for order and his stem kind of mordity"; "Wulfstan,"21 5. 36Gb~eform and Resistance," 43. Her quotation of Lees is fiom "Working with Patristic Sources: Language and Context in Old English Homilies," in Speaking Two Languoges: Traditional Discip[ines and Contemporary Theory, ed. Allen Frantzen (Albany: State Univ. of New York Press, 199 1 ), 163.

went beyond the standards of his fellow reformers in his efforts to align the secular church to his reformed monastic ideals. For instance, Hill has noted that his ideal of exegetical preaching can hardly be seen as gaining universal acceptance, even arnong other reformers." Similarly, she has pointed out that his attempt to enforce the monastic practice of "silent days" (Le. without preaching) on the three days before Mary Clayton, in her study of Easter was rejected by compilers of later h~rniliaries.~~ the cult of the Virgin Mary, reaches a similar conclusion, noting that ÆIfic's attitude to various apocryphal Marian texts is not so much based on their orthodoxy per se, but on his knowledge of some authoritative condemnation of them. Clayton's study

of the Marian homilies lead her to conclude that Elfric's attitude was an "independent reaction not shared by fellow-reformers," and she therefore cautions against simple pre- and post-reform labels which are used to distinguish Ælfnc and the anonymous corpus.39 The picture which emerges is one of multiple traditions, even within reformed circles, some of which are quite cornfortable with the very texts and practices which ÆIfnc deplored.

17Hill,"Reform and Resistance," 33ff. "Hill, "ÆlfXc's 'Silent Days,"' Leeds Studies in English, n.s. 16 (1 985): 1 18-13 1. 39

The Cult of the Virgin Mary in Anglo-saxon Englnnd (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ.

Press, 1990), 260-266. The traditional view is represented by Gatch (Preaching, 8 and 122ff).

Preaching in the Early Middle Ages Another productive way of moving toward a clearer understanding of al1 OE homiletic literature is to examine the various Latin sources which were available to these writers. Both ÆIfkic and the anonymous homilists drew on Latin materid, much of it written in the patristic era and adapted and preserved in colIections compiled, for the most part, during the Carolingian renaissance. They also inherited

the beliefs of their predecessors in regard to the purpose and scope of public preaching. So, to a certain extent, one can look to the surviving ecclesiastical documents and earlier homiliaries to answer questions conceming the Anglo-saxon milieu. Our information on the textual and ideological ancestors of Ælfnc and Wulfstan is quite full, but the anonymous homilies have not been studied as a tradition at all, due to their indeterminate chronology and diverse sources?'

But even

at the present state of research in this area, it is possible to speak in generai terms about their historical and textual conte-.

As a comprehensive survey of the early

medieval preaching tradition has been done elsewhere, '" 1 will only attempt to sketch

4

"Two inventories which have greatly facilitated investigation of the anonymous homilies are Donald Scragg's "The Corpus of Vemacular Homilies and Prose Saint's Lives before Ælfnc," ASE 8 (1979): 223-277;and Janet Bately's Old English Homilies: A Preliminary Bibliography of Source Studies Compiledfor Fontes Anglo-Suxonicii and Sources ofAnglo-Saxon Literary Culture (Binghamton: Centre for Medieval and Eady Renaissance Studies, SUNY, 1993).

"Sec Yngve Brilioth, A Brief Histoïy of Preaching, trans. Karl E. Mattson (1945; reprint, Philadelphia: Fortress Press, l96S), particularly for the patristic era; Rosamond McKitterick, The Frankish Church and the Carolingian Reforms, 789-895 (London: ROY&

here those points which seem to have some bearing on both the practice of preaching and of compiling preaching materid as it was carrîed out in late Anglo-saxon

England. The most important statements on the subject of preaching for the early medieval church are undoubtedly those of Augustine (354-430) and Gregory the Great (ca. 540-604). Augustine addresses the topic in the fourth book of his De

doctrina christiana, a treatise which essentially reevaluates the place of classical rhetoric in the ecclesiastical setting of the sermon? Augustine appropriates the Ciceronian concepts of the plain, middle and grand styles, used for the purposes of, respectively, teaching, delighting and persuading (docere, delectare,flectere)? Using a culinary analogy, Augustine States that '-there is a similarity between eaters and learners in regard to the fastidiousness of many, for even the foods without which

Historical Society, 1977); and Thomas Amos, "The Origin and Nature of the Carolingian Sermon" (Ph.D. diss., Michigan State Univ., 1984), for the Carolingian period. Gatch, Preaching; and Clayton, "Homiliaries and Preaching," discuss both the Carolingian and the Anglo-saxon traditions. The review in this chapter is very much indebted to these fundamental studies. 4'

-De doctrina chrisriana, J. Martin, ed., CCSL 32 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1962). See James Murphy, Rhetoric in the Middle Ages. A History of Rhetorical Theoryfiom Saint Augustine to the Renaissance (Berkeley: Univ.of California Press, 1974), 57ff; and Tristram, "Early Insular Preaching," 23-28. Augustine's justification for the use of rhetoric in Christian preaching is reproduced in Hrabanus Maunis' De institutione d e r i c o r n XE, PL 107.396-397; cf. M q h y , Rhetoric, 82K

much ~ abbreviated account of the three styles is also found in the Etymologiae 1-3) by Isidore; Isidore of Seville: Etymologie~~ Book II. Rhetoric, ed. and tram. Peter K. Marshall, Auteurs Latins du Moyen Âge (Paris: Société d'Édition "Les belles lettres," 1983), 38. 4

m.

3

it is not possible to live need to be spiced up.'"

Nevertheless, he is careful in De

doctrina to subordinate the skills of oratory to the effective communication of divine tnith. The ultirnate welfare of the listening audience, particularly in the need for clear

instruction and forcehl persuasion to right behaviour, were pararnount: the truths of the Christian message were, in a sense, al1 great matter (omnia sunt magna) requiring the grand style? Similarly, Gregory the Great's highly influentid Liber regulae pastoralis presents an audience-centred approach to teaching, especially in Book 3 in which he differentiates various personality types and how the needs of each may be most effectively met through the preaching office: The discoune of teachers ought to be adapted to the nature of those listening, so that it corresponds to the concerns of the individual, and yet never departs fiom the art of common edification? Gregory stresses the instruction of the laity by both example and word, a formula which was to become a very cornrnon description of clerical respon~ibilities.~'This UDedocnina N.xi.26: "Inter se habent nomullam similitudinem uescentes atque discentes, propter fastidia plurimorum, etiam ipsa, sine quibus uiui non potest, alimenta condienda sunt." j5De doctrina IV. 18.35. '6Liberregulae pastoralis IKprol. : "Pro qualitate iginir audientium formari debet semo doctorurn, ut et ad sua singulis congruat, et tamen a cornmunis aedificationis arte numquam recedat"; Grégoire le Grand: Règle pastorale, ed. Bruno Judic, Floribert Rommel, tram. Charles Morel, Sources Chrétiennes, nos. 381,382 (Paris: Cerf, 1992). 47

Liber regulae pastoralis, I1.3 : "Sit rector operatione praecipuus, ut uitae uiam

subditis uiuendo denuntiet, et grex qui pastons uocem moresque sequitur, per exempla

work was to be stipulated as required reading for every bishop in the Carolingian period and was quoted in its capi~laries."~ Gregory himself composed one of the most popular and widely disserninated homily collections of the early Middle Ages, the Horneliae XL in evangelia. These homilies were most often transmitted as a set?

but were also used in collections intended for popular preaching due to their ';simple, straightfonvard expositions of the Gospel p e r i ~ o p e . ' ~ ~ In the centuries following Gregory, the composition of original hornilies became the exception; most homiliaries were compilations of the writings of the Fathers, as Bnlioth says: "preaching had become an art in the use of borrowed

mate rial^."'^ Perhaps the justification for this was provided by Augustine when he encourages those who cannot compose well simply to read the speeches of those who

cari.*' Nevertheless, as derivative as preaching might have been, the works just mentioned established the requirement for the use of public speaking in the process of teaching and motivating Chnstians. At no time could the Church afford to neglect

melius quam per uerba gradianir." Augustine had also insisted on the importance of the speaker's life, and noted that a cleric's conduct could be a kind of plenitude of speaking (copia dicendi), i.e. eloquence, in itself (De ductrina N.27-29.59-61).

49PatriciaA. Deleeuw, "Gregory the Great's 'Homilies on the Gospels' in the Early Middle Ages," Studi Medievali, ser. 3, 26 (1985): 868.

this important task if it was to be successful in its confrontation of paganism and the shaping of a Christian society. That it was a continuing stniggle to achieve the ideal

of an adequately instructed populace can be seen in the constant need for correctives which were promulgated by the ecclesiastical leadership. One figure who had a tremendous impact on the office of preaching, both during his life and thereafter, was Caesarius of Arles (ca. 470-542). In the early

Middle Ages, as in late antiquity, preaching seems to have been carried out prirnarily by bishops.''

Caesarius launched an aggressive protest against this policy, urging that

al1 clergy-bishops,

priests and even deacons-should

be responsible for the

continual instruction of the people.53 In an adrnonitory letter he States that this was to take place not only in church, but also at banquets and while traveling.j4 Caesarius endorses the use of the patristic authors in extreme cases of ineptitude," but he contends that no special gifts of eloquence are needed to preach, which should be done in the common speech so that the simple congregation could benefit.j6 For

"~raefutiolibri sermonem; Cf. Sermo 1-15;Morin, CCSL 103, 18-19. *'Sermo 1.10, 17; Morin, CCSL 103, 7,13. 5 S S e r ~1.15; o Morin, CCSL 103, 11-12. 56

Sermo 1.12 (Morin, CCSL 103,8): "Si sit in aliquo eloquentia saecuiaris, non oporteat pontificali eloquio praedicare, quod vix ad pauconim potest intellegentiam pervenireT7;A priest should speak in "sirnplici et pedestri sermone, quem totus populus capere possit" (Sermo 1.20; Morin, CCSL 103, 16); cf. Sermo 1.13; Morin, CCSL 103, 10.

those who do not know what to Say he offen a lengthy Iist of evils which must be denounced, fortified by the anticipation of the final ~udgment." The official statement at the Council of Vaison (529), at which Caesarius presided, reads as follows:

Hoc etiam pro aedificatione omnium ecclesiarum et pro utelitate totius populi nobis placuit, ut non solum in civitatibus, sed etiam in omnibus parrociis verburn faciendi daremus presbyteris potestatem, ita ut, si presbyter aliqua infmitate prohibente per se ipsum non potuerit praedicare, sanctorum patnun homiliae a diaconibus recitentur." For the edification of al1 the churches and the beneft of al1 the people it pleases us that not only in the cities, but in al1 the parishes we gant priests the power to speak; if the p k s t is not able to preach because an illness prevents him, the hornilies of the sacred fathers are to be read by deacons.

McKiaerick sees this as marking, '~undicallyat least, the end of the bishop's rnonopoly over the right to preach in the Latin ch~rch,'"~ and there is evidence that Caesarius' policy was remembered and perhaps enforced, at least at Arles, since nearly three centuries later a council was to repeat this injunction in almost the same

s7Sermo1.12, 15; Morin, CCSL 103,4-5, 8-10. s8Canon2, Concilia aevi Merovingici I, ed. F . Maassen, M G H , Leges 3 (Hannover: Hahn, 1893), 56.

60

Council of Arles 8 13, canon 10; Concilia aevi Karolini 1, ed. Albert Werminghoff, MGH, Leges 3 (Hannover: Hahn, 1906), 25 1.

The contribution of Caesarius which was to influence Western Christendom most was not his policy but the more than 200 hornilies he compiled and disseminated, eager to help those with little training and talent by providing a collection arranged according to the church yearO6'These sermons, mainly based on Augustine, reveal his deep concem for his congregation which was still very much pagan in practice and lacked understanding of the fundamentals of Christian belief and behaviour, a situation which was to continue in parts of the Frankish kingdorn

well into the Carolingian period.6' The importance of these sermons, as will be seen below, lies in their great popularity with compilers of collections which were intended for public preaching, and, most significantly for Anglo-Saxonists, with many of the anonymous authors of Old English horni~ies.~~

There is little evidence to infonn us as to how the office of preaching was carried out in the intewening period between Caesarius and the Carolingian renaissance. Sporadic hints in councils, synods, and chronicles suggest that it was encouraged in certain areas of G a d and the Visigothic kingdorn, and certainly the

61

Clayton notes that Taesarius's collection was innovative in that it was intended for the use of secular clergy in preaching to the people7';"Homiliaries and Preaching," 208. Gatch h d s Caesarius "one of the most difficult figures in the history of medieval preaching," presumably because of his "radical tactic" of enjoining priests to preach; Preaching, 32. "Mc~ittenck,introd., xvii-xk and also 119- 122. "Joseph Trahem, "Caesarius of Arles and Old English Literature," ASE 5 (1976): 105-19. Trahem identifies M e Elfician and fifieen anonymous homilies innuenced by Caesarius.

missionary sermon played an important role in the conversion of German and Frisian areas? Homiliaries based on patristic texts continued to be compiled, including that compiled by Pope Leo I in the sixth century: the Horniliary of Toledo in the seventh centuiy, and those by Peter Chrysologus, Alan of Farfa, Pseudo-Boniface, as well as the Homiliary of Würzburg in the eighth century? Some of these homiliaries were intended for public preaching, but, as Thomas Amos points out, without the backing of strong ecclesiastical and secular leadership, the practice of preaching was likely to decline. Such a unified agenda was lacking until the Carolingian renaissance, but for that era several types of evidence point to a renewed interest in public preaching. Charlemagne and the officiais of the Carolingian church saw the sermon as a pnmary means by which the ignorance of the Frankish people could be remedied, essential if the realm was to make progress towards a more unified Christian society.

McKitterick maintains that the evidence of the church councils reveals a clergy responding with energy to the royal decrees conceming preaching.66 Clearly, widespread preaching had to go hand in hand with a drive to educate the clergy who needed to be properly prepared to instnict those in their care. The fxst official .

- - . - - - -

&Amos,"Origin and Nature," 5 1 ff. 65~rnos, "Origin and Nature," 95-208. Amos provides a detailed analysis of these and many other sermon collections.

mention of these educational goals is found in the Admonitio generalis, issued in 789,

in which Charlemagne urges both bishops and priest to read and preach the catholic faith to the people?'

The content of this preaching is also suggested, indicating a

focus on the basics of the Christian faith: the elements of the creed, hell, eternal life, resurrection, vices to be avoided and virtues to be practiced?

In two more

capitularies, issued by Charlemagne in 802, public preaching is again en~ouraged.6~

The missi were instnicted to see to it that Charlemagne's decrees were everywhere carried out, making sure that the clergy preached regularly and were properly supplied with the appropriate bookdo The five Reform Councils which took place in 8 13 sought to further this imperid program, each interpreting the decree in its own ~vay.'~In three of the

67~anon 6 1, Capitularia regum Francorum 1,ed. Alfiedus Boretius. MGH. Leges 2 (Hannover: Hahn, 1883), 58. 68

Canon 82, Ibid., 61-2. Some anxiety concerning orthodoxy is expressed: --utrecte et honeste praedicent; et non sinatis nova vel non canonica diquos ex suo sensu et non secundum scripturas sacras fmgere et praedicare populo." 69

Canon 4, Capilda a sucerdoribus proposita, ibid., 106; and canon 10, Capilula de examinandis ecdesiasticis, ibid.. 110. '''Thomas Amos, "Preaching and the Sermon in the Carolingian World," in De Ore Domini: Preucher and Word in the Midde Ages, Studies in Medieval Culture 27, ed. Thomas Amos, Eugene A. Green and Beverly Mayne Kienzle (Kalamazoo, Mich.: Medievai lnstitute Publications, l989), 44. " ~ r l e s ,canon 10; Rheims, canons 14 and 15; Mainz, canon 15; Chalon, canon 37; Tours, canon 17; Concilia aevi Kurolini 1,ed. Albert Werminghoff, MGH, Leges 3 (Hannover: Hahn, l9O6), 25 1,255,268,28 1,288.

applicable canons the reference to preaching mentions bishops (Mainz, Rheims, Tours), but two mention priests as well (Arles, Chalon)." In some canons the preferred subject matter of preaching is indicated (Tours, Chal~n),'~ and three interestingly mention that preaching should be in the language of the people or at least should be intelligible by them." Nor was this a passing enthusiasm. Subsequent councils affirm and continue the legislative tradition concerning public preaching." For example, the 847 council of Mainz conflates material from two councils of 8 13, Chdon and Tours, in the following statement:

Cum igitur omnia concilia canonum, qui recipiuntur, sint a sacerdotibus legenda et intellegenda et per ea sit eis vivendum et predicandum, necessarium duximus, ut ea, quae ad fidem pertinent et ubi de extirpandis vitiis et plantandis virtutibus scribitur, hoc ab eis crebro legatur et bene intellegatur et in populo praedicetur. Et quilibet

"Gatch attributes the mention of priests preaching in the Arles Council to "local traditions," though he notes that, judging fiom the formulation in the Concordia episcoporum, it seems to have been in accord with the emperor's objectives; Preaching, 35. ?%ee the codation of these two canons quoted below (Mainz 847). 74

Tours: "Et ut easdem omelias quisque aperte transferre studeat in rusticam Romanarn linguam aut Thiotiscam, quo facilius cuncti possint intellegere quae dicuntur." Rheims: "Ut episcopi sermones et ornelias sanctorum patrum, prout omnes intellegere possent, secundurn propnetatem linguae praedicare studeant." Mainz: "Verbum Dei praedicet iuxta quod intellegere vulgus possit." 75

Council of Attigny (822), canons 2 and 5; Concilium romanum (826), canon 3 (Concilia aevi Karolini I, ed. Albert Wenninghoff, MGH, Leges 3 [Hannover: Hahn, 19081, 471-72,568); Council of Meaux-Paris (845/846), canons 34 and 35; and the Council of Valence (8 5 9 , canon 16 (Concilia aevi KaroZini DCCCXLIII-DCCCLX ed. Wilfied Hartmann, MGH, Leges 3 [Hannover: Hahn, 19841, 100- 1,361.

episcopus habeat omelias continentes necessarias admonitiones, quibus subiecti emdiantur, id est: de fide catholica, prout capere possint, de perpetua retributione bonorum et aetema damnatione malonun, de resurrectione quoque fbtura et ultimo iudicio, et quibus operibus possit promereri beata vita quibusve excludi. Et ut easdem ornelias quisque aperte transferrre studeat in msticam Romanam linguarn aut Teotiscam, quo facilius cuncti possint intellegere, quae di~untur.'~ Therefore, shce al1 the conciliar canons, which were received, are to be read and understood by the clergy, we, who must [ive and preach in accordance with them, hold it necessary that these things, which pertain to the faith and which are written to uproot vices and plant virtues, should be ofien read and well understood and preached to the people. Every bishop is to have homilies containing the necessary adrnonitions, by which those who are subject to hirn may be taught, that is, conceming the catholic faith, as they are able to grasp, conceming the perpetual reward of the good and the eternal damnation of the wicked, also concerning the future resurrection and fmal judgment, and by which works the blessed life may be mented and by which excluded. And that everyone take pains to translate these same homilies plainly into the simple Romance or German tongue, in which al1 should be able to understand easily what is said. Similady, episcopal statutes and monastic d e s , compiled by various bishops and abbots both before and after the Reform Councils of 8 13, kequently mention the preaching office? What these councils do not make entirely clear, and one would most like to

know, is (1) the context in which preaching took place and (2) the kinds of homilies 76

Canon 2, Concilia aevi Karolini III. Hartmann, MGH, Leges 4, 164.

"Capitula Theodulji, canon 28; PL 105.200. Chrodegang of Metz, Regula canorum, canon 44; PL 89.1076. Haito of Basle, Capituia ecclesiastica (807-823), canon 6 ; Boretius, MGH, Leges 2,363. Riculf of Soissons, Statuta Riculfi, canon 1; PL 131.15-16. Ebbo of Rheims, De ministris Remensium ecclesiae; PL 135.409. Rodulfi capitula, canon 13; PL 119.709. Vulfadus, Epistola pastoralis adparochos et parochianos suos; PL 12 1.1 137.

and homiliaries used for that purpose. Although there is almost no evidence as to the place of the homily in the liturgy (assuming it took place during Mass), some suggestions have been made." Gatch proposes that "a vernacula. office usually placed after the Gospel," called the prone, must have been the place for the sermon,79 but Amos has challenged this notion, noting the complete Iack of evidence for a separable office.80 The question most relevant to the study of OE homilies is that of the matends

used for preaching. Here, the trend of recent scholarship has been towards identifiing an increasing number of texts as being intended as preaching materials for the secular church. The b a i s for assessrnent of a homiletic collection usually is the

nature of the contents, statements about its purpose made in a preface or prefatory letter and intemal evidence in the homilies themselves. Clayton suggests that most of the surviving collections were intended for monastic use in the night office on "A rare mention of the sermon in a liturgicd text is found in the tenth-century Ordo

Romanus which mentions that the bishop, if he wished, sermonenfacit adpopulurn after the reading of the gospel; Les ordines romani du haut moyen âge, vol. 2., ed. Michel Andrieu (Louvain: Spicilegium Sacrum Lovanieuse, 1960), 357. Preaching after the gospel reading dso was a feature of the Gallican rite as indicated by Pseudo-Germanus: "Homeliae autem sanctorum quae leguntur, pro sola praedicatione ponuntur, ut quicquid propheta, apostolus vel evangelium mandavit, hoc doctor vel pastor ecclesiae apertiore sermone populo praedicet, ita arte temperans, ut nec nisucitas sapientes offendat nec honesta loquacitas obscura rusticis fiat"; Erpositio antiquae liturgiae Gallicanae Germano Parisiensi ascripta, vol. 3, ed. J o m e s Quasten, Opuscula et Textus: Series Liturgica (Münster: Aschendorff, 1934), 15-16. 79Gat~h, Preaching, 37-38. Clayton accepts this proposd as a possibility; "Homiliaries and Preaching," 2 14. * o h o s ,"Preaching and the Semon?" 50.

Sundays and feast days, and some, such as Hrabanus Maunis' second homiliary compiled for Emperor Lothar, were primarily rneant for private devotional use.'' These also include the homiliaries compiled by Paul the ~eacon"and those by Hayrno, HeWc, and Remigius of Auxerre, and Smaragdus, which are al1 exegetical in natureF3

As for those considered appropriate to be preached to the laity, Gatch in his pioneering survey of the Carolingian materials excludes al1 exegetical material fkom this group and maintains that only Hrabanus Maurus' fust homiliary and that of Abbo of St. Germain-des-Prés were used to fülfîll the official decrees."

But the latest

scholarship now suggests that Hrabanus' second homiliary (for archbishop Haistulf), the homiliary of St. Père de ChartressSand that of Landpertus of Mondsee, al1

81

Clayton, "Homiliaries and Preaching," 208-1 3.

ad the Deacon's collection was compiled at the request of Charlemagne and consists of 244 lections for the church year, divided into parts for sumrner and winter. It is a collection of paûistic texts, 15 1 of which are labeled sermones, reproduced without significant change; Cyril L. Smetana, "Paul the Deacon's Patristic Anthology," in The Old English Hornily, 76-97. Clayton, "Homiliaries and Preaching," 2 1 1 - 13. Cf. McKittenck, 94; Henri Barré,

83

Les homéliaires Carolingiens de l 'école d'Auxerre (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, l962), 30, 140; and Amos, "Origin and Nature," 196- 199. 84

Gatch, Preaching, 35. Gatch does not work out a consistent classification for al1 the Carolingian homiliaries. To the two mentioned, he wodd presumably add those cited in a later footnote: St. Père de Chartres, Landpertus of Mondsee and possibly Gregory's homilies (189, n.28). 85

Cf. Barré, (Les hornéliaires Carolingiens, 24), who notes of the St. Père homiliary: "Cet Homéliaire entend fournir au prêtres des modèles et des suggestions pour leurs

compiled in the f m t quarter of the ninth century, were intended for instruction of the laity? Thomas Amos in his comprehensive survey, has identified "over nine hundred sermons written or adapted by Carolingian authon as sources for popular preaching in the period 750-950."87 A few observations should be made about these homiliaries. It would be

convenient if one could draw the dividing line between the two types of collections dong the lines of exegetical vs. moral/catechetical as Gatch seeks to do. But andysis of the materials intended for non-monastic use would indicate that, while they have a "hi& sermon content," they by no means avoid exegesis. For example, although the

preface of Hrabanus' fxst homiliary compiled for archbishop Haistulf of Mainz, States "sermonern confeci ad prgdicandum populo, de omnibus quæ necessaria eis credidi" ('1 have written sermons to be preached to the people, conceming al1 that is necessary for them to b e l i e ~ e ' )the ~ ~frst forty pieces combine exposition of the perkope with an appropriate exhortations9and are therefore exegetical, though

allocutions au peuple chrétien." 86McKitterick,97. Clayton, "Homiliaries and Preaching," 2 1 3 ff. McKitterick also adds the Wiirzburg homiliary and a sermon by Paulinus Aquileia. 87"Preachingand the Sermon," 47.

perhaps in a sirnplified marner?

In part, the difference between monastic and secular preaching texts may be one of sources. Hrabanus' main source is, not surprisingly, Caesarius of Arles, an appropriate choice for what McKitterick calls a "large rural congregation, ignorant and credulo~s."~'Closely related to Hrabanus' collection is that of St. Père de Chartres which also includes a significant number of Caesarian sermon^.^' Finally the homiliary of Landpertus of Mondsee foms another collection possibly intended for public preachingg3and contains exegetical homilies with 'much moral teaching inter~persed."~"M a t distinguishes the collections for the laity fiom those used in a monastic setting seems to be the quantity and level 3f exegesis contained in them and a healthy portion of mord directives and catechetical explanation which is in part a

result of the sources f?om which the material was culled. Some scholars have also suggested the possibility that Paul the Deacon may

90

Clayton, '-Homiliaries and Preaching," 2 14.

"Barré also lists Gregory, Ful gentius and Amalmius; Les homéliaires Carolingiens, 24. This collection has been shown to have connections with Old English homilies by J.E. Cross who has examined and edited selections kom Cambridge, Pembroke College MS 25, an eleventh-century manuscnpt which is a version of the St. Père horniliary. Cross notes its relationship to eight different OE homilies; Cambridge Pembroke College MS 25: A Carolingian Sermonary used by Anglo-Smon Preachers (London: King's College, 1987).

"Clayton, "Homiliaries and Preaching," 2 13. 94

Clayton, "Homiliaries and Preaching," 2 15. Clayton is citing Barré, "L' homéliaire Carolingien de Mondsee," Révue Benedictine 7 1 ( 1 96 1): 80.

have been a resource for public preaching? McKitterick offen the suggestion that it is...unlikely that the Frankish clergy failed to make full use of this collection made by Paul the Deacon for public preaching, even though the content of the semons must have made paraphrase, summarization and simplification for the benefit of a lay audience necessary in many instances.96

In support of this view, McKitterick points to the exarnples of Ælfnc and Wulfstan in the late tenth century, but this proposa1 has not been accepted by other sch~lars.~' Al1 of these are, of course, Latin homiliaries, though delivery to the people must have taken place in the various vernacular languages. Little attempt was made to fuc the vernacular translations in writing; preservation was almost always done in Latin so that little evidence of this activity survives.98 It seems safe to assume that such translation took place, however, as the councils cited above show an awareness of the language issues involved in public preaching. 99 In addition to the difficulties of matching surviving texts with various preaching contexts and of accounting for the language barriers, we still carmot be sure 9s~arré does not exclude the possibility that the so-cdled Carolingian homilies-those by Haymo, Heiric and Remigius-which do not at fmt glance seem suited for public preaching, were used for this purpose; Les homéliaires Carolingiens, 5.

" ~ m o s "Origin , and Nature," 196. 98~c~itterick, 96-97. R. Cruel, Geschichte der deutschen Predigt im Mittelalter (1 879; reprint, Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, l966), 9. 9

%c~tterick, 189. Amos cites some of the s ~ v i n evidence g for this process in "Preaching and the Sermon," 5 l ff.

on what scale the decrees of the councils were carried out, though McKitterick generally expresses optimism as to the efficacy of the educational reforms.lw Certain misgivings are perhaps justifiable when we consider the ability of the secular clergy, particularly priests, either to understand or translate Latin homilies (especidly ex tempore), but this scepticism rnay be partly answered with evidence that suggests that

monastic priests, with their superior education, supplied the needs of the parish churches, particularly in the preaching office.lol Still, practice must have varied f?om region to region and may have been dependent on local episcopal encouragement. This portrait of the Carolingian era, though sketchy, c o n f m s a new agenda for preaching to the people and the use of the sermon as an instructional tool for catechetical and moral teaching and perhaps for some simplified exegesis. There was an attempt to deal with language difficulties and, in the educational reforms, with

clerical incornpetence. Some effort was made to compile preaching aids suitable for a lay audience, drawing on earlier collections made for the sarne purpose.

100~cKitterick, 159,209 and passim. 'O'Thomas Amos, "Monks and Pastoral Care in the Early Middle Ages," in Religion, Culture and Society in the Eady Midde Ages, ed. Thomas F. X.Noble and John J. Contreni (Kalamazoo, Mich.: Medieval Institute Publications, 1987), 165- 180. Amos observes that Alcuin urges abbots to preach to the laity and that Abbo of Fleury defended the rights of monks to preach ("Monks," 174-175). As concems the eleventh century in England, Barlow has also noted that there is good evidence that monks ofien perforrned clerical duties in the secular church, including preaching (334). Cf. Clayton, "Homiliaries and Preaching," 233-

35.

Preaching Materials and Styies in Late AngloSaxon England Some interesting parallels can now be drawn to the situation in England. Certain early records provide an indication of ongoing efforts to promote teaching

and preaching. Missionary preaching was clearly a part of the Augusthian mission in 597. Bede tells us that, following the conversion of King Æthelbert, "every day more and more began to flock to hear the Word."lo' In the Iate seventh century, both

Cuthbert and his teacher Boisil, though rnonks, reportedly ventured into the surrounding countryside to preach in the villages.'03 The Council of Clovesho (747) cdls for bishops to instruct the people by

preaching and to inveigh against pagan practices on their yearly episcopal visits. Pnests also must know the essentials of the faith in order to preach (canon 6) and

should do the latter on Sundays and feast days (canon 14): Sed et hoc quoque decemitur quod eo die sive per alias festivitates majores, populus per sacerdotes Dei ad Ecclesiam sæpius invitatus, ad audiendum verbum Dei conveniat, Missamque sacramentis, ac doctrinæ sennonibus fiequentius adsit.IM

'*'Historia ecclesiastica, L26; Bede k Ecclesiastical History ofthe English People, ed. and trans. Bertram Colgrave and R.A.B. Mynors (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), 76-77. '*-'Historiaecclesiastica, N .27; ibid., 430-434. Cf. Henry Mayr-Hartuig, The Coming of Christianity to AngZo-Saxon England, 3* ed. (University Park, Penn.: Penn State Univ., 1991), 242-43. '@'A. W. Haddan and W. Stubbs, eds., Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents Relating to Great Brifain and Ireland, vol. 3 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1871), 367.

It is also decreed that on that day [Sunday] and on other major feast days, the people, oRen summoned to church by the priests of God, should meet to listen to the word of God and to be often present at the sacrarnents of the masses and the sermons of teaching.

A legatine synod of 787 urged bishops to preach and not be silent, lest they be like false shepherds who flee when they see the wolf approaching.105

In the tenth and eleventh centuries some of the products of the Frankish preaching initiative already mentioned above were translated into Old English. The

Capitula Theodulfi urge priests to be prepared for preaching (canon 28) and the people to gather for the mass and preaching (canon 45).lo6 One chapter of the Rule of Chrodegang entitled De cura quam in populo sibi comisso debent habere clerici

('Concerning the care which the clerics ought to have for those people entrusted to them') states that preaching should occur at least twice a month and preferably every Sunday and feast day. 'O7 'OS'Report of the Legates George and Theophylact of the Proceedings in England, ' Haddan and Stubbs, 449.

Io6PL 105.200-206. There are two Old English translations of the Capitula Theodurji extant: Oxford, Bodleian Library, Bodley MS 865 (2737), and Cambridge, Corpus Christi College MS 20 1;Hans Sauer, ed., Theudu@ Capitula in England Die altenglischen &ersetmngen, zusammen mit dem lateinischen Text, Müochener Universitats-Schnfien, vol. 8 (München: Wilhelm Fink, 1978). L07ReguZa canonicorurn, XLN, PL 89.1076: "Constituimus ut bis in mense per totum annum, de quinto decimo, in quinto decimo, verbum salutis ei [populo] prædicetur, qualiter ad vitam ætemam, Deo auxiliante, perveniat. Et si omnibus festis et Dominicis diebus assidua fùerit prædicatio, utilior est; et juxta quod intelligere vulgus possit, ita prædicandum en." There is also an Old English Rule of Chrodegang extant (in additon to s e v e d hgmentary survivais): Cambridge, Corpus Christi College MS 191; A S . Napier, ed., The

There is no conclusive evidence that the ideals represented by these texts became a matter of comrnon practice in England before the Benedictine Reform. However, the fact that, as mentioned above, both the Vercelli and Blickling collections presumably draw on exemplars which were compiled andor translated perhaps even as early as the age of Alfred, should prevent us from taking too dim a view of the instructional efforts of the Church before the Reform. In m y case, like their Frankish counterparts, the Anglo-saxons were at least sporadically reminded of the need for public preaching. In seeking to fulfill this mandate, ÆIfic, Wulfstan and the anonymous writers turned to previous collections for material, and the discrepancies between the traditions may be partly explained in the sources they drew upon. Elfric's main sources were the collections of Paul the Deacon, Haymo, and Smaragdus, none of which seems to have been originally compiled for preaching to the laity but rather for monastic or pnvate devotional use.lo8 Though Ælfiic sought to adapt these sources to a lay audience, their more monastic, leamed nature, naturally, resulted in a very different kind of end product than that of homilies based on materials originally intended for the laity. Old English, wiîh the Latin Original, of the Enlarged Rule of Chrodegang, EETS, O.S., 150 (London: Kegan Paul, 1916).

"'c.L. Smetana, "Ælfic and the Medieval Homiliary," Traditio 15 (1959): 163-204; and "Ælfnc and the Homiliary of Hayrno of Halberstadt," Traditio 17 ( 1 96 1): 457-69. Joyce Hill, "Ælfric and Smaragdus," ASE 2 (1992): 203-237.

The anonymous homilists, by contrast, used whatever sources seemed suitable, which ofien meant standard public preaching materials such as the sermons of Caesarius of Arles, transmitted in collections like the version of St. Père found in Cambridge, Pembroke College MS 25,1°9and, unlike Ælfnc, they Geely used already existing vernacular homilies. Clayton has noted the sirnilarity between Blickling and Hrabanus Maurus' fwst horniliary and especially the St. Père collection in terms of arrangement, occasions covered and type of texts represented.'IO It is likely, once the sources of the anonymous tradition have been comprehensively cornpiled, that an even clearer connection between sirnilar Latin collections for public preaching will emerge. To his contemporaries, the output of Ælfiic must have seemed a novel approach to public preaching and, no doubt, a valuable and kesh influx of ready-tohand sermons, but they were not prepared to give up the traditional sermon with its

I W ~ h imaterial s is often referred to as the "Gallican-Celtic" tradition; cf. Gatch (Preaching, 122-23) and Stanley B. Greenfield and Daniel Calder, A New Crirical History of Old E@sh Literature (New York: New York Univ. Press, 1%6), 72. However, the diverse sources used by the anonymous homilists and the collections fiom which theu materials may have derived have not been thoroughly catdogued, so that it is impossible at this point to make accurate statements about the tradition as a whole. The SASLC project has discovered some Hiberno-Latin sources; Sources of Anglo-Saxon Literary Culture: A Trial Version, ed. Fredenck M. Biggs, Thomas D. Hill, and Paul E. Szarmach (Binghamton: Center for Medieval and Early Renaissance Studies, S U N Y , 1WO), 87-1 23. See also Kiidegard Tristram, "Early Insuia.Preaching," passim. ""Clayton, "Homiliaries and Preaching," 223-25.

heightened rhetoric and strong moral admonition."

l

Appreciation and composition of

the anonymous homilies continued long after Æ l ~ c 7works s had been widely disseminated. 1 will suggest that, at least in part, these texts were chosen and continued in their popularity simpiy because they were inherently well-suited to their target-audience and to the purposes for which churchrnen used them. They are, for the most part, 'preaching" instead of 3eaching"-texts, meant for oral delivery to an unlettered audience,' l' Though 1 am not suggesting that al1 the anonymous homilies were equally powefil when delivered, they do often employ such schemes as formula, repetition, enurneration, and direct speech (both monologue and dialogue), al1 of which have been associated with a target-audience which functions primarily on an oral level, and

al1 of which enhance oral comprehension and retention.'13 111

C f Erich Auerbach's discussion of the patristic and later medieval sermo humilis, and his statement that "the cornmon people were great lovers of rhetoric"; Liferary Language and its Public in Lare Latin Antiquiiy and in the Middle Ages, tram. Ralph Manheirn (London: Routledge, 1%j), 53. "'~aul Szamach, comparing Vercelli XVI and one by Elfric (CHI, VU), concludes that "Elfric is pnmarily interested in e x p l m g the importance of the Epiphany and the doctrine of the Incarnation. The Vercelli homilist in contrast is primarily interested in moving his audience"; "The Vercelli Homilies: Style and Structure," in The Old English HorniZy, 267, n. 38. See also Szarmach's cornparison of Vercelli 1and Ælfnc's De Parsione Domini in 'The Earlier Homily: De Parasceve," in Studies in Earlier Old English Prose, ed. Paul E. Szarmach (Albany: State Univ. of New York Press, 1986), 394. i13ThomasAmos, discussing homilies used for instruction of the laity in the Carolingian era, lists the following features: timeless temporal references, formulas, extemalization of doctrine, "homely" imagery, the use of mnemonic aids; "Early Medieval Sermons and their Audience," in De l'homélie au sermon: Histoire de la prédication

So, while Ælfiic (though not without occasional misgivings II4) believed that what his "mixed" lay and monastic congregation at Cerne needed most was strictly authoritative exposition of biblical passages as well as fundamental doctrines presented in a plain teaching style, many of his contemporaries and successors,

though glad to make use of his writings, saw the need for another kind of homily and consequently often chose catechesis and exhortation over exegesis,l15 paying less attention to the sources from which their material was denved, perhaps partly out of

an awareness that their audience would have Iittle appreciation for the fmer points of scholarship.' l6 Such a view may serve in some cases to remove the taint of "heterodoxy" and

médiévale, 1 - 14.

'140n several occasions Ælfkic betrays an aoxiety as to the intellectual capacities of his audience and their willingness to listen to lengthy exegesis, as, for example, in the Latin preface to his first series of Cutholic Homilies: "seculares omnia nequeunt capere, quamvis ex ore d o c t o m audiant"; Wilcox, 107. "*~xegesisis not wholly absent, however; Clayton lists Vercelli 1, V, XV-XVIII and Blickling 1-III, VI, XI, XII as exegetical or partly exegetical; "Homiliaries and Preaching," 229.

"6Swannotes that when anonymous hornilists used ÆIfkic in their compilations 'ihey rarely include Ælfnc's references to his own sources and authonties" (192). And Clare Lees has made the important point that in oral delivery "dl homilies are anonymous homilies and d l are mediated through the trope of the voice of the speaker" ("Homiliaries and Preaching," 166). Even if an "auctor" was mentioned in the homily, it is not likely that the unlettered in the audience would have appreciated such references.

"bad taste" which has discredited the anonymous corpus.l" Nor need the discrepancy be seen as one of training and intellectual capabilities. The exampie of Wuifstan may serve as a reminder that a well-educated reformer who was zeaious to ensure the "right belief," could prefer the ''preaching7' rather than 3eaching" style for much of

his output. Similady, we may suppose that other homiiists were either monks like

Ælfiic or bishops (often from monastic house~l'~), as these were the two groups most likely to have the training and authority to engage in this activity. What hides behind the equivocal terms used to described the anonymous tradition-"dazzling

display of rhetoric,"'

lg

"effbsive, piled-up ~Iauses,"~'~ "more

colomil, if less main~tream,"'~' "mishmash of Christian ideas without a clear agenda9""-is

an expression of scholarly tastes, rather than an attempt to understand

their effectiveness in terms of reception by the target audience. Broadly speaking,

one may Say that the three goals of such homilies, whether consciously articulated or

17~ristram in her survey of Anglo-saxon homiletic materials distinguishes between an "orthodox" and a "heterodox" tradition, although she does not class dl the anonymous hornilies in the latter category; "Early Insular Preaching," 5, n. 7.

L'8This was true at least fiom the second half of the tenth centuy on; P.A. Stafford, "Church and Society in the Age of ÆllÎic," in The OZd English Homily, 20.

Il9P.E.Clemoes, "'Elfric," 176-209. ""Godden, "ÆLfiic and the Vemacular Prose Tradition," 110. ~onathanWilcox, 19. '"Karen Jolly, Popdar Religion in Lote Saxon England: Elf Chams in Contexf (Chape1 Hill: Univ. of Carolina Press, 1996), 75.

not, are audience appeal, retention of important directives, and motivation towards behavioural changes. The difficulty in appreciating how well these aims were achieved lies in the simple question, as asked by Amos: "How can we understand the effects that popular sermons, which we study as Mtten documents, had on audiences which heard them orally?"") 1 will be exploring only one way of answering that question by focusing on the

use of the rhetorical device of the drarnatic monologue. Though the scope of the study of rhetoric in late Anglo-saxon England has been questioned, in the rhythmical prose of both Ælfnc and Wulfstan we can observe an effort to harness the possibilities of their native tongue to the service of public persuasion and instruction, and it has been claimed that they perhaps used their rhetorical training to accomplish

this purpose. "" One might aiso reasonably speculate that at least some of the

'""Early Medieval Sermons," 1. Or, as John O'Malley says: "The greatest challenge of ... is to overcome the written and static nature of the evidence we possess in order to try to arrive at a better understanding of a reality that was oral and fileeting"; "Introduction: Medieval Preaching," in De Ore Domini: Preacher and Word in the Middle Ages, ed. Thomas Amos, Eugene A. Green and Beverly Mayne Kienzle (Kalamazoo, Mich.: Medieval Institute Publications, 1989), 2. lZ4~uke Reinsrna has cautioned against an overly enthusiastic identification of rhetoncal figures in the later Anglo-saxon period, noting that there is no evidence that Augustine's De doctrina was known, and that most of what was known on the subject would have been through the Etymologiae of Isidore, whose comrnents on the subject he dismisses as "dry, lifeless science." Reinsma concludes that "ÆlEc and his countryxnen exhibit an uncertainty, even a mistrust of the nature and goais of rhetoric itself"; Thetonc in England: The Age of Ælfiic, 970-1020," Communication Monogruphs 44 ( 1 977): 400-402. This position has been recently questioned by Knappe (29ff.,466).

anonymous homilists had basic training in rhetoric.I3 A lengthy trope such as the dramatic monologue was probably present in the s o ~ r c e , "though ~ it is not unknown to more iÏeely composed texts."'

In this case, it is important to distinguish between

the reader who selects the homily-Le.

already translated OE version-and

the homilist who fmds it in Latin or in an

the target audience to whom he intends to preach

the homily. The latter's appreciation of rhetorical tropes must have varied greatly,

while the former may very well have recognized a rhetoncal feature such as ethopoeia, a dramatic characterization in which the orator, according to Isidore, must

ask himself "Who is speaking? And before what audience? And about ~ h a t ? ' " ' ~

'"Jackson J. Campbell, dealing mostly with the eighth century, suggests that "the notions Old English preachers had of arrangement or structure of their matenal probably came as much fiom imitatio as fiom study of rhetoric books, though of course both avenues of leaming were open to them"; "Adaptation of Ciassical Rhetoric in Old English Literature," in Medieval Eloquence: Studies in the Theory and Practice of Medieval Rhetoric, ed. James J. Murphy (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1W 8 ) , 179. Knappe maintains that imitatio, rather than application of the classical ars rhetorica, was the prirnary methodology of AngloSaxon homilists (439,459). "'Surely it should not surprise us to fmd rhetorical figures in the sources used. Most of the patristic wrïters would have had some or even as in the case of Augustine, considerable training in rhetonc; Brilioth, 22-63. '"Bernard Huppé has observed that the prefaces of both Alfred and Æifnc employ the device of the dramatic monologue; "Alfred and ÆIfkic: a Study of Two Prefaces," in The OZd English Homily, 119-137.

'" Etymologiae II. l4,L

Cf. Epzologiae II.21,32:"Ethopoeia est, cum sermonem ex aliena persona inducimus." George Kennedy notes that this rhetorical device directly influenced homiletic and hagiographie literature; Classical Rhetoric und its Christian and Seculur Tmditionfrom Ancienr to Modern Times (Chape1 Hill: Univ. of Noah Carolina Press, 1980), 164.

The homilist may have also observed that these monologues are either laudatio (Greek: epenon) or vituperatio (Greek: psogon), Izg classical genera which are exemplified in the style and tone of the homilies which 1will s w e y . On the other hand, it is not likely that the homilist chose the text as a preaching text merely because its rhetoricai structures comrnended themselves to him. It seems more plausible that he was aiso influenced by his perception of his audience, the illiterate laity with its cognitive conventions and spintual needs. As 1will show in the following chapters, this does not mean that the selections

always had to be as '%impie" and straightforward as one might assume. After d l , as will be seen, the speech of the soul to the body requires not only the conjuring up of a disembodied soul, but its settîng in an indeterminable future place and t h e . Similady, the idea of bringing the historical Christ into the present of the audience or

the notion of Christ communicating by means of an ancient, non-canonical letter, demand a recreation of history and an imaginative application of that event to the present. The vemacular verse often requires comparably sophisticated imaginative leaps in the acceptance of a cross that speaks and a bird that regenerates (Dream of the Rood, me Phoenix), the significance of which is quite beyond the literal 12'Cf. Isidore's Etymologiae II.29,13.Vituperatio was for the most part passed over in the early classical manuals of rhetoric, though it was certainly practiced and particdarly useful in a judicial setting; Clemens Ottmers, Rhetorik (Stuttgart: Metzler, 1996), 29. Ottmers cites Rhetorica ad Herenniurn 1.5.8-

pre~entation."~To these monologues one might add those in Christ a n d Satan, the riddles, and the elegies-The

Seafarer, The Wanderer, Deor, The Wge's Lament, The

Husband's Message, Resignation-which

feature the poet's drarnatic representation

of a persona-13' 1 therefore suggest that the habits of mind needed to appreciate a dramatic monologue were reinforced by the vemacular poetic traditi~n.'~' One might speculate that for both preacher and poet there were conventions of gesture and tone of voice which would have provided the necessary cues for the assumption of the drarnatic persona. Here it is also worthwhile to note that the second half of the tenth century was the tirne period when we may look for the beginnings of liturgical drarna. In the Regdaris concordia is found one of the fust examples of the Quem quaeritis, a reenactment of the discovery of Christ's empty tomb in which monks were to irnpersonate the angel and the three women coming to

'''~argaret Schlauch has argued that the form of the Drearn of the Rood is that of prosopopoeia, a speech delivered by an inanimate object; 'The 'Dream of the Rood' as Prosopopoeia," in Essa-ys and Studies in Honor of Carleton Brown (New York: New York Univ. Press, 1940), 23-34. See also Knappe, 41 1fK 13 1

C f A.C. Bartletî, m e Larger Rhetorical Patterns in Anglo-Smon Poetry (New York: AMS Press, 1966), 100-106; and Douglas Moffat, The Old English Sou1 and Body (Wolfeboro, New Hampshire: D.S.Brewer, 1WO), 37.

13?D.R.Letson has examined the relationsl~ipbetween poetry and homiletic literature fiom a similar point of view, stressing that the two shared features such as rhythm, alliteration, and in generai the "affection for delectable pedagogy"; "The Poetic Content of the Revival Hornily," in The OZd EngZish Hornily, 143.

the tomb on Easter rn~rning."~ It is important to keep in mind, however, that cornparisons with classical rhetorical practice and with Iater drama will ultirnately fa11 short when it cornes to the overarching purpose of the monologue in a homily. Rhetorical form and dramatic presentation were subordinate to the goal of the spiritual instruction of the audience. This will become quite clear as 1examine both the content and the context of each monologue in its function as a persuasive act. However, throughout this study it will also be seen that in these dramatic monologues the need of the clergy to instruct and motivate and the need of the audience to hear the message in an appealing and emotionally inspiring way intersected favorably, a success which is attested by the evident popularity of the homilies in which they are found.

L33Regularis concordia, canon 5 1, Symons, 49-50. One monk was to sit in the place of the sepulcher (sepulcri locum) and the other three were to pretend to be looking for something (ad similitudinem quaerentium); then a Sung dialogue between the 'women" and the "angel" occurs. Appropnate costume is also mentioned: "quamior h t r e s induant se, quorum unus,alba indutus...residui tres...omnes quidem cappis induti, turibula cum incensu manibus gestantes" ('four of the brethren shall vest, one of whom, wearing an alb....the other three brethren, vested in copes and holding thuribles in their hands'); translation by Symons. Cf. Tirnothy J. McGee, "The Liturgical Placements of the Quem quaerifisDialogue," Journal of the American Musicological Society 29 (1976): 1-29; and David A. Bjork, "On the Dissemination of Quem queritis and the Visitatio sepulchri and the Chronology of their Early Sources," Comparative Drama 14 (1980): 46-69.

Chapter 2 The Soul's Address to the Body

Hum, dæs behofad hæIeda æghwytc pæt he his sawle si6 sylfa gebence, hu bæt bib deoplic bonne se dead cymed, asyndred ba sybbe Be ar samod wæron, tic ond sawle! (Soul and Body 1, II. 1-Sa)

The Soul's Address to the Body is known to students of Old English literature, if at dl, rnainly in its poetic adaptations known as Soul and Bo& I and II'; the homiletic versions of this speech have received comparatively little attention. And yet, it is not dificult to see how this monologue has the potential to rouse scholarly interest in its origins and use. The Soul's Address takes place afier death, of course, either at the separation of body and soul, during a periodic visit of the soul to the grave, or at the Last Judgrnent when the two are about to be reunited in preparation for their final destiny. Depending on whether the soul is good or evil, it either praises

'~dited,respectively, by George P. Krapp, The Vercelli Book, AngIo-Saxon Poetic Records [ASPR], vol. 2 (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1932), 54-59; and E.V.K. Dobbie and George P. Krapp, The Eieter Book, ASPEZ, vol. 3 (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 2936), 174-178.

or blarnes its body for the life they lived on earth. The tone is often pesonal, and the scene can be highly drarnatic and emotionally charged as bitter accusation mixes with regret as well as terror of the punishment to corne. Since this remarkable feature occurs in nine OE sermons, representing four

different versions, it was singled out early in the history of OE homiletic studies as meriting special attention. Its history has been traced'

its sources discovered,' and

its literary influence on the Iater debate form discussed:

These topics seem to have

exhausted the interest in the homiletic version, and only sporadic attention has continued to be given to the OE poem, mainly in the form of controversy concerning its t h e o l o d and the relationship of the two poetic versions found in the Exeter and

'~héodorBatiouchkof, "Le débat de l'âme et du corps," Rornania 20 (1891): 1-55, 5 13-78.Louise Dudley, The Egyptian Elements in the Legend of Body and Soul, Bryn Mawr Monographs, vol. 8 (Baltimore: J.H. Furst, 191 1). 'Louise Dudley, 'feiEarly Homily on the 'Body and Sod7Theme," JEGP 8 (1909): 225-253.Rudolph Willard, "The Mdress of the Soul to the Body," P M U 50 (1935): 957-83. 4

Gustav Kleinert, "Über den Streit zwischen Leib und Seele. Ein Beitrag zur Entwicklungsgeschichte der Visio Fulberti," (Ph.D. diss., F&itfchsUniversity of HalleWittenberg, 1880). Ham Walther, Das Streitgedicht in der Iateinischen L iteratur des Mittelalters, Quellen und Untersuchungen zur lateinischen Philologie des Mittelaiters 5 (1920;reprint, Hildesheim: G.Oims, 1984). Eleanor K.Heningham, An Early Latin Debate of Body and Soul (NewYork, 1939). 5

Benjamin P. Kurtz, "Gifer the Worm: A n Essay toward the History of an Idea," University of California Publications in EngZish 2, no. 2 (1 929): 235-6 1. Cyril Smetana, "Second Thoughts on 'Soul and Body 1,"' Mediaeval Studies 29 (1967): 193-205. Allen Frantzen, "The Body in Soul and Body 1," The Chaucer Review 17 (1 982): 76-88.

Vercelli Books!

This study hopes to reawaken the homiletic adaptations of the

Soul's Address fiom the slumber of neglect in an analysis which seeks to discover its historically and culhirally determined uses. What was the Anglo-saxon homilists' perception of the speech and what can we know about its effect on its intended

audience? 1 will be approaching these questions kom two angles. 1 will fust examine the mmuscnpt context (the position of the homilies in the codex in relation to other texts) and the literary milieu (swiving analogous texts). Secondly, 1 will look at the homilies themselves, studying the theological implications of the speech, the nature of the material in which the Soul's Address is embedded, and the rhetorical structures and use of drama found in the speech. Only then will it be possible to assess its purpose, use and possible effect on the intended audience. Finally, 1 will compare these discoveries with the later development of the Address during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.

6 ~ l i s oGyger, n T h e Old English Soul and Body as an Example of Oral Transmission," M Æ 38 (1969): 239-44. Peter Orton, "Disunity in the Vercelti Book Soul and Body," Neophilologus 63 (1979): 450-60; and "The Old English Soul and Body: A Further Examination," M Æ 48 (1980): 173-97. A recent edition is Douglas Moffat's The Old English Soul and Bod (Wolfeboro, New Hampshire: D.S.Brewer, 1990).

The Latin Sources

According to Louise Dudley, the ultunate origin of the Soul's Address is to be sought in Coptic Christianity which was influenced by the beliefs of ancient ~ g y p t - ~ Even though the exact nature of the transmission cannot be traced, Dudley shows that the Soul's Address was arnong the several features of later Sou1 and Body material

which seem to have their roots in Egyptian folklore.'

By the time the Address is translated into OE, it is already found in four versions which differ enough fiom each other to presuppose a lengthy history of transmission. However, of the Latin sources which have been identified d l but one post-date the earliest OE versions, which lirnits our knowledge of its prier textual history. What has obscured this lacuna is that source studies have been content to refer to the Patrologia Latina,which does not provide satisfactory references to the manuscripts from which the texts are drawn. For exarnple, a reasonabiy close Latin source of the OE homilies HomSauer and H o d a p i e r XXIX9 is printed as Homily 7

Dudley, Emtian Elements, 104- 1 10.

8

Ibid. Dudley mentions two speeches found in the Necrosima of Ephraem the Sflan and one in the Coptic Histoire de Marc le salutaire as parallels to those fond in the "Macarius" version of the Soui's Address. h this version the departure of a sotd fiom its body and its reception by devils is witnessed by a monk who reports to St. Macarius what he saw. nie OE homilies HomNapier XW( and HomSauer (see following note) and the Latin homilies Adpatres L m and Batiouchkof s "Nonantola" hornily (see following discussion) are dl variants of the "Macarius" version. 9

The following editions and designations will be used for the OE homilies: HomAssmann X I V : Bruno Assmann, ed., Angelsachsische Homilien und Heiligenleben (1 889; reprint, Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschafl, 1964), 16469. Hodealey:

LXIX of the pseudo-Augustinian collection Sermones adfiahtes in eremo, which the Maurists say is a compilation by a certain Jordanus d e Saxonia of the fourteenth century, and Germain Morin has attributed to a Belgian forger of the twelfth century.1° However, LXIX was apparently not part of the onginal collection, but belongs to a group which was gathered by the editors from other, unfomuiately unidentified manuscripts. So although, according to the editon, the Sermones ad fratres in eremo appear to have enjoyed a wide circulation, there is no evidence that

LXUC did as well."

To my knowledge, there are only two manuscripts which c m be associated

Antonette diPa010 Healey, ed., "An Edition of Junius 85 ff. 2v-17r," (Ph.D. diss., University of Toronto, 1973), 294-340. HomMurfh: Kathleen M. Murfin, ed., "An Unedited Old English Homily in MS. Camb., U.L. Ii.1.33," (Ph.D. diss., Rice University, 1971), 26-42. HomNapier XXIX:Arthur Napier, ed., Wurfstun: Sammlung der ihm mgeschriebenen Homilien nebst Untersuchungen über ihre Echtheit (1 883; reprint, Dublin: Max Nihans, l967), 134-43. HomSauer: Hans Sauer, ed., Theodu[fiCapitula in England: Die altenglischen Ühersetnrngen (München: Wilhelm Fink, 1W8), 4 11- 16. HomScragg IV: Donald Scragg, ed., The Vercelli Homilies and Relared Texts, EETS, O.S., 300 (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 19W), 90-107. Al1 citations of OE homilies will be by hornily number (if nurnbered) and line number (page number where there is no continuou lineation); al1 abbreviations have been expanded.

''PL 40.1355-1357. Germain Morin, "Un écrivain belge ignoré du XIICsiecle, GeofEoi de Bath, ou Geofnoi Babion?" Revue Bénédictine 10 (1893): 36. "Jean-Paul Bonnes, who attempts to sort out the sources of this collection, finds none for L m ; "Un des plus grands prédicateurs du XII' siecle, Geofioy du Loroux dit Geofioy Babion," Revue Bénédictine 56 (1945-46): 177-7811.1. A. Treloar notes that items XLKLXXVI are a "miscellaneous collection added to an orginal series" and that LXIX "resemble[s] the style of the earlier sermons," but he offers no further evidence for its date of composition; &'TheAugustinian 'Sermones ad fiatres in eremo commorantes,"' Prudentia 3, no. 1 ( 197 1): 40. Cf. J. Machielsen, Clrnis paîristica pseudographomm medii aevi Opera homiletka, vol. 1, pt. A. (Turnhout: Brepols, 1WO), 242, 260 (#1127, #ll96).

with this version of the Soul's Address. One has been discovered by Batiouchkof in

an eleventh-century manuscript fiom Nonantola, now in Rome.I2 The contents of this volume are not otherwise horniletic in nature: Amalarius' Forma institutionis canonicorum, the pseudodugustinian Regula monastica and an Ordo Romanus."

Hauréau lists the incipit of LXIX as the beginning of a homily on fol. 46 of Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale MS 5558, a fourteenth-century manuscnpt containhg a Gospel o f Nicodemus, poems on the Virgin Mary, confessional formulas, and two sets

of anonyrnous sermon^.'^ The other OE version for which a Latin source has been found is that of

HomMurfin. Here a pseudo-Isidore Sermon provides the basic text for part of the homily, though it must be at some remove fiom the exemplar used by the author of HornMurfm, as the Latin which is sometirnes quoted in the OE text differs substantially fkom that printed by Migne."

The sole witness to this text would

"The homily is printed as an appendix in Batiouchkof s study (576-78). Ruysschaerî, Les Manuscrits de Z 'abbaye de Nonantola, Studi et Testi 182 (Città del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1955), 55. L3José

'"Barthélemy Hauréau, Initia operum scriptontrn latinorum medii potissirnum aevi ex codicibus manuscripris et Zibris impressis alphabetice digessit, vo 1. 2 (1900; reprint, Turnhout: Brepols, 1974), 367. CutaZogus codicum manuscriptom bibliothecae regioe (Paris: Typographia Regia, 1739-44). ' 5 83.1223-1225. ~ ~ Cf. Murfin, 2. A shorter version of this homily is another of the Sermones adfiatres in ererno LXVIII, which however does not include the souls' speeches. Another version, in a fourteenth-century Spanish manuscript, Escorial T.I. 12. (fol. 2083, according to the explicit, concludes right after the speech of the good soul; unless, of course, this homily reverses the order of the speeches. The manuscript contains homilies by Bede,

appear to be a ninth-century manuscript-Munich,

Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, c h

17059- which is a collection of mostly Augustinian sermons; the homily is there attributed to Isidore! The textual history of these anonymous homilies must remain at present impenetrable; we simply do not know where they came fiom or what purpose they

may have sewed when they were originally authored. Since so much sermon material from the early medieval period remains uncatalogued, one can only state tentatively that as far as we know these two sermons did not enjoy a wide circulation before the tenth century. How and when they came into the hands of our Anglo-saxon hornilists remains a rnystery for the time being. A more general observation conceming the relation of the Latin and Old

English sermons can be made, however. In the two related homilies Adfratres LXIX and Batiouchkof s "NonantolaYy version, the treatment of the Macarius legend takes up almost the entire homily, with very little prefatory and concluding matter added.

In the OE adaptations (HomNapier XXIX, HomSauer) the vision has become more of what one might cal1 an exemplum: it has been greatly shortened and supplemented

Augustine, Caesarïus, works by Isidore, and saint's lives; the homily is the final item. Guillermo Antolin, Catalogo de los cddices latinos de la real biblioteca del Escorial7vol. 4 (Maàrid: Imprenta Helénica, 191O), 103.

"Karl Halm et al., Cafaloguscodicum Zutinorum Bibliothecae Regiae Monmensis, vol. 2, pt. 2 (1 878;reprint, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1969), 78-79. Cf. Machielsen, vol. 1, pt. B,804-805(#5306).

with extensive admonitory passages drawn fkom other sources, both Latin and vemacular, or possibly original.''

The case of pseudo-Isidore III, Adfratres LXVIII and H o d u r f i is in some ways similar. It seems probable that the Soul and Body matenal of pseudo-Isidore III was added at some point to a hornily which was very much like Adfiatres L M 1 1

(see note 15). The source of HomMurfin was the longer version as represented by pseudo-Isidore Il?. In this case, the Latin homily provided the Anglo-Saxon homilist with both the prefatory material and S o u k Address, but additional material was drawn from another pseudo-Augustinian sermon, Adfiatres LXVI, to form his conclu~ion.~~ Therefore, in these two instances in which Latin sources, however imperfect,

are known, it can be shown that the Anglo-Saxon homilists' treatrnent of the Soul and Body material differs from that found in the Latin compositions. It has become a story used to exernplify and dramatize a point made in the other parts of the homily. This adaptation probably also took place in the OE sermons for which we have no Latin parallels. For example, despite the length of the Soul's Address in HomScragg

' ' ~ o m ~ a ~XXIX, i e r for example, includes a prose adaptation of the OE poem Judgment Day II Ilnmediately before the Macarius legend. HomSauer has translated a section of Ephraem the Syrian's De paenitentia as its introduction; Charles D. Wright, 'The Old English 'Macarius' Body and Sou1 Homily, Vercelli N, and Ephraem the Syrian's De puenifenfia,"(paper presented at the International Congress on Medieval Studies, Kalamazoo, Mich., May 1996).

IV, there is a long introduction and an awkward adrnonitory conclusion which someone found necessaty to affuc to the end.19

The Manuscripts

The absence of early Latin sources makes it al1 the more remarkable that so much, and such varied Soul and Body material may be found in OE. Including the poems, there are eleven occurrences of the Address found in manuscripts ranghg fiom the late tenth to the late tweltth centuries. An examination of these manuscripts should yield valuable information as to how the homilies which contained the SOU^ Address were perceived by those who selected hem, as weil as their purpose and status in relation to other kinds of texts, whether Elfician, apocsphd, or poetic. The manuscripts which contain the homilies 1 will be discussing are listed in the chart below. The sigla are those used by scragg," with the Æ1fÎicia.n sigla-used by Clemoes, Godden and Pope-provided

in ~arentheses";the dates are those

19

Scragg, Verc., 88-89. Scragg notes that the ending, the motif of the devil as archer shooting mows of suis, sits "hcomfortably with what goes before," and that '-the language is noticeably different."

"D.G. Scragg, "The Corpus of Vemacular Homilies," 223-1777. "Peter Clemoes, ed., Æ w i c 's Catholic Humilies: The Fint Series. Text. EETS, S.S., 17 (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1997). Malcolm Godden, ed., I;Elfiic 's Catholic Homilies: The SecondSeries. Text., EETS, S.S., 5 (London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1979). John C. Pope, ed., Homilies of Ælfiic: A Supplementary Collection, EETS, O.S., 259 (London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1967). These editions wiil be hereaf3er abbreviated as CH 1,CH II and ÆSupp-; citation will be by homily and line number.

assigned by Ker? My designation for the individuai homilies forms the third column.

Cambridge, University Library MS Ii. 1.33 (S. xii')

HomMurfin

Cambridge, Corpus Christi College MS 302 (S. xi/xii)

HomAssmann X N

London. British Library, Cotton Faustina MS A i x (S. xiil)

HomAssrnann XIV

Oxford, Bodleian Librmy, Junius MS 85/86 (S. xi med.)

HomHealey

Cambridge, Corpus Christi College MS 41 (S. xi')

HornScragg IV

Cambridge, Corpus Christi College MS 367 pt. II (S. xii)

HornScragg IV

Vercelli, Biblioteca Capitolare MS C X W (S. x')

HornScragg IV

Odord, Bodleian Libraiy, Hatton MS 1 13 (S. xi 3" quarter)

HomNapier XXIX

Cambridge, Corpus Christi College MS 20 1 (S. xi med. )

HomSauer

It should be clear, even fiom this simple list, that the homilies which contain

the Soul's Address to the Body are &en found in the sarne manuscripts which contain Ælfkician homilies, even though he himself never used this material and rejected the Visio Pauli,which has certain similarities to it." Al1 of the manuscripts

"N.R. Ker, Catalogue of Manuscripts ContainingAng[oSeçon (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1 957).

"CH 11, m.14- 16: "Humeta raedd sume men. 5a leasan gesetnysse. de hi hataà padus gesihde. nu he sylf saede. bæt he da digelan word hyrde. pe nan eordlic mann sprecan ne mot" ('How do some men read that false composition which they cal1 the vision of Paul, when he hirnself said that he heard secret words which no earthly man c m speak'). It should

postdate the Benedictine Reform. There would seem to be a variety of uses represented in these manuscnpts. Since d l the pieces are non-exegetical, they are not in thernselves tied to any particular event in the church year. However, manuscripts K(0) and J O , two closely related manuscripts containing mostly Ælfkician items, designate the Address homily (HomAssmann XTV) for the fourth and sixth Sundays after Epiphany (or quando volueris) respectively, bearing the heading [LurspeTJbe m m drihtne .24

Furthemore, even though J(N) has two additional Ælfncian homilies for this season than K(0)and thereby brings the total to seven homilies designated for the Sundays following Epiphany (a number which is never needed), yet the compiler of this collection did not choose to omit any of the anonymous pieces? Here an example of modem bias against the anonymous homilies may be observed. In studies of the ÆIfEcian items it has been noted that K(0)and J(N) are so closely related that it is agreed that they must have a cornrnon ancestor. Another manuscript, Cambridge University Library MS Ii.4.6 (Pope/Godden M), though not that ancestor, has been identified as also deriving fkom that line of descent. The

be noted, however, that ÆIfric's condemation is a matter of logic, based on St. Paul's statement that he did not report his vision, rather than on the particulars of the Visio Pauli itself. He does not seem to object to visions of the afterlife in general, suice he follows his contention with the visions of Fursey and Drihthelm. "Scragg, "Corpus of Vemacular Homilies," 245-247. Pope, introd., 48-52. 2s

There are three anonyrnous items in this section of J O , Ker 153 arts. 4,5, and 6.

question is whether the two Ælfiician items for the Sundays following Epiphany, present in J(N) but not in K(O),were present in their exernplar. If not, J(N) must have added them to the anonymous items; if so, then K(0) must have deliberately omined them, preferring the anonymous compositions. Although the Elfician homilies precede thb anonymous homilies in J(N), and the latter follow without a break and are numbered consecutively with the former, Pope believes that the Elfician items were an "dterthought," added because the compiler was "not

satisfied with the inherited set for Sundays after Epiphany"; this was done "not because a larger supply was urgently required, but simply on the score of their weight

and merit."'6 However, even if their incorporation had occurred in a predecessor of J O , one would still need to explain their independent inclusion in the closely related

M; Pope calls this "mere coincidence.'"'

But Godden disagrees and believes that the

Ælfncian items were part of the collection fkom the beginning." This view tums the tables on the status of the anonymous items, since now it seems that they were added to the already present Æ1fiicia.n items in a predecessor in the J(N)/K(O) line. Furthermore, the absence of Ælfnc's two pieces from K(0) indicates that at some point the anonyrnous texts were actually preferred over these Elfician items.

26Pope,introd., 50.

"Godden, CH II, introd., l x x x v i - l e i . Godden cites Clemoes as being in agreement with him on this point.

According to Godden, the anonymous items common to both K(0) and J(N) were most likely added to their predecessor at Rochester or Canterbury; subsequently K(0)

omitted eleven of J O ' s homilies (including the Ælfncian items) but retained the anonymous ~ i e c e s The . ~ ~homily containing the Soul's Address is one of these favoured anonymous texts. The homily which is the source of the Address in the two hornilies just

mentioned is found in an earlier manuscript, C(fP), fiom the rnid-eleventh century. Although the collection as it now stands contains one Ælfician homily, palaeographicd evidence indicates that it was added at a later date." The collection, now imperfect at the beginning, began with the Soul and Body homily (HornHealey), which interestingly was augrnented with a version of the Visio Pauli. Both the scribe

of the Visio and the scribe of the homily into which it was inserted made textual connections between the two texts once the Visio had been added.31 Furthemore, the collection contains not only these two related texts, but other sirnilar material such as a homily containing the "Three Utterances of the Soul," and a vita of St. Martin which, as Healey points out, features a death-bed scene in which there is a struggle

'gGodden, CH II, introd., 1 4 . 30

Scragg, "Corpus of Vemacular Homilies," 235.

"Antonette diPa010 Healey, The Old English Vision of St. Paul, Speculum Anniversary Monographs 2 (Cambridge, Mass.: Mediaevai Academy of Arnenca, 1978), 45.

for the saint's ~oul.~'Healey notes the compiler's predilection for 'tigorous scenes ~ ~ manuscript has been associated with a which dramatize the fates of s o u l ~ . "The south-eastern scriptorium, possibly that of St. Augustine's, ~anterbury,~~ which cohcides with the Iater appearance of a modified version of this Address in J o / K ( O ) , whose predecessor, as noted above, was augrnented with its anonymous

items in that area. The remaining manuscripts reveal a variety of attitudes towards these homilies.

O(T), also known as "St. Wulfstan's h~rniliary,"~'is a collection of homilies produced in Worcester in three parts: the Fust is an assortment of homilies, most by Wulfstan but some anonymous; part two is a liturgically arranged homiliary for fured festivals other than Saint's Days; and the third part covers the Saint's Days. The Sou1 and Body homily (HomNapier XXIX) is one of o d y three anonymous items in the fust section and bears some traces of a "Wulfstan-like" reworking (see discussion below). It seems at least possible that the compiler thought that the author of this homily was Wulfstan, since this portion of the codex contains nearly al1 of the authentic homilies of Wulfstan and several more composed partly of Wulfstan

"Ibid., 16-18. Godden, CH II, introd., lx. Scragg, "Corpus of Vernacular Homilies," 236.

"St. Wulfstan, bishop of Worcester (1062-95). Cf.Bethunim, Homilies of WuIfstan, 4.

The placement of HomSauer in R is inexplicable. The homily is found, by itself, between the Latin and OE versions of the Capilula Theodulfi. Perhaps it was rneant to be copied into another codex. Another explanation may be that the scribe

was not compiling a homiliary at the time he ran across this homily and simply recorded it wherever he had some fkee space?' The earliest manuscript, A, is the well-known Vercelli-Book which contains twenty-three homilies and six items of poetry, including the longer poetic version of the Soul's Address.

The arrangement is not according to the church year, but rather

the collection appears to have an ascetic and eschatological focus, presumably reflecting the compiler's tastes and private reading habits.38 The homily containing the Soul's Address (HomScragg IV) occupies the fourth position in this collection,

the penchant for eschatology and the ciramatic in the rest of the book being enough to explain its presence. There is no rubric which might give us some clue as to its position in the exemplar fkom which it was copied, unless that fact itself is an indication that it was not designated for a specific Sunday.

3 6 ~ e t hHomilies ~ , of Wu[lsfn, introd., 4. Scragg, "Corpus of Vemacdar Homilies," 253-254.

37~ts cornpanion volumes CCCC MSS 191 and 196 contain no homiletic material. 38~cragg believes that the compiler had "no overall design for his book"; Verc., introd., xx.

h o t h e r copy of HomScragg IV is found in a very late manuscript, f (S. xii), where it possibly had a place in a iiturgically-arranged collection of which now ody fragments survive. Only one folio of the Address is extant, and the beginning is

rnissing. The other items in this homiliary were mainly by Æ l f ~ c . ' ~

S(L) is apassionule compnsed of texts derived mostly from Ælfic's two Catholic Homilies series and his Lives ofSaints. But following these, the compiler

added a few miscellaneous te-:

the Sou1 and Body homily (HornMwfin), a

translation of Alcuin's De virtutibus et vitiis, an anonymous homily compiled fiom the Canons of Edgar, Ælfiic's version of the vision of Drihthelm and the poem Inshtctions for Christians. The section has been called a "moralizing and admonitory appendix" by Pope, probably an apt description of the compiler's purpose in selecting these t e x d o

An even more heterogeneous assortment of texts is found in D. Here, in the

margins of a copy of Bede's Ecclesiastical History, are collected, apparently by one

scribe, a varied selection of items including liturgical pieces, a section of a martyrology, charms (both Latin and OE), a kagrnent of the Solomon and Satum dialogue, several homilies based on apocrypha, an exegetical homily, and a homily containhg the Soul's Address to the Body (HornScragg IV).

"Godden, introd., lvii. Scragg, "Corpus of Vemacuiar Homilies," 262. ?ope,

introd., 38. 59

From these descriptions it cm be seen that the manuscript conte-

varied from

placement in a liturgical sequence to an addition in seemingly idiosyncratic compilations. This observation suggests that these homilies were popular, since they were not copied mechanically as part of a set collection, and it may also indicate that they were ofien viewed as cornplementary texts outside of the regular preaching cycle. An interesthg pattern may be observed if the manuscript dates are examined.

Those which assign the Address-hornily a place in the church year are fiom the twelfth century (K[O], Jw], fa), while the other collections are earlier in date? Manuscript O(T) fiom the third quarter of the eleventh century may already show the beginning of this process in its incorporation of the Sou1 and Body homily into a Wulfstan collection, which, though not liturgically arranged, seems not to be a supplementary part of the codex, either. Does this indicate an increasing acceptance and use of the homilies containhg the Soul's Address to the Body? Certainly, if Ælfiic or his fellow-reformers found this material problematic, their attitude had little

long-term effect on its distribution and integration with ÆIfrician homilies. Another variable of its status could be the nature of the individual versions.

The J(N)/K(O) version, HornAssmann Xni', features a relatively short, less ciramatic Address of the soul. It has been greatly reduced fkom its source, a version of

4 1 ~exception n is S c ) from the second half of the twelfth century.

60

HomHealey which has a rather less canonical place in a collection containhg the Visio Pauli and various chatms. However, the fully drarnatized Address represented

by HomScragg IV, though placed with apocryphal works in D (Apocalypse of ïlomas, Gospel of Nicodemus, charms), has also by the twelfth century made its way into the liturgically arranged collection P. The "Macarius" version in O(T) and R seems to have gained approval by the end of the eleventh century as a homily associated with Wulfstan's circle, though some aspects may seem offensive to modem sensibilities." Whatever was the deciding factor, it seems clear that the Soul's Address experienced not a decline but an increase in popularity. In collating the various homilies one is struck by the fact that four completely independent versions-five

if

we count the homiletic version which was undoubtedly the source of the poem-had attracted the attention of the Anglo-saxon homilists and were circulated enthusiastically, three of them appearing in more than one manuscript copy. This not only indicates that the material was acceptable, but that it was regarded as useful and attractive in some way. Despite its anonymous status in the homiletic literature, it continued to be presewed, adapted and preached whenever needed.

" ~ h i sis the homily in which devils pierce the sinfûi person in eyes, mouth and h e m then carry the soul off and shove it into a dragon's mouth which then regurgitates it ont0 the fires of hell.

Analogues

If a study of the Sou1 and Body homilies in their manuscript conte-

reveals

the Address' continued popularity and usefulness, then an examination of some of its literary analogues may uncover how such strikingly dramatic and, by modem estimations, heterodox material could have gained acceptance, especially following the Benedictine Reform. Using the term "analogue" loosely to refer to texts or

features which in some way bear a resemblance to the Soul's Address, 1 wiil attempt to sketch a portrait of the metaphors and images which rnay have been familiar to the audience of these homilies. The Soul's Address, whether it is specifically introduced as such or not, belongs to the vision genre. In it the audience is called upon to witness extraordinary events which are not normally perceptible to human beings. When the setting is Judgment Day (HomScragg IV, HomAssmann

m.it becomes prophetic,

resembling the biblical Apocalypse. When it takes place at death (HoniNapier XXIX, HomSauer) or during the interval between death and judgment (HomMurfin, HomHealey), it becomes a vision of the spiritual world, events believed to be taking place daily and yet imperceptible to ordinary people. Several visions of the afterlife, though by no means on the scale of Dante's Cornedia, are known to have been curent during the Anglo-saxon penod."

In The

"cf. Arnold Barel van Os, Religious Visionî- The Developrnent of the Eschatologicc~l Elements in Mediaeval English Religious Literature (Amsterdam:H.J. Paris, 1932); and

Ecclesiustical History of the EngZish People, Bede recounts the visions of two men, Fursey and Drihthelm, who had extraordinary experiencesU Fursey was granted a vision of, among other things, a fxe which bums away evil desire after death, atoning for past sins." Fursey would not tell the story to anyone but only to "those who questioned him...because they desired to repent?' So also the nobleman Drihthelm, reportedly allowed to return from death, tells of four different otherworld places: one where spirits are cast fiom a blazing f i e into the ice-cold of a snowstorm, a chasm of

darkness and fxe into which spirits are dragged by devils and tormented, a pleasant meadow, and fmally a very bnght light. The four scenes are explained by his angelic guide as being, respectively, a place of punishment for those who only confessed at i

death, hell, a place of waiting for the good-but-not-perfect, and heaven. Bede makes it clear that the information conveyed, rather than merely sewing to satis@ curiosity, was intended "to arouse the living fkom spiritual death.'*'

We are assured that

Drihthelm would not relate his experience to those 'who were living a slothful or a careless life, but only to those who were terrified by fear of the toments or delighted

D.D.R. Owen, The Vision of Hel[: Infernal Journeys in Medieval French Literature (Edinburgh: Scottish Academic Press, 1970), chapters 1 and 2. UHistoriaecclesiasticc~m.19, V .12; Colgrave and Mynors, 268-277,488-499. 45Historiaecclesiastica III.19; ibid., 273. "Historia ecclesiastica III. 19; ibid., 293. "Historia ecclesiastica V.12; ibid., 489.

with the hope of eternal joys and were ready to make his words a means of spiritual ad~ancement.'"~Drihthelm hirnself reacts to his vision by distributing his possessions and entering a monastery, a worthy example to those who may hear about his experience. Another vision reported by Bede, this tirne that of a wicked man, records that, shoaly before his death, he is shown the tiny book of his good deeds by angels and the enormous book of his sins by devildg Based on this incontrovertible evidence

the devils pronounce that the man's soul belongs to them. The scenario is very sirnilar in outline to the "Macarius" version of the Soul's Address as well as a story found in the Vitae patns wregende hire borie ungetriowan broder, and hio hefiglice hine deW(11. 191-93). 78"~onne ne beo nan man odres mannes ælmessan to geomfull, butan he wite, bæt he mzge ægder gebetan ge his agene synne ge eac odres mannes, forban de æIc man haiB on his agenre byrdene genoh" ('One should not be too eager for the alms of another man, udess one knows that one is able to do penance for both one's own and the other man's shs, since each man has enough in his own burden'); Napier, XLVI, 239.2125. 7

%apier, XLVI, 239.25-240.6. The complete homily is found in two manuscripts, Cambridge, Corpus Christi College MS 419 (S. xi') and Oxford, Bodeian Library, MS Bodley 343 (S. xii'); the former is composed of mainly anonymous homilies, though its companion volume (CCCCMS 421), contains ÆInician pieces; the latter is a large collection which includes anonymous as well as Elfician and Wulfstan items. The portion of the hornily under discussion also appears as an interpolation in the "Institutes of Polity" in Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Junius 121(s. xi, 3" quarter), a manuscript compiled in Worcester, as companion volume to Hatton MS 113, which has a Soul and Body homily; cf. Josf Imtitutes of Polity, 14.

sou1 and accuse it in the following way:

Hwi noldest Bu, earme, betan ure synna, ba bu hy onfenge burh ure ælmessan? Hwy noldest Bu, forwyrhte, biddan pe arfulle bingeras wia pone æimihtigan brym bære halgan brynnesse and æt kaxe soBan annes~e?~O Why, wretch, would you not do penance for our shs, when you accepted them through Our a h ? Why, evil-doer, would you not ask for honorable intercessors with the almighv majesty of the holy Trinity and that tme oneness? Jost points out that œlmesse is here a euphemism for the payrnent given to another to do penance on one's behalE8' The sins accuse the soul of pocketing the money without performing the prornised penance. The monologue is so clearly fictional that there is no need to dari@ this point for the audience. The improbable situation which it presents is ignored, namely that the personified sins assume the moral hi& ground and state that the soul promised them prayers and fasting but betrayed them. It is clear that the speech was a useful rhetorical device for a direct attack on those who take money for penance which they either were not able or never intended to perform. As in the Soul's Address, the speakers take the part of the injured Party, and the speech is very personal and specific in its accusations: We wendon, pæt pu wære godfjrht and hæfdest gastlice gebæm beforan us, ac Bu hæfdest deofles gebanc æt binre heortan, and bu wære

''Karl Jost, Wufi~ansfudien, Schweizer anglistische Arbeiten 23 (Bem: A. Francke, 1NO), 23 8.

an licetere, and De buhte æfie to lytel ure æIme~se!~ We thought that you were God-fearing and you had a spiritual demeanor in our presence, but you had the devil's thought in your heart, and you were a hypocrite, and always thought our alms too little. Despite its logical absurdity, the speech offers a vivid dramatization of the dangers of vicarious penance. The author of this monologue may have been familiar with the Soul's Address.

In addition to the sirnilarity in tone and format, there is the comment "bonne farad hy butu forwyrd" ('then they both will undergo destruction') which seems odd applied to the soul and its sins, but is a comrnon statement conceming the soul and body.')

For

example, in HornHealey the soul exclaims that ' k i t donne butu sculon beon birnende

in bæm ecan fyre" ('we two must then bum in that eternal f~e')'~ and similarly in Sou2 a n d Bo&

I(11. 101-2): "sculon wit bonne eft ætsomne sidtjan brucan 1 swylcra

p b a , swa du unc her ær scrife!" ('the two of us must then afterwards together

partake of such miseries as you here ordained for the two of us before')?

If an audience could be expected to exercise its imagination enough to accept speeches from dry bones and sins, then this must affect our evaiuation of how the -

-

qapier, XLVI, 240.26-24 1.3. "Napier, XLVI, 240 -5-6.

'*Cf. HomScragg N: "Gang pu, sawl, in Pæt forlorene hus. Ela gyt ætsomne syngodon, gyt eac ietsomne swelten"; Verc., N.303-304.

Soul's Address was perceived. Furthemore, there are two additional examples of a speaking soul which point to a wider tolerance for this rhetoncal device. A similar monologue of the soul is central to Vercelli XW which is an adaptation fiom Isidore's Syn~nyrna.~' The OE homily transforms part of a dialogue between man

and reason in Isidore into a monologue by the soul. The soul bemoans its wickedness in life and its present torment and even resorts to an appeal to the devils which torture it, an element not found in the source. At one point, again an addition in the OE, the sou1 refers to its body and here, as in the Soul's Address, it briefly accuses it:

Wa la pæt ic swa lange on minum lichaman eardigan sceolde, I>ahe me reste geeamigan ne wolde!" Woe, that 1 had to dwell so long in my body, when he did not want to eam rest for me! Perhaps the author of this homily is supplementing his source fiom another speech of the soul, which he remembers due to its carefully balanced, rhyming clauses. The introduction of the taunting devils and accusation of the body may very well be due to

the influence of Sou1 and Body homilies on this homilist, an understandable association since the decay of the body, the tonnent of the soul and the îrmsitoriness of life are al1 common topics in these texts.

"Verc., XXII.50-5 1. Cf. HomScragg IV:"Nies ic næfke in Fe aret, ac a me puhte bæt wyt wæron to lange ætgædere"; Verc., N.214-2 15.

The exemplum which comes closest to the "Macarius" version of the Soul's Address is the so-called "The Three Utterances of the Soul," although it is more

This ~ narrative is properly termed a dialogue since angels or devils reply to the s o ~ l . * ultimately based on an account in the Viraepatmm, which, however, does not itself . ~ ~of the appearance of two hosts, one contain the utterances of the ~ 0 ~ It1consists angelic and the other demonic, who contend for the souk f m t of a wicked and then good man at the tirne of death. In the case of the former, the devils enurnerate the man's sins and bear his soul to hell. The good soul is led out by angels, and the archangel Michael leads it to the throne of God. The utterances which the souls make as they leave their bodies are the following:

"This homily was popuiar and the Latin version is extant in nearly thirty rnanuscnpts; Mary F. Wack and Charles D.Wright, "A New Latin Source for the Old English 'Three Utterances' Exernplu~n,~~ ASE 20 (1991): 188. Cf Rudolph Willard, Two Apocrypha in O[d Engiîsh Humilies (1935; reprint, New York: Johnson, l967), 3 1- 149; and "The Latin Texts of 'The Three Utlerances of the Soul,"' Speculum 12 (1937): 147-166. Al1 OE homilies which have the 'Three Utterances" are found, curiously, in manuscripts which also have a version of the Sou17sAddress: MSS O(T), K(O),J(N) and C(P). In two collections it immediately precedes the Soui and Body homilies in the sequence for the Sundays following Epiphany. Willard does not mention ÆIfric's translation of the Vitae Paimm exemplum in Cotton Vitellius C.V., fols. 176v-T. ggPL73.101 1-10 12. Ælfiic's treatment is a translation of this version and therefore contains no comments by the soul; ÆSupp., XXVII.15-82. An Irish version which does incorporate the utterances has been printed by Car1 Marstrander, "The Two Deaths," Ériu 5 (191 1): 120-135.

Evil Soul

Eala,hwæt! Pis is mycel nearones!

Good Soul

Eala, hwæt! Pis is mycel leoht and bis syndon fægere geferan!

Eala, hwæt! Pis syndon mycele peostni!

Eala, hwæt! Pis is mycel bliss!

Eala, hwæt! Pis is g r i d i c siMæt Be we on syndon!

Eala, hwzt! Pis is swete sibfzt on to farenne and swyde w y n s ~ m ! ~

Oh, this is a great oppression!

Oh, this is a great light and these are fair cornpanions! Oh, this is great joy! Oh, this is a pleasant and very delightful journey on which to travel!

Oh, this is a great darkness! Oh! This is a terrible journey that we are on!

These are rather formulait suggestions of the soul's state of mind and do not compare

in ciramatic force to the Soul's Address. The soul's statements focus on terror or bliss and do not address the bodyg'; therefore they are also in themselves unable to contain the element of exhortation found in the Address. The vision is, however, very much

like the "Macarius" version of the Soul's Address. In both (HornNapier XXIX, HomSauer), the setting is the time of the death and there are taunting devils present. The evil and good souk' fates are carefully balanced against each other. There may even be an allusion to the "Three Utterances" in the Soul's Address when the devils

jeer that perhaps the wicked soul expects Michael to corne to its aid.

'OBazire and Cross, IX.28,32,35-36,70-71,74-75,79.

"The Irish adaptation does state that the evil soul curses its body following its three laments; Marstrander, 123.

Although we cannot now know for certain how well Anglo-Saxon audiences understood the rhetorical devices which came fiom the pulpit, these analogous texts show that the Soul's Address was not alone in its use of a fictitious monologue and depictions of the moment of death. Most of its elements were familiar and orthodox.

Body and Soul Theology

Reading the Soul's Address in the context of other, similar monologues provides the perspective needed to appreciate its place in the parenetic literature of its tirne. Employing fictional direct speech was clearly neither unusud, nor was it cause to label the work heterodox. We have heard dry bones address the living, sins address the soul, and the soul cry out to devils. Each of these speeches has, as 1have tried to show, its purposes as a didactic tool, its dramatic potential exploited in the service of teaching and exhortation. Scholars studying these monologues have s h o w almost no concem with the theological implications of the foregoing addresses primarily because they are so obviously fictional that it would be ludicrous to do so. Not so with the Soul's Address to the Body; although the homilies have been, for the most part, spared this

kind of scrutiny, the poem's theological position has received quite a bit of attention. By implication, then, it becomes necessary to examine this aspect of the Soul's Address in order to determine its canonicity during the Anglo-Saxon penod and later.

Are we dealing with heterodox material whose doctrines are "out of line with the best opinions" and whose view of the body '7rernbIes on the edge of here~y"?~'Does its popularity imply theologicd naiveté, unconcem, or worse, a subversive sectarianism

during this period? To the modem mind, a soul speaking to its body, berating it or praising it for how it lived its life on earth, imrnediately raises certain questions. What, for example, did the writer assume the precise relationship of sou1 and body during life to be? If the soul anhates and supposedly controls the body, how c m it accuse its body of

acting against its own wishes? If the soul is not responsible, why is it, too, subject to etemal punishment? 1s the sou1 wholly good and the body evil? These questions have been variously answered in discussions conceming Soul and Body I and II. Benjamin Kurtz accused the poem of revealing a defmite hatred

for the body and would seem to see a dualism similar to that found in ~ a t h a r i s r n . ~ ~ Cyril Smetana sought to vindicate the poem from these accusations by pointing out that the famous Gifer passage which focuses with gmesome detail on the horrors of

the grave is merely an "ill-advised and amateurish realism," a "lapse of taste.""

9 2 T . ~Shippey, . Poerns of Wisdom and Learning in Old English (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1 W 6 ) ,32.

94

Smetana, "Second Thoughts," 200.

Smetana draws attention to the orthodox teachings on the soul found in the p ~ e r n . ~ ' Allen Frantzen has furthered the discussion by noting that the evil and good souls' insistence that it was the body which eamed them their respective states is hlly in keeping with the notion in penitential practice that both the offense and the penance

for that offence are done by means of the body? Associating these hornilies and poems with penitential practice undoubtedly b ~ g uss closer to the religious context

of this material, but it does not entirely resolve the question of whether it is the body or the soul that is responsible for evil deeds in the first place. In fact, the penitential scheme seems to assign al1 responsibility to the body, leaving the soul without a function, or at least, as Frantzen says, that function remains une~pressed.~'

In order to answer some of these questions it will be necessary to take a bnef look at the early medieval conception of soul and body.98 Already in the New Testament we fmd statements which involve complex and potentially misleading

98

For a comprehensive discussion of views of body and soul in antiquity and early Chnstianity, see Rosalie Osmond, Mutucil Accusation: Seventeenth-CenfuryBody and Sou1 Dialogues in their Literary and Theological Context (Toronto: Univ. of Toronto Press, 1990),3-20. Cf. Ench Auerbach's discussion of Augustine's Sermo 256 which treats the Padine passage 1quote here (27ff.,especially at 32). Augustine's views of the body and its resurrection are discussed by Caroline Walker Bynurn, The Resurrection of the Body in Western Christianity, 220-1336 (New York: Columbia Univ.Press, 1995),94-104.

metaphors. For instance, in the book of Romans St. Paul saysg9: Scio enim quia non habitat in me hoc est in carne mea bonurn. Nam velle adiacet mihi perficere autem bonum non invenio.... Condelector enim legi Dei secundum interiorem hominem; video autem aliam legem in membris meis repugnantem legi mentis meae et captivantem me in lege peccati quae est in rnembris meis. uifelix ego homo, quis me liberabit de corpore mortis huius.Iw For I know that there dwelleth not in me, that is to Say, in my flesh, that which is good. For to will, is present with me: but to accomplish that which is good, I find not ....For I am delighted with the law of God, according to the inward man: But I see another law in my members, fighting against the law of my mind, and captivating me in the law of sin, îhat is in my members. Unhappy man that 1am, who shall deliver me fiom the body of this death? Paul is using the opposition of flesh and spirit metaphorically to depict the inner struggle between the good and evil impulses within the human being. However, saying that the law of sin dwells in one's memben and calling the body the "body of this death" was no doubt an invitation for later, more literal associations between the body and evil or sin. A similar passage in Galatians 5: 16-19 provides the much-repeated metaphor

of warring factions: Dico autem spiritu ambulate et desiderium carnis non perficietis. Caro

99

Cf. Romans 85-6.I Peter 2:11: 'karissimi obsecro tamqilam advenas et peregrinos abstinere vos a carnalibus desideriis quae militant adversus animam." Al1 citations fiom the Vulgate are fkom Biblia sucra iuxta vulgatum versionem, ed. Robert Weber (Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 1969). The English translation is fiom the Douay-Rheims edition, revised by Richard Challoner (1 582- 1609;reprint, Baltimore: John Murphy, 1 899).

enim concupiscit adversus spiritum; spiritus autem adversus carnem; haec enim invicem adversantur ut non quaecumque vultis illa faciatis. Quod si spiritu ducimini non estis sub lege. Manifesta autem sunt opera carnis quae s m t fomicatio, inmunditia... 1Say then, walk in the spirit, and you shall not fùlfil the lusts of the flesh. For the flesh lusteth against the spirit: and the spirit against the flesh: for these are contrary one to another: so that you do not the things that you would. But if you are led by the spirit, you are not under the law. Now the works of the flesh are manifest, which are fornication, uncleanness...

The adversarial relationship of car0 and spiritus is plainly delineated here in terms which promote a kind of personifkation of the two entities as two enemies. Furthemore, the body clearly takes the part of the corrupting pruiciple. Whatever Paul intended, it is easy to see how medieval theologians could exploit what was originally oniy figurative to explain the literal relationship between body and soul. Metaphorical uses of the soul and body dichotorny existed side by side with statements which explicitly deny any dualist tendencies identiQing the body with evil. Augustine, for exarnple, is quite clear when he States: Nec car0 corruptibilis animam peccatricem, sed anima peccatrix fecit esse corruptibilern ~arnem.'~' Nor did the corruptible flesh make the soul sinful, but the sinhl soul made the flesh corruptible. And Ambrose also denies the culpability of the body: Quid camem quasi infmam accusamus? Membra nostra arma sunt '''De civitate Dei, XIV.3; B. Dombart and A. Kalb, eds., CCSL 48 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1955), 417.

iniustitiae et arma iustitiae.'02

Why do we accuse the flesh as though it were weak? Our members are weapons of injustice and weapons of justice. But it was dl too easy to muddy the waters with statements such as this one by Augustine: Tunc ergo coepit Caro concupiscere aduersus spinturn, c m qua controuersia nati sumus, trahentes originem mortis et in membris nostris uitiataque natura contentionem eius siue uictoriam de prima praeuaricatione gestantes. 'O3 Then, therefore, the flesh began to lust against the spirit; when we are bom by this conflict, we take on the origin of death and, on account of the fmt sin, we bear in our members and in Our corrupted nature its struggle or victory.

If there is a tension here between doctrinal statement and metaphoncal expression, it was not perceived as a contradiction; rather it seems that both had their applications. Depicting soul and body as representing moral choice or conflicting desires was a drarnatic and effective way of explaining an important aspect of hurnan experience.

During the Anglo-Saxon period, soul and body are similady represented. In the homiletic literature there is a broad agreement that the sou1 is a faculty which is

' " ~ eIacob et

beara vita, L3,lO; Karl Schenki, ed., CSEL 32, pt. 2 (Wien: F.

Tempslq, 1897), 10. lo3Decivitate Dei,Xm.13; Dombart and Kdb, CCSL 48, 395.

granted to every human being by Gad? Sou1 and body differ primarily in that the body is mortal and will return to dust, that is, decay, at the t h e of death and that the soul is immortal and Iives on after death.'" There is also a notion of the resurrected body at Judgment Day; a body that will be immortal--whether it is destined for etemal punishrnent or bliss. 'O6

It is when we turn to the relationship of soul and body, however, that we fmd both the metaphorical and the literal senses employed even though they are sometimes contradictory. Generally, the soul is seen as the animation of the body, the entity that exercises volition.lo7 Ælfiic says that the soul guides the body, and, following Augustine, calls the soul the mistress of the body, which is her servado8

The soul governs the five senses and the lirnbs and is enclosed (befangeen)by the body.lo9 But, the body is also said to war against the soul and, if the soul permits, it is

ImCHI, 1.174-76; CH 1,XX.265-66; Verc. XXII. 135-37; and homily 1.85-86 of ÆZfiic's Lives of Saints, EETS, os., 76,82, 94, 114, ed. Walter Skeat (1881-1900; reprint, London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1966); hereafter abbreviate LS.

'''CH 1.1.1 15- 16; CH 1,W[.101- 103; Belfour, K. 16-20 (Ælfkic); LS, XII.23-3 2; Blick V , 57-9;Blick., W,99. lO6C~ I, 1-116-17; CHI.X N . 2 15-18; CHI,XX.270-71;ÆSzipp., XI.243-53. LS, XII.23-32. Blick II, 21 ; VTI, 95. X. 119-28; LS, 1.141-46, 17 1-72; LS, IX.84-85; Verc., M.64;Blick, II, 2 1.

lo7c~~,

'08CfI 1, X.1L 9-24. LS, 1.195-96, LS, XW.6-15. I, 1.177. Cf. Sou1 and Body 1 (1.34):jlœscebefangen.

' 0 9 ~ s

able to pollute the ~ o u l . ' 'How ~ may these two views be reconciled? One way of deaiing with the discrepancy is to explain it in terrns of a disrupted hierarchy, as in Ælfnc' s homily "On Auguries": Pæt flæsc soZIlice gewinb ongean done gast and se gast ongean Pæt flæsc. Pas dincg soblice Pæt is se lichama and Seo sawl winnaa him betweonan. Ac Seo sawl is aæs flæsces hlæfdige and hire gedafhaZI Pæt heo simle gewylde ba wylne Pæt is Pæt flæsc to hyre hæsum. Pwyrlice fzrb æt dam huse bær seo w y h biB bære hlæfdian wissigend and se Seo hlæfdige bi6 bære wylne underdeodd, swa bid eac bæs mannes lif on hinder gefadod gif p e t flæsc pe is brosnigendlic and deadlic sceal gewyldan pone gast be is ece and unateorigendlic to his fkacodum lustum ae hi buta fordo5 and to ecum tintregum gebringab.llt The flesh truly strives against the spirit, and the spirit against the flesh. Truly, these things, that is the body and the soul, fight between themselves. But the soul is the flesh's mistress, and it is right for her that she should always govem the slave woman, that is the flesh, according to her cornmands. Things are out of order in the house where the slave woman is the govemor of the rnistress and the mistress is in subjection to the slave woman; so also will the life of a man be arranged backwards, if the flesh which is corruptible and mortal shall compel the spirit, which is eternai and lasting, to submit to its vile desires, which will min them both and bring them to etemal torments. The same idea is also the subject of Riddle 43, whose solution is "soul and body":

Ic wat indryhtne æpelum deome giest in geardurn, barn se grimma ne mæg hungor sced6a.n ne se hata Z>urst, yldo ne adle. Gif him arlice esne benab, se be agan sceal

"OCH I, XIX.209-10. LS,XW.12-15. Verc., XW.99-100,147,215-16. 11 1

On Auguries, LS,XW.6-15. The first two sentences o f this passage illustrate the

synonymous nature o f gast and sawol as well as offlasc and lichama.

on barn siafate, hy gesunde æt ham fmdaa witode him wiste ond blisse, cnosles unrim, care, gif se esne his hlaforde hyreb yfle, fiean on fore.'12

I know a noble guest in the world, excellent in vimies, whom neither bitter hunger nor hot thirst, nor old age nor disease may injure. If his servant, which he must have on that journey, serves him honourably, they, safe at home, will fmd appointed for them abundance and joy, countless kin, sorrow, if the servant obeys his lord badly on the journey. Whereas the soul ought to be master (or mistress) and in control of the body, when

this hierarchy is inverted and the body is allowed to rule and follow its own desires, îhen the person sins and endangers his or her eternal destiny. Even so, it is obvious that this metaphor of inverted hierarchy tends to make the body appear to be the primary culprit whereas the soul seems to have no independent desire for evil. Similady one fin& the repeated assertion that the soul or person will be rewarded on the b a i s of what the body did."'

On the other hand, the same is sometimes said of the

The most frequently used metaphor of the souübody dichotomy in OE is not

one of hierarchy, however. More often body and soul corne to stand for two points of view or ways of life. In this scheme, the sou1 represents the eternal and spiritual. The

' "Krapp and Dobbie, The Eweter Book, 204. II3~elfour, Dinsar baet pu moste geselig mines epelrices eadig neotan, ond pe mine deabe deore gebohte pæt longe lif pæt pu on leohte sibpan, wlitig, womma leas, wunian mostes. Læg min fiæschorna in foldan bigrafen, nipre gehyded, se Be nængum scod, in byrgenne, bzet PU meahte beorhte uppe on roderum wesan, rice rnid englum. (11. 1460-( 1 accepted your pain so that you would be able to enjoy, blessed and

happy, my native country, and with my death I dearly bought for you that long-Iasting life, so that you afterwards might dwell in the light, radiant and without stains. My body, which injured no one, lay buned in the earth, hidden below in the sepulcher, so that you might be above in the heavens, mighty among the angels. Apart £tom possible discrepancies in the sources, each of the versions is

adapted fiom the Latin according to the homilists' purposes and tastes. HomScragg

W, for example, omits several phrases from the Passion sequenceasgInstead, the author is prompted by the mention of the gall and vinegar which Christ drank to include the following unique elaboration: "And ic dranc eced wi5 eallan gemenged, for pan be ic De dyde m[i]me swetnesse wyrdne" ('And 1 drank vinegar mixed with gall in order to make you worthy of my sweetness'). Indeed the homilist seems to depart fiom his source more often after this: to the Harrowing of Hel1 allusion he adds: 90pan Pæt ic pa bine sawle banon generede" (%Othat 1 might save your sou1

fiom he11')? He adds more specific details to the nail-wounds ("'on minurn handum and on minum fotum") and to the side wound (spere). Then, at the conclusion of the speech where Caesarius, HornHulme and HomBaPreCross X compare the heaviness

of the cross with that of mankind's sins, the author of HomScragg WI indicates his own interpretation of Christ's demand in tems of inheritance and personal relationship:

For hwan forwymdest Bu me pæs mines agenan yrfes? Ic wæs pin fæder and pin dryhten and emne ealIinga bin fieond geworden, and du hit ba sealdest binum ehtere, barn awyrgedan and Dam beswicendan di~fle.~~

5QHom~cragg VIII does not translate inridentium palmm et sputa suscepi,J!agellis caesus and ad_fùCus cmci.

"Verc., Vm.55-56. 61

Verc., Vm.59.

Why did you deny me my own property? 1 was your Father and your Lord and even becarne entirely your fiend, and you gave it then to your persecutor, the accursed one, the deceiving devil.

Only the subsequent mention of Christ's impassible nature and the following Discedite assures us that the author of HornScragg VIII probably still had a version of

the Caesarian sermon in fiont of him. HornBazireCross X, on the other hand, has skipped over the entire detailed section of the Passion to the point where Christ shows his wounds, a suitable choice for the homilist who prefaces the Address with the following 63: Donne beforan hirn eall eorbe forbymeb and eall heofona mægn stranglice beod onstyred on bæm micclan domesdæge, and Seo rod pe ure Drihten on browode, Seo byb æteowed ofer Cristes gesyhae, and se byrnena helm on his heafde and pa wunda on his sidan ealle I>abeod opene? Then before hirn the entire earth will be bumed up and al1 the might of the heavens will be greatly stirred up on that great Doomsday. And the cross of our Lord, on which he suffered, will be reveded above the sight of Christ, and the crown of thorns on his head and the wounds in his side will al1 be reveded, HomBazireCross X also omits the Discedite, possibly because this is a homily focused on the mercy rather than the wrath of God; its fmality might detract fkom the

63Bazireand Cross comment on the fact that this homilist seems to be working fiom Latin rather than vernacula.sources and that his 'bcontrolleduse of the Latin passage is apparent" (126).

64~azire and Cross, X.96- 100,

possibility of repentance!* HomHulme is the most complete OE version apart fiom the poem. Only rarely ~ ~ only does this version depart fiom the Latin, most often to omit or to ~ i m p l i f y .The substantial addition takes place at the end and is puzzling considering that this homily follows the speech with the successful intercession for the damned by MW, St. Peter,

and the archangel Michael: And ic eow betyne todæg heofona rices dum togeanes, swa ge betyndon eowra dura togenes pearfùm d[e] an mine naman to eow cigdon. Nelle ic gehiran todzg eowre stehe be ma 6e ge woldon gehiran Paes earrnan stefi~e.~' And today 1 shut the door of the kingdom of the heavens against YOU, as you shut your doors against the needy who in my name cried out to you. Nor am 1willing today to hear your voice any more than you would hear the voice of the wretched.

Although the allusion to the biblical speech by Christ ui the gospel of Matthew is quite appropriate in the Judgment Day context, the fmality of the locked doors is imrnediately contradicted by the homilist's unfortunate addition of the intercessions. The remaining two occurrences of Christ's Address are greatly shortened and possibly even reproduced fiom memory. The speech in HomAssmann X N moves

65~ istalso possible that the Latin exemplar did not have it, as it is not found in the versions of Caesarius' homily printed in PL 39.2206-2208 and CSEL 21,262-66 (Fausti Reiensis Opera, ed. August Engelbrecht [Wien: F. Tempksy, 189 11).

66HomHulmeleaves out the phrases ego terrenis artubus infudi spiritum, adcruci, and animam meam inter tormenta dimisi.

quickly fiom creation ("ic be geworhte") to details of the Passion, listed out of chronologicai order: "and ic for be browude and ic wæs a rode ahangen and rnid swipum geswungen" ('and I suffered for you, and I was hanged on the cross and was scourged with whips')? The homilist sumrnarizes the main point of the speech, perhaps based on his vernacula. exemplar's translation of munera (gge in HornBazireCross X): "Eala man, hwar syndon pa lem, be bu me dydest for minre prowunge?" ('Alas, man, where are those compensations which you made to me for

my ~uffering?').6~ Then, supplying his own transition-

"Ne gemundest au na, hwilc

hit bii) on helle?" ('Did you not consider at al1 what it will be like in hell?')'-he

moves on to a description of hell similar to that found in HomScragg VIII: "Par bib eagana wop and toBa geheaw. Par bib unadwæsced Qr. Pær beob egesfulle wyrrnas, ba be wundiad and slitad ka synnhllan sawle" ('There will be weeping of eyes and grinding of teeth. There will be the unquenchable fxe. There wiIl be terrible worms, those which wound and tear apart the sinhl souls')." Like the author of HomHulme, he follows the Address with a portrayal of St. Peter locking hell."

This procedure is

69~ssmann, XIV. 126-27.

72Thisagreement of HomAssmarm XIV with HomHulme has prompted Scragg to postdate an intermediary Latin source which combined the two motifs (Verc., 141-2), but the two versions of Peter locking heu have almost nothing except the subject matter in common.

in keeping with his practice throughout of excerpting the salient parts £kom other, most likely vemacular, sources, otherwise one might rightly consider the connection to Caesarius too tenuous for proof? HomBazireCross XI, in its introductory passage, includes an extended consideration of the Passion: Utan gebencan hu æhihtig God for us Prowode and gepafode: ærest ka he wies on heofona rices hyhbu upahafen and on his wuldre unonwendedlic, ba geeadmette he hine to ban bæt he sybpan on bisne middaneard wæs a c e ~ e and d to menn geworden; and he da her on worulde wæs Prowigendlic monn, and gyt he hine sylfke geeadmette to bon Pæt he wolde for rnancynnes pearfe gebrowian and hine sylfhe lætan for ealles middaneardes are and alysnesse ahon and acwellan. Ærest he pæt gepafode his agenurn willan, )æt hine m m for ure pearfe genam and geband, and he wæs mid swipurn beswungen and hine man on b t ~neb t hræhte, and hine man mid bradum handum on bæt neb sloh and him byrnene helm for odeme cynehelm on bæt heafod sette; and eall he pet eadmodlice for ure bearfe gebrowode and micle maran and mænigfealdre Ping home ic nu on pisse hwile areccan mæge oboe asecgan, Pa be he for mancynnes hælo and are on him sylf'ûm aræhode and f o r b ~ r . ' ~ Let us consider how almighty God suffered and endured for us: fmt when he was raised up in the height of the kingdom of the heavens and unchangeable in his glory, then he humbled himself to the extent that he then was bom into this world and became man; and then he was here in the world a suffering man, and yet he humbled himself to the extent that he wished to suffer for mankind's need, and he allowed himself to be hanged and killed for the benefrt and redemption of al1 the world. Fint he voluntarily suffered that men took and bound him for our need, and he was whipped with scourges and men struck him in the face and with broad hands hit hirn in the face and set a helm of thoms for another %ntgg,

"Vemacular Homilies," 245.

"Bazire and Cross, X.4- 17.

crown on that head; and al1 that he humbly suffered for our need and much more and more various things than 1 now in this tirne may relate or tell, things which he endured and suffered on himself for mankind's salvation and benefit. Despite the repetitious nature of this account, the similarity to the monologue is not only strikuig, it in fact seems compelling enough to indicate that it is a rough version of the Address which this homilist had either heard or read and was reproducing from memory.''

Certain phrases in particular recall the Address. The reference to the

impassible and unchanging nature of Christ is not found elsewhere in narratives of the Passion, but here Christ is said to have been on his wuldre unonwendedlic ('unchangeable in his glory') and that he her on worulde wœsprowigendlic monn ('here in the world was a s u f f e ~ mm') g as is found in Christ's monologue in HomScragg VIII: "Ac hwæt h g e Bu on barn, pa ic wæs unawendedlic in minre godcundnesse, and Da ic wæs [u]nI>rowendlic,Pæt ic wolde for be Prowiende bion?" ('But what did you endure in that, when 1was unchangeable in my divinity and when 1 was impassible, that 1 desired to suffer for y o ~ ? ' ) . ' ~ Additional phrases, as

suggested by Bazire and Cross, are equally close to the other OE monologues: HomBazireCross XI has mid swipum beswungen as aiso in HomAssmann XIV we

"Bazire and Cross, comparing Caesarius and this section, merely note that the Latin sermon "has some part to play" (137). Scragg seems to suggest a closer relationship when he says that by adding the beginning section and the Judgment Day speech, the "influence of the speech becomes clearer" (Verc., 141, n. 2). Verc., Vm.7 1-73. Sermo LW.4: " C m essem incomrnutabilis, pro te homo factus sum: curn essem inpassibilis, pro te pati dignatus surn" (Morin, CCSL 103,253-54). 76

fmd mid swipum ge~vungen" and its mid bradum handum on Pœt neb sloh may be compared to HomHulme's mid bradum handum slogh on min nebb?* But there are also additions which this homilist has taken fiom other sources such as Christ giving up his spirit and a reference to the Harrowing of ~ e l l . ' In ~ any case, it seems clear

that the homilist knew of some, probably vernacular, version of Christ's ~ d d r e s s . ' ~

This supposition is confmed by the fact that the homilist later in the homily does retum to the Judgment Day scene d e r an exhortation to penitence appropriate to Rogationtide. He provides, perhaps fkom some other source, a unique version of the Address, having already ' k e d up" the contents of the usual speech. The author

of HomBazireCross XI makes two cornparisons which are similar to the type encountered in the Soul's Address to the Body (why would you not do this, so that 1 might....?):

" ~ o m ~ u ù n e"me : man swang mid swipan" (Hulme, 612).

" " ~ n d he ba his b s t halige heafod onhylde and his gast on his Fæder hand ageafand on his geweaid bebead. And eac to helwanun nyber astah and 6one ealdan wiberweardan feond Dax geband and getigde; and mænige halige sawla baxa manna be him ær her on w o d d e gehyrdon and gecwemdon he bonon up ateah to heofona rices hyhdo and to his wuldre gelædde" (Bazire and Cross, XI.20-25). Cf. John 19:30: "et inclinato capite tradidit spiritum." 'Qazire and Cross comment that %e sermon appears to have been written fieely and without reference to a book" and this his description of Judgment Day seems to have been "produced by an author who has heard other vemacular sermons using the same theme" (136). Cf. Scragg, Verc., 141, n. 2.

Eala, bu man, forhwon noldest pu pas wunda gelacnian pas ic for ae bafiende wæs, to bon bæt ic eaile bine wunda gelacnode? Ob& forhwan noldest Clu bysne Pyrnenan helrn me of p z m heafde alysan, to ban bæt ic 6e of hellehæfte nearwan alysde and of deofles a n ~ e a l d e ? ~ ' Alas, you man, why would you not treat those wounds which 1was

enduring for you in order that I might cure al1 your wounds? Or why would you not loosen this thomy crown fiom my head, in order that 1 might free you fiom the oppressive imprisonment and the power of the devil? However, the imagery of the sinner refushg to heal Christ's wounds or to fkee Christ's head trom the crown of thorns is too obscure to be effective in the homiletic context." The Discedite in the conclusion of the speech matches the other versions, and again seems to echo the kind of antithetical list frequently encountered in vemacular homilies: GewitaCl ge, awyrgedan gastas, fiam me in bæt forwyrde lif and in ba nyaemestan helle, of pissum godcundan gemanan on deofla gemanan, and of bissum heofonlican heape in bon hellican breat.83 Depart from me, you accursed souls, into that life of destruction and into the lowest hell, fiom this godly company into the company of devils and f?om this heavenly assembly into that hellish throng.

The question as to whether this Address belongs to the same tradition at all, must be

"~azireand Cross, XI.75-78. '8

-The medicinal imagery of his first sentence might imply that the author had read Caesarius' entire sermon and had assimilated the latter's prefatory imagery whh the reproach of the Address, but it seems more likely that he was working from vemacular sources and these do not appear to have ever adapted this part of the Latin.

*)Bazireand Cross, XI. 80-83.

answered both negatively and positively: the material of Christ's monologue has been incorporated earlier into the homily and converted fkom direct speech into narrative. In its usual place stands a weaker substitute which summarizes, in a circuitous way, the reproach of Christ. The meandering nature of this homily supports the verdict that it was not well thought out, but was perhaps put together in a more or less ad hoc fashion. It is, of course, impossible to determine with certainty the nature of the exemplar used by each of these homilists. One Latin homily, to be found in the homiliary known as Pembroke 25 (Cambridge, Pembroke College MS 25): will illustrate the possibility of alternative adaptations of Caesarius' sermon. In this homily entitled Ornelia dominicu iiii quadragesimus, the speech follows a generally

*~ adrnonitory introduction and the briefest mention of Judgrnent D ~ Y .Chnst's Address is greatly shortened, omitting the incarnation and most of the accusations in

the conclusion. Furthermore, the homily takes a very different tum following the speech: the damned are allowed to respond claiming ignorance of God, prophets and law. Then the patriarchs and prophets step forward one by one to testiQ that they were indeed witnesses to God's truth. Here we have Christ's Address adapted for a similar purpose-the

trial of the damned-but

the formulait dismissal of the accused

m e homily has no extant OE parallels and therefore is not edited in the partial edition of Pembroke 25 by J.E. Cross. See Appendix B for my transcription of the monologue.

is replaced with an extended courtroom scene which expands the testimony on God's behalf to include witnesses fkorn the whole of biblical and Church history.

The most important feature of this text, evidently known in late Anglo-saxon

England, is that it includes at least two variants of the Caesarian text which agree with two of the OE homilies. Pembroke 25 has de h o terrae for Caesarius de limo where HomScragg VI11 and HomBazireCross X have of eorpun lame." And Pembroke 25 closes the speech with the question et tupro his quidfecisti? where HomScragg VI11 has the following: "And ic bis eal fremede for iSe. Hwiet gedydest bu for me?"86 These points of agreement suggest that certain Latin versions used in England may have featured some modifications to the Caesarian text."

Setring of the Monologue in Old English Homilies Christ's Address to the Damned has a particular effectiveness because of its monologue format, but much of its force is derived from the particular setting in which it is invariably used. The Judgment Day scene which is set in the future and the content of the speech which treats events of the historical past are juxtaposed in the audience's mind, so that the present moment, suspended as it is between these two

"Verc., Vm.47. Bazire and Cross, X.100.

"Pembroke 25 also has two M e r additions not found in the OE version proprio sanguine te redemi and in cnrci. See Appendix B.

time references, becomes the central event. The homilists recognize Christ's Address as a compelluig preachhg device, but each follows a different methodology for incorporating it into his homily.

Though its length differs fkom homily to homily, it holds a place of prominence in each, whether comprising the bulk of the sermon, as in HomScragg WII, or supplyhg its climax as in HomBa7.ireCross XI or HomAssmann X W .

In most of the homilies in which the speech occurs, we can observe that the homilists anticipated the Judgment Day scene in the choice of his prefatory material. HomScragg VI11 is particularly well wrought in its early introduction of the Judgment

and the interlacing of Christ's Passion with Doomsday themes. The homilist begins by telling his audience that Christ suffered "bæt he wolde Pæt we wzron gearwe bænne he bis lif endode" ('because he wanted us to be ready when he ended this life').88 He moves swiftly to his second reference point with the topos that it is better to confess now before one person, than on Doomsday before the angels and al1 the

inhabitants of heaven when Christ cornes in the clouds and nothing will be c o n ~ e a l e d .Instead ~ ~ of moving right into Christ's address, however, this homilist for

SgTherelationship of this motifto other occurrences has been examined by Malcolm Godden in "An Old English Penitential Motif," ASE 2 (1973): 23 1ff. Godden's statement that the motif in Vercelli Vm (HomScragg VIII), because of its similarity to ÆSupp. XXW must therefore be based on a source which contained al1 three hosts, rather than just the angels, should be modified in light of Trahem's discovery of the relationship of this part of Vercelli VIII to Caesarius LVIII.2 which reads: ccQuicumquese modo, dum licet, ernendare

a moment inserts an appropriate preparatory remark which guides the audience in its consideration of the drarnatic events to bllow: Uton we nu gepencan hwylce we nu syn and hu us bonne lysteb. Hwæt, we siaban ne magon nane lade gedon, ac we sculon gehwyl[c]ra binga Gode riht ongyldan on urum sylfka sawlurn, ealles pæs de we him on anegurn Pi[n[gum abulgon, butan we ær eabmodlice beten? Let us now consider what we now are and what we will then desire. Alas, afterward we will not be able to make any defence, but we must for everything pay what is due to God with our own souk for al1 that in which we have in anything angered him, unless we should have humbly done penance beforehand. Having added a Doomsday setting fiom the vemacular tradition (see below), the homilist proceeds with a full-length version of the speech which occupies most of the remainder of his text. HornBazireCross X builds up to the speech with similar skill, beginning with a cal1 to timely confession and penance, reminding the audience that one does not know when one will die. The homilist invites his audience to consider Doomsday, the division of the righteous and the sinfûl and the helplessness of al1 when they are left

neglexerit, ante illum caelestem populum primum excepturus erit de confusione subplicium." To this one should add another, earlier sentence: "cogiternus quales erimus in die iudicii purissimis angelorum conspectibus offerendi, et aetemo iudici rationem de libris conscientiae reddituri" (Morin, CCSL 103,255). Together these comments form a satisfactory basis for the OE "beforan Gode sylfum and beforan his englum and beforan eallum barn heofencundan weorode," especially considering that the homilist seems to have used other parts of Caesarius LVIII. Trahern, "Caesarius of Arles," 109. Verc., VIII.28-32. The section draws on ideas found in Caesarius LVIII; see Scragg, Verc., 140.

with nothing but body and soul (Le. without earthly wealth and influence).91Like HomScragg Vm, this homily does not proceed directly to Chnst's Address, but the homilist carefully prepares his audience by focusing on what God expects of us, cleanness of soul and body produced by penance and good deeds: Menn pa leofestan, we sceolon mid monigfealdum godum ure sawla clænsian, mid fæstenum and mid ælmesdædum and mid clænurn gebedu~n.~' Dearest people, we must with manifold good deeds cleanse Our souk: with fastings and almsdeeds and with pure payer. Only then does he return to a description of the hosts at Doomsday and the need to be watchfbl as one does not know the t h e of its occurrence. A portrayal of Christ follows: he appears as at the crucifwon with the crown of thoms and wounds in his side, a dramatically effective way of helping the audience to visualize the persona of the following speech. Both HomScragg VI11 and HomBazireCross X thus weave a pattern of penitential and Doomsday motifs, anticipating the full dramatic setting we1l before the actual Judgment Day trial scene and Christ's Address. Source studies suggest that these homilists composed these preparatory sections originally, using cornmonplaces

91

Part of this introductory section is a reworking of the Liber exhortationis of Padinus of Aquileia (Bazire and Cross, 125).

92Bazireand Cross, X.62-63.

popuiar in vemacular homilies, but selecting them with care and p ~ r ~ o s eIn? order ~ to ensure that the Address is as didactically effective as possible, these homilies in

their specific calls to penance and cleansing offer an interpretative strategy to thek audiences before the speech commences. The placement of the monologue in H o d u I r n e proceeds on somewhat

different p ~ c i p l e s .This homily seems to have been compiled fiom at least three different sources. The fmt part is an unusual version of the Harrowing of ~ e l l . ' ~ With little transiti~n,~' the hornily moves on to the signs of Doomsday and Christ's Address to the Sinner to which is appended the intercessions of Mary, Michael and

93

Bazire and Cross, 125-29; Scragg, Verc., 139-42.

%e immediate source for this part of the hornily is not known, and there is some disagreement as to whether it is based on the Gospel of Nicodemus or some other account of the Descensus: C.W. Marx, "The Gospel of Nicodemus in Old English and Middle English," in The Medieval Gospel of Mcodemus: Texts, fntertexts, and Contexts in Western Europe, ed. Zbigniew Izydorcy k , Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, vol. 158 (Tempe, Arizona: Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies, 1997), 2 16-17. Cf. Jackson J. Campbell, "To Hell and Back: Latin Tradition and Literary Use of the 'Descensus ad inferos' in Old English," Viator 13 (1982): 141-42. 95

The main connection is that the r e m of Christ, like the Harrowing was expected to occur at Easter-time: "SwiBe us is ilonne to gebencanne, cwæd se writtere, nu men Ba leofestan, bret ure Drihten hafaa efi gebingod heder on Pisne middangeard on forman easterniht to ban Pæt he ealre pisse worulde ende gesetteBW(Hulme, 61 1). Healey has commented on the near-canonicd status of the Gospel of Nicodemus in OE Literature and also notes that the pattern of linking the Harrowing of Hell episode with Doomsday material occurs dso in Blicklirîg VI1 and the poem Christ and Satan; Antonette diPa010 Healey, "Anglo-Saxon Use of the Apocryphal Gospel," in The Anglo-Smcons: Synthesis and Achievement, ed. J. Douglas Woods and David A.E. Pelteret (Waterloo, Ont.: W f i d Laurier University Press, 1985), 96- 104. See also Marcia Dalbey, "Patterns of Preaching in the Blickling Easter Hornily," American Benedictine Review 24 (1977): 478-92.

St. PeteP6 and the scene of Peter locking the gates of hell. The various elements show little evidence of adaptation by the compiler. In the Harrowing of Hel1 section, the wrîter fiequently refers to his source, whereas in the remaining sections he does

net:' and the transitions are at times awkward, most noticeably so when the intercession for the sinners takes place after the homily says they have already departed to he11.9' The homilist forgoes or is incapable of the kind of thematic preparation which is used in the previous two homilies, but simply strings together the various dramatic scenes in the hopes that they will speak for themselves.

In the remaining homilies, HomBazireCross XI and HornAssmann XIV, the monologue comprises just a few sentences. Though less successful in creating a thematically unified sermon than HornBazireCross X and HomScragg VIII, they are

This part is probably derived from the Apocaljpse of the Virgn;Mary Clayton,

96

"Apocalypse of the Virgin," SASLC, 65. See also Clayton's Mler treatment in her article "Delivering the Damned: A Motif in OE Homiletic Prose," ME 55 (1986): 92-102. Here she notes that Ælfic was likely familiar with this text and objected to it in CHII, 184198; the intercession is also found in Vercelli XV ("Delivering the Damned," 92-93). 97

He begins with her sagad an pissum bocum and repeats hit sagad several h e s in the fist section; the last such reference occurs in the transition between the Harrowing and the Doomsday setting: cwœd se writtere (Hulme, 61 1 ) . Cf. Healey, "Use of the Apocryphal Gospel," 99- 100. 98~layton argues that the theological heterodoxy which results from the union of this intercession scene fiom the Apocal'se ofthe Virgin with a Doomsday scene was most likely not deliberate, since the souls for which intercession is offered in the former are not destined for hell but are in purgatory; "Delivering the Damned," 98-99. The later version of this homily in CCCC 303 corrects the error by omitting the intercession; see Sarah Cutforth, "Delivering the Damned in Old English Homilies: an Additional Note," Notes and Queries 238 (1993): 435-437.

not without an inner logic. HornBazireCross XI'S meanderhg style has already been cornmented upon, although it follows the format of HomScragg VI11 and HomBazireCross X: a general admonition and cal1 to remember Christ's Passion and Doomsday, the Judgment Day setting, Christ's speech, and, fmally, descriptions of heaven and he11.99 Following the use of the content of the Address in narrative fom, it proceeds to an exhortation to love and purity, which will ensure that "we ne purfon beon Gode on ba wynstran hand gesette ne pone cwyde gehyran De he to barn cwya" ('we need not be placed on God's left hand, nor hear the speech which he utters to thern').'"

The Doomsday description is a lengthy one and it concludes with Christ's

display of the wounds in his hands and feet as he begins to speak. Despite its rambling passages it rernains focused on themes of Judgrnent Day and Christ's suffering which are central to the import of the speech. The author of HomAssmann XIV combines an interesting array of motifs which he has excerpted from other vemacular sources, some of which are still extant

and reveai his rnethod.Iol He perhaps knew that he would eventually end his homily 99

Many conventional homiletic motifs are d r a m upon throughout, for example, the topos of the 72 languages of the world in an unusual adaptation; Hans Sauer, "Die 72 Voker und Sprachen der Welt: Ein Mittelalterlicher Topos in der Englischen Literatur," AngZia 101 (1983): 3 7. lWBazireand Cross, XI.52-53.

'''Cf. his adaptation of the Soui's Address to the Body discussed in the previous chapter and the so-called Docet Deus,docet diabolus îheme; cf. Charles Wright, "Docet Deus, docet diabolus: A Hibemo-Latin Theme in an Old English Body-and-Sou1 Hornily," Noies and Queries, n.s. 34, n. 4 (1987): 451-53.

with Christ's Address for he begins it with a cal1 to remember Christ's sufferings: Ac us is mycel neodbearf, I>ætwe gebencan, hu drihten us mid his Drowunge alysde fiam deofles anwealde, pa he a rode ahangen wæs and his pæt deomeorae blod for us ageat. Forban we sculan weoraian Cristes rode and biddan ure synna forgyfenessa edle ietsomne. Swa he for us browude on bære rode and eal Ba sar and edwit and ba heardan browunga, be he adreah æt barn unlædan folce Iudea, eal he Prowude for us, bæt he wolde us generian fiam helle wite and us gelædan in ba ecan eadignesse.'O' But there is great need for us to consider how the Lord redeemed us fiom the power of the devil with his suffering, when he was hanged on the cross and poured out his precious blood for us. Therefore we must honour the cross of Christ and pray together for the forgiveness of our sins. So he suffered for us on that cross and al1 that sorrow and reproach and severe sufferings, which he endured f?om that wicked Jewish people, al1 that he suffered for us, because he wanted to Save us fiom the torment of hell and lead us into that eternal blessedness. Doomsday and the Passion continue to be a recurring theme throughout the homily as in this passage: Ute gemunan pæne egesfullan domes dæg. Se cymd, bonne we læst wenad, and on barn dæge we sculon fordberan swa god, swa yfel, zlc sawl be hyre gewyrhtan. Men pa leofestan, geeamie we, Pæt ure se ytemesta dæg wurae gode gecoren, and gecyrran we to drihtenes willan and gepencan, pæt he deaa prowude for us and he us of aam nearwan bystrum alysde. 'O3 Let us rernember that terrible Doomsday. It will corne when we least expect it. And on that day we must bring forth both good and evil, each sou1 according to its works. Dearest people, let us earn that our 1 s t day may be acceptable to God, and let us turn to the Lord's will and consider that he suffered death for us and redeemed us fiom the

oppressive darkness. The hornily is a veritable showcase of rnemento mori motifs, including a visit

to the tomb (though the bones do not speak), an ubi sunr sequence, a Soul's Address to the Body at Judgment Day, and a comparïson between God and the devil and the ultimate destiny of their followers. In the fmal passage we retum to the Passion of Chnst in the greatly shortened monologue and the scene of St. Peter locking hell. It seems that this homilist was collecting material that would effectively associate the obligations of this life with the consequences of neglecting them in the next. Christ's monologue, though not central, is a clirnactic element in his scheme. There are many similarities in the Judgment Day settings of these homilies, most likely due to the use of cornmonplaces popularly employed in OE homilies.

Bazire and Cross illustrate in detail how the homilist of HomBazueCross XI has combined, probably fkom memory, Doomsday descriptions f?om scripture, the Apocalypse of Thomas and a pseudo-Augustinian

and how the author of

HornBazireCross X has, in his portrayal, fused various scripture passages.lo5 These descriptions are drawing upon the store of cornmonplaces associated with the Judgment Day scene and need not have a more specific source than

lo5~a.zire and Cross, 127, 137-38. Cf. Max Forster, ' A New Version of the Apocalypse of Thomas in Old English," Anglia 73 (1955): 6-36. Biblical passages include Matt. î4:29-3 1,25:3 1-46, Apoc. 1:7, John 197 (quoting Zech. 12:10).

remembered inventories of the events. But, in connection with Christ's monologue, it is worth noting that some of them are based on what rnight be seen as the inspiration for the Address: the gospel of Matthew (ch. 25) in which Christ describes the coming Judgment with himself on the throne, the separation of the sheep and goats (Le. the saved and the damned), and the pronouncement of the final Discedite and Venite. Although the biblical portrayal includes an accusatory speech by Christ in which the focus is the individual's treatment of those in need, it seems that the monologue in Caesmius' sermon was a welcome substitute. In contrat to the biblical text, the latter makes a full case for the justice of Christ's cornplaint against sinners, particularly in terms of the complete history of his relationship to mankhd and his attendant daim for remuneration. The Judgment is clearly portrayed as a legal proceeding, and it seems quite natural that the divine Accuser should present his case forcefully,

reminding the defendant of the deeds for which compensation was justly expected. Apart frorn the Doomsday descriptions, a family likeness arnong the homilies

containhg Christ's Address may also be found in their conclusions. Invariably these homilies end with a description of heaven or hell or both, depending on the homilist's emphasis. Sornetirnes, as in HomScragg VI11 and HomAssmann XIV, the description

of hell foms part of the speech itself, incorporated into the Discedite. HomBazireCross XI fmds this an occasion to bring in the "inexpressibility" topos

concerning the horrors of he1l.l" In others a mere allusion to hell is made and a lengthy description of the alternative follows. HornHulme, as we have seen, is the

only exception to this trait as it appends the apocryphal intercession for the s i n h l to the Address, though it, too, portrays the locking of hell by St. Peter and suggests the

destiny of the blessed by recording the biblical speech to the blessed in its

When the damned have been dismissed, the audience is, in a sense, left alone

with the Judge and his narrative. Building on the awareness that there is still thne to respond to the cal1 of Christ's daims, the homilists draw attention to the present choice between the horrors of hell and joys of heaven. A good example of such a suitable conclusion may be found in HomBazireCross X whose author preferred to dwell on the latter possibility: A c uton we biddan urne Drihten, borie rnildheoaan Scyppend, bæt he

ontyne Da earan ure heortan to his bære halgan lare to onfonne, and heo sy+an fæstlice on urum heortum wunige. And we odre men geome monigen to Dam godcundan gode, Pæt we bonne ætgædere magon mid t>;emgodum to bæm heofonlican eble.Io8

But let us ask our Lord, that mild-hearted Creator, that he may open the ears of our heart to receive his holy teaching, and that it may thereafter

"%ee Ernst R. Curtius, European Literatzu-e and the Latin Middle Ages, tram. Willard R Trask, Bollingen Series 36 (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1953), 159-60; and Healey, n e Old English Vision of S . Paul, 54-5.

' 0 8 ~ a z i rand e Cross, X. 125-129.

dwell f d y in our hearts. And we should earnestly adrnonish other men to that divine good, so that we together with those goods may go to that heavenly homeland.

Rh etoric 1 have suggested that Christ's Address to the Sinner owes its popularity in part to its appropriateness to the trial that is to occur on Judgment Day. It provides the homilists with an effective way of recounting salvation history and at the same time f m l y establishes Christ's right to judge the sinful and the details of his case against rebellious mankind. log The monologue, as 1will show, follows a defmite progression, not only chronologically, but also rhetorically, building to the fuial pronouncement of judgment upon the sinners. Although it is tempting to see in it a primarily emotional appeal, the rhetorical structure points to a reasoned forensic argument exhibiting the classical divisions of exordium, narratio, argumentatio, and peroratio. ' l0 Whether an audience listening to the speech would have been farniliar with or capable of recognizing these rhetorical divisions is difficult to assess. Certainly in the

Io9h Micah 6: 1-4,fiom which the Improperia of the Good Friday Iiturgy takes its opening words, the legal dimension is clearly stated: "Audite quae Dominus loquitur surge contende iudicio adversum montes et audiant colles vocem tuam audiant montes iudicium Domini et fortia h d a m e n t a terrae quia iudicium Domini cum populo suo et cum Israhel diiudicabitur: Popdus meus ..." (Wear ye what the Lord saith: Anse, contend thou in judgment against the mountains, and let the hills hear thy voice. Let the mountains hear the judgrnent of the Lord, and the strong foundations of the earth: for the Lord will enter into judgment with his people, and he will plead against Israel: O rny people...'). "@Thecorresponding English terms are introduction, exposition or narrative, evidence, and close; Curtius, 70.

Anglo-Saxon period there were judicial proceedings in which the plaintiff opened the trial with a speech directed towards the defendant."'

There is also some evidence

that careful attention was paid to the correct formulation of legal pronouncernents and that delivery was aided by the use of alliteration and rhythm.'" And to some extent the division of such a speech into narrative followed by more direct argumentation and pointed accusation is a natural sequence which could be arrived at without any

classical rhetorical training. So it is possible that anyone who had witnessed a mal would recognize the monologue by Christ as having a certain verisimilitude to courtroom procedure.

Two purposes of the exordium in judicial oratory are to establish the speaker's credibility as well as a link to the a~dience."~ The fundamental relationship between Christ and mankind is the subject of the fvst few phrases of the Address: Eala, man,hwæt, ic pe geworhte of eorban lame mid minum handum, and pinum dam eorblicurn limum ic sealde mine sawle, and ic pe hiwode "'Liebermann notes the following regarding the legal procedure of Anglo-saxon England: "Der Klager spricht zuerst, redet den Angeklagten als seinen Gegner mit Du an, ... und fordert ihn zur Antwort ad, ... bittet ihn urn Recht, vor ... dem Richter aber nicht durch diesen"; F. Liebermann, Die Gesetre der Angelsachsen, vol. 2 (1903-1916; reprint, Aden: Scientia, 1960), 626. Cf. also Melville M. Bigelow, History of Procedure in EngZmdfiom the Norman Conquesr. The Norman Period (1066-1204) (1880; reprint, South Hackensack, N.J. :Rothman R e p ~ t s 1972), , 246. "'Bigelow, 246; Liebermann (626): "Die Rede muss bestimmte Form haben. Sonst k t sieforspecen, umsonst (vergeblich) gesprochen." 1'30ttmers,54-55. In the following section which deals with forensic rhetoric, 1 will be referring to the usefbl definitions and explanations in Clemens Ottmers' Rhetorik, Sammlung Metzler, vol. 283 (Stuttgart, Weimar: J.B. Metzler, 1996).

to mines sylfes anlicnesse, and Pa pe gestadelode on neorxnawonges gefean. ' I4 Alas, man, look, 1 made you fiom the clay of the earth with my hands, and into your earthly lirnbs I gave my soul, and 1 façhioned you in my own likeness, and then set you in the joy of Paradise.

The intimate relationship of Creator and creature is repeatedly underlined in the account of how mankind was shaped by Christ's own hands, given God's own spirit (wiîh the possessive added in the OE1'*),honored with the image of God and presented with the gifi of Paradise. Mankind's fall is therefore an outrage against the divine benefactor to whom it owes its origin and continued existence. It has preferred

to follow, in HomScragg VI11 to love, the devil: ''Ba bu forhogodest mine bebodu and me sylfne, and pone awyrgedan dioful Ipu lufùdest" ('Then you rejected my commands and myself and loved that accursed devi1').'16

If the straightfonvard and sparse narration of the facts is considered a desirable quality of the narratio in forensic rhetoric, Christ's speech provides an admirable e ~ a m p l e . ' 'As ~ we saw in the Improperia, there were many biblical events which

might have been included at this point-the

'

Verc., VIII.46-49.

"'Horn~craggVIII: mine sawle (Verc., (Bazire and Cross, X . 101).

verc., Vm.50-5 1 .

"'Othners, 56-57.

crossing of the Red Sea, giving of the

Law, the bestowal of the Promised Land-but

the passing over of these events is

more fitting in the homiletic setting since they are less directly applicable to the contemporary audience. Therefore the monologue moves almost seamlessly from the expulsion fiom Paradise to the mercy of the incarnation: And Pa au wære of neorxnawange ascofen and ic pe wolde efi miltsian, Da ic fæmnelicne innod gesohte, and ic w z s mid cildcladum bewunden, and ealle ba cildlican teonan ic aræfhode, and Pa memiscean sar ic wæs Prowiende for be.I

And when you had been expelled from Paradise and 1 wanted to have mercy on you, then 1 sought a woman's womb and I was wrapped in a child's clothes and endured al1 that childish shame, and those human pains 1 suffered for you. Here the lowliness and humility of Christ are emphasized in the ignorniny (HomHulme, scama) of human infancy. The speaker also begins to introduce clauses which link the audience to the historicai events in '90 ban paet bu me gelic wære geworden" ('so that you would become like me')."' The OE adaptations begin earlier than the Latin to add the phraseforpe to suggest both Christ's motives and human culpability. HomScragg VI11 addsforpe in two places and the phrase "for ban be ic be dyde m[i]nre swetnesse wyrbne" (;in order to make you worthy of my sweetness') to the drinking of gall and vinegar and '90 ban bæt ic ba bine sawle banon generede" ('in order that 1 might Save your sou1 fiorn there') to the allusion to the Harrowing of

Il9

Bazire and Cross, X.104-105; tramlating ut te mihi similem facerem (Sermo LW.4; Morin, CCSL 103,253).

~el1.I" HomBazireCross X supplements the Latin with for dinre halo,forpe and the sentence '90 barn biet ic wolde da synne bine forlomesse adwæscan; ic wolde bæt ic Be fram ecum deaile alysde" ('because I wanted to blot out the sins of your perdition; 1wished to Save you from etemal death').

"'

HomHulme and

HomAssrnann XIV also addfor Pe where the Latin has no reference to mankind. It would seem that the hglo-Saxon homilists were uniforrnly desirous to underscore that these deeds were more than historical facts; they were done on behalf of the

present audience as much as for the fictional audience, i.e. the damned. Just as the addressee in the Soul's Address is both the body and the listening congregation, so here the accused on the left hand of Christ becomes the audience in the preaching event. Christ's suffering during the Passion is perhaps the area where the OE homilists chose most ofien to omit elements found in the Latin. For some homilists it seems to have been a simple matter of avoiding repetition, but the subsequent displaying of wounds is also much more effective dramatically and covers the same ground, i.e. the crucifixion. All the Full-length OE versions retain the latter section which begins the argumentatio with a presentation of the incontrovertible evidence

'" verc., Vm.55-56,59. '"Bazire and Cross, X.104, 106- 107. 179

(probationes inartific~les).~" The visible signs of Christ's sacrifice are produced in the imagination as indisputable witnesses to his sacrifice: Geseoh nu minra nægla swæa pe ic on rode for i3e genæglad wæs. Her du miht geseon pa wunda be ic gewundod wæs and da rode on pære ic for de deab gebrowode.'" Behold now the trace of my nails with which I was nailed on the cross for you. Here you may see those wounds with which 1was wounded and that cross on which I sufiered death for you. The fmal section of the Address, once the evidence has been presented, is that

in which the plaintiff now launches into the main argument of his case consisting of a series of accusations. It begins with a summation of the grounds for the cornplaint: "Eal bas sar ic gebrowode for de, pær ic tilode Pæt pu an hefenurn nxsode" ('Al1 these pains 1 suffered for you, because 1strove that you should reign in heaven').'" Two rhetorical questions underline the foolishness and ungratefùlness of the accused's choices in Me: "For hwan, la man, forlur du pis eal, pe ic for pe prowode? For hwan wær du swa unpancul binre onlysnesse?" ('Why, oh man, did you abandon al1 this which I suffered for you? Why were you so ungrateful for your deliverance?').12' Christ, with insistent repetition, demands requital:

'"Ottmers, 5 8.

"Bazire and Cross, X. 107-109.

124Hulme,6 13. Verc.,Vm.64-65.

Ic nawuht ma to minurn deabe ne bidde. Agif me bine sawle swa clæne swa ic hy de sealde. Min feorh ic sealde for be. Agif me bæt pin lif de du acwealdesrt] mid sarlycum wundum jiinra ~ynna.''~ 1 ask nothhg more for my death. Give me your soul as clean as 1 gave it

to you. My life 1 gave for you; give me your life which you have killed with the grievous wounds of your sins. This is the only part of the speech which is less appropriate to the fictional audience, the damned, since they were unable to do as asked, but it is clear that homiletic purpose ovemdes theological accuracy here. Furthemore, in terms of Anglo-saxon legal procedure, the demand for compensation represented the most comrnon purpose of a trial. Thus, the Caesarian request for mankind's life is supplemented in two OE homilies (HomScragg VIII, HornBazireCross X) with the demand for the soul; for instance, HomScragg VI11 reads '&agifme bine sawle swa clæne swa ic hy de sealde" ('give me your soul as clean as 1 gave it to you')."'

Although Scragg considers this

point of sirnilarity between the two homilies to be an indication of a comrnon source, it perhaps should be viewed as a cornmonplace which was inserted independently."'

The notion that Christ will require the soul (and sometimes the body) on Judgrnent Day, ofien with the stipulation that it be "clean," or that man will be asked at that t h e

'16Verc., 12'

Vm.65-68.

Verc.,VIII.66-67.

'2SThispoint is strengthened by the observation that the insertion takes place at two different points in the two translations.

what he has to give to God seems to have been a current one.'"

We have already

seen that Wulfstan invariably associated the Passion of Christ with the idea of repayment.130 In the introductory section of HomAssmann XIV, the homilist notes:

"And ne bit he us nan ober edlean, butan pæt we ure sawle swa clæne agifan, swa he hi ær gesceop and us befæste" ('And he asks us no other recompense than that we

'

give our soul as clean as he before made it and entrusted it to us').I3 And in Blickling W: "Uton we forbon gebencean hwylc handlean we him forb to berenne habban ...bonne sceolan we mid ure m e saule forgyldan" ('Let us therefore consider what recompense we have to bring forth, ...when we must repay with Our sou1 ai~ne').'~'The clean soul/life/body which was the only compensation which this

Judge demands or will accept is precisely what the damned are powerless to produce,

'"one of its variations, possibly Irish in origin, is discussed by Charles Wright in "The Pledge of the Soul: A Judgement Theme in Otd English Homiletic Literature and Cynewulf s Elene," NM 9 1 (1990):22-30. 1agree with Wright (26) that the addition of the sou1 in two OE versions of the address was probably done independently. '30Ælfncmentions a similar idea in ÆSupp. XVI.55-56:"and him nane æhta ne synd swa inrnede swa hirn synd to agenne ure sawle clæne" ('and no possessions are as dear to him as to give hirn our soul clean'). See d s o his translation of Basil's Admonitio adfi[ium spiritualem: "Eall ais he gedrowode for ure alysednysse k t he forgeafe k t ece lif us mannum and he ne biddad us to edleane nanes odres oinges buton us sylfe him and ure sawle clæne" ('All this he suffered for our redemption, so that he might grant etemal life to us men, and he asks fiom us no other thing as repayment except ourselves for hirn and our soui clean'); H. W. Norman, ed., The Anglo-Smron Version of the Hexameron ofSt. Basil...and the Anglo-Smon Remnim of Sr. Baril's Admonitio ad filium spiritualem, 2d edition (London: J.R. Smith, 1848), 42.

but their silence and helplessness is contrasted with the audience's responsibility to act according to the foreseen demand.

In the Latin, three more rhetorical questions begin the peroratio by forcefully reiterating the cause of complaint and aiming to establish the guilt of the sinner as well as draw an emotional response of both sympathy and guilt in the fmal sentence. Not al1 of these are reproduced in the OE, but the fmal question is translated by two: Odee forhwan ahenge bu me mid bære hefegan rode binra hleahtra? Miccle hefigre me is seo rod binra synna bonne me si seo de ic lichamlice mid wyllan gestah and for Be deab on gebr~wode!"~ Or why do you cniciQ me with that heavy cross of your sins? Much heavier to me is that cross of your sins than that one may be to me on which 1 bodily and of my own will climbed and on which 1suffered death for you! This analogy effectively moves the audience fiom the crucifwon to the present, daily pain inflicted on Christ by human disobedience.

Most of the OE homilies here proceed to the fmal crescendo of the Discedite, but HomScragg VIII, perhaps prefiguring the developments which would take place under the influence of the affective piety of the Iater Middle Ages, extends the persona1 pathos in the following: For hwan forwyrndest Bu me pæs mines agenan yrfes? Ic wæs bin fæder and bin dryhten and emne eallinga bin keond geworden, and ilu hit ba sealdest binum ehtere, barn awyrgedan and barn beswicendan diofle. Ac hwæt druge Bu on Dam,Da ic wæs unawendedlic in mime godcundnesse, and pa ic wæs [u]nbrowendlic, pæt ic wolde for be ' 3 3 ~and~ Cross, e X.114- 117.

browiende bion? And pu me rnid ealle forhogodest. And ic be ladode to minum barn ecan life to barn uplycan rice, bæt bu agymelea~odost.'~~ Why did you deny me my own property? 1 was your Father and your Lord and even became entirely your fkiend, and you gave it then to your persecutor, the accursed one, the deceiving devil. But what did you endure in that, when I was unchangeable in my divinity and when I was impassible, that 1 desired to suffer for you? And you rejected me entirely. And 1 invited you to my eternal life and to that supernal kingdom which you neglected. The relationship of father, lord, and fnend and the images of a squandered inheritance and a rejected invitation al1 personalize the appeal in this surprisingly innovative addition. The monologue by Christ is not just a List of events, but rather it prompts the audience to consider the Passion narrative in terrns of legal procedure. Compensation for the wounds and sufferings of Christ is to be made by means of "giving back" a clean life to God. The speech appeals to the audience's sense of justice conceming the rightness of God's demands and conceming the obligation of the individual. The distant clairns of God are brought near in the familiar setting of the trial, its procedures, personae, and rhetoric.

Midde Engtish Deveiopmenfs

There is an extensive literature on the Passion in Middle English which has been discussed in detail by several s c h o l a r ~ . 'In ~ ~what follows I will limit the analysis to first-person addresses by Christ narrating the events of his Passion in order to see how they continue the tradition of using Christ's own voice to elicit a response to his suffering.136 Two of the Latin analogues exarnined above were translated into the vemacular during the Middle English period. The liturgical Iinproperia are the basis

for two fourteenth century lyrics titled Popule meus quid feci tibi? in Carleton Brown's edition of religious l y ~ i c s . ~The ~ ' fmt of these, a translation by the Franciscan William Herebert, even reproduces the structure of the Latin in repeating the fxst stanza as a refrain after every verse"':

135W~olf, The English Religious Lyric in the Middle Ages, 19-66, 183-238; J.A.W. Bennett, Poetry of the Passion: Studies in Twelve Centuries of English Verse (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982); Douglas Gray, Themes and Images in the Medieval English Religious Lyric (London and Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1972), 122-145. i36Mostlyrics which fdl into this category have been edited by Carleton Brown: no. 69 in English Lyrics of the X7IIth Century (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1932); nos. 3,4, 15 , 46,47,5 1,72,74,76,77,78, 126, 127 in Religious Lyrics of the MVth Century (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1952); and nos. 102-109 in Religious Lyrics of the XVih Century (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1939). A list of related material may be found in George C. Taylor, "The Relation of the English Corpus Christi Plays to the Middle English Religious Lyric," Modern Philology 5 (1907): 8, n. 1. i3'Nos.15 and 72; Brown,XNth Century, 17-18,88-89. 138

Cf. Stephen R. Reimer, ed., The Workî of WiIIiam Herebert, Studies and Texts 8 1 (Toronto: Pontifical hstitute for Mediaeval Studies, 1987).

My volk, what habbe y do be Ober in what byng toened be? Gya noube and onswere bou me. (11. 1-3) It d s o attempts to emulate the anaphora of the Latin ego te verses. Tne second (no. 72) is a somewhat freer adaptation in four-luie stanzas which require some additions

by the poet. In the fifteenth century, elements korn Improperia are also incorporated

in a dialogue between Naturu hominis and Boniîas ~ e i . Here ' ~ ~the speech by Christ is interspersed with suitable responses by man asking for mercy. Similady, in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries we find translations cf the Visio Pauli, including the speech by Christ which takes place before the granting of

the Sunday respite: A voyse fro heuen answerd a3ayn-

"What good dedes haue 3e nov done, ge did me to deb with passion and payn; Hwy aske 3e me now rernyssioun? I was crucifid on Cros fore 3ou &on, With spere and nayles y sched my blood, Of aysel and gal3e 3euen me drenkyn, When I was onQerst hongyng on pe rode; And 1put my-self to pe deb fore ~ O W , Pat 3e schul euer haue leuyd with me; Bot 3e were proud, couetyse h l of enuy, And wold do no good dede, bot cursid treuly, And false lyers in gour lyue as wel3e cnow." (11. 274-286)Ia0

13%o. 107, "A Dialogue Between Natura Hominis and Bonitas Dei," Brown, XVfh Cenfury, 164-68. ''''The X I Pains of Hel[, edited by Richard Moms, An Old English Miscellany, 219. See ais0 De visions of seynt pou1 wan he was rapt in-to para&s, 223 -32 (11.297-3 14).

There are no such close translations of Chnst's monologue as it is found in Caesarius' sermon and OE homilies. However, several Middle English lyrics suggest that some of the ideas have been taken into the general stock of motifs used in literature of the Passion, perhaps by way of vemacular sermons. Al1 of these lyrks

are fiom the fourteenth and fifieenth centuries, at a considerable remove from the OE, and therefore one should not expect a close correspondence but rather the kind of echo which is the result of many permutations in vemacular treaûnents. The cornplaint lyric which seems to reflect the OE Address more than any other is one that is not a monologue at al1 but a narrative recitation of Christ's deeds. The following cornparison of selected phrases should rnake the correspondence clear"": Lyke vnto pe trynite he deyd pe dewyse (1.2)

ic be hiwode to mines sylfes anlicnesse

And set pe in be plesant place of paradyse (1.4)

and ha pe gestaaelode on neomawonges gefean

Wyth these grete gyftis pu cowdyst not be content, / Butt by grete presumpsioun Assentyst to pe serpent (11.9- 10)

du forhogodest mine bebodu and me sylhe, and pone awyrgedan dioful bu Iufudest

Cryst bene, beholdynge py grete & grewous fall, /... Was Anone meked with pyte paternall(11.13, 15)

ic be wolde eft miltsian

Off A vyrgyne was 1-bore be to restore in-dede (1.23)

ic fæmnelicne innob gesohte

"'No.106,Brown, XVrh C e n f - y , 162-164; Verc., Vm.48-53. 187

The refrain, however, is fiom the Improperia: Quid ultra debuitfacere? Another

poem which has much in cornmon wiîh this lyric casts many of these elements as direct speech.'" References to the creation, fa11 and incarnation in the cornplaint lyrics are thus possibly a distant reflection of the OE version of the Address, since these are not

found in the Improperia. This may also be true of the anaiogy between the suffering of the crucifixion and the pain of bearing mankind's sin as, for example, in the speech as rendered in the Cursor M

d and another fourteenth-century poem:

Wid bi sine bu pinis me, AIS did be iuus apon be tre, wid athes grete and wick dede, ofi pu gens mi wondis blede. (11. 17157-60)'~~ Of al pe payne bat 1 suffer sare, with-in my hert it greues me mare Pe vnkyndenes bat 1fynd in be, bat for bi lufe pus hynged on tre. (11. 1 1- 1 4)IU The often repeated motif of asking for "nothhg else" than mankinc

love or

heart seems also to be based on the Anglo-Saxon tradition of Christ's asking "no

"'No. 105,Brown,XVth Century,

159-162.

143

Cursor Mundi: A Northumbrian Poem of the XNlh Century, ed. Richard Morris, EETS, O.S., 57,59,62,66,68,99, 101 (London: Kegan Paul, 1874-18W), 981; the full speech runs fiom lines 1711 1 to 17178. 77, Brown, MVth Century, 93. Cf. no. 104, Brown, XVth Centus>, 158 (11. 11-14): "Ouer al1 theeis paines bat 1 suffer so sore, / With myne herte hit gruïth me more, bat 1 vnkindnes finde in the, / bat for thi loue hongid vpon a tree." lSI~o.

more" than life or sou1 in return for his suffering: HomScragg VIII: "Ic nawuht ma to minurn deabe ne bidde. Agif me bine sawle swa clame swa ic hy de sealde.'"'' Dere brother, non other thing 1 desire, But geue me thi hert fie, to rewarde myne hire. (11. 28-29)la

On Cros with p a p e / Scharp deth, agayne ffor pi luf take. ffor whilk 1 aske / None oper taske, Bot luf agayne. (Il. 7- 10)14'

There are recastings in the Middle English period which treat the same material in fresh ways. In addition to the dialogue between Naturu hominis and Bonitas Dei mentioned above, one poem juxtaposes Christ's wounds with the seven

deadly sins.IJ8 A very popular version was the Testamentum Christi which depicts the Passion as a charter in which Christ's own skin or body is the parchment, his biood the ink, the witnesses the gospel-writers, and so on.'"' The content of the agreement is Christ's promise of his kingdom in return for rnankind's payrnent of the "rent" of penance and right-living. All of this is cast in the fiamework of a

146No. 103, Brown, XVlh Century, 156-158. See also no. 102, Brown, W t h Century, 151-156 (1. 148): "Insteid of luf nocht ask 1the"; no. 78, Brown,m t h Century, 94 (11. 1 112): 9 a t 1 Pi lufe sa dere haue boght, / And 1 aske be noght elles." '"?No.108, Brown, W t h Century, 168-169. 148No. 127, Brown, AïKth Century, 227-228. '49TestamentumChristi, ed. C . Horstmann, 'Wachtriige ni den Legenden," Archivfur das Studium der neueren Sprachen 79 ( 1 887): 424-432.

monologue by Christ detailing the cmcifixion events. The most fiequent setting is that of Christ speaking as fiorn the cross to those who pass by based on Lamentations

All of these versifications share a new focus on the pathos of the crucifuuon and identification with the human sufferings of Christ which is not found in the 0E.'51 The physical details of the pains of the crucifixion are heightened while mankind is said to be %nkind" and unmoved by the sufiering Saviour. Sometimes the descriptions seem, to the modem reader at least, to degenerate into melodrarnatic hyperbole. Thus, we are invited to contemplate the bleeding Saviour: Beholde, the bloode of my handis downe renneth, not for my gilte but for youre sinnes, fote and hande with nailes so ben faste, that sinoes & vaines alto-berste. The blood of myne hert rote, Loke, how hit stremyth downe by my fote. (11. 5-10)'~'

In another example, his body is awash in blood: "fiam side to side, fro hiued to be

'sO"Oal1 ye that pass by the way, attend, and see if there be any sorrow like to my sorrow: for he hath made a vintage of me, as the Lord spoke in the day of his fierce anger."

"'One cm perhaps discem a rnovement in this direction in the OE poems The Dream of the Rood (11.46-56) and Christ 111(11. 1081-1088, 1107-1127) in which the details of Christs sufferingare graphically dzscribed. For an examination of the passion-piety in these two poems with respect to earlier Christian literature and liturgy, see Christopher L. Chase, "'Christ III,' 'The Dream of the Rood' and Early Christian Passion Piety," Vioror 11 (1980): 11-33.

"WO. 104, Brown, XVth Century, 158; tramlateci h m the Latin O homo vide quid pro te paiior; Brown, XVIh Ceniury, 326.

fot, / tum mi bodi abuten, o u e d bu fmdest blod" (11. 7-8).'53 The number of wounds

hundreth woundis, & fjwe thousande, / And paiao sexty / And are multiplied: "me m e n e , / Was taulde & sene / On my body" (11.73-77).'"

These emotional appeals as

products of the new movement of "affective piety'? belong to the larger context of

sirnilar literary developments such as the popular laments of the Virgin at the foot of the cross and the dialogues between Christ and his mother. This evolution was the

result of a shift in the High Middle Ages away fiom a perception of Christ as Victor over Satan towards the image of the &'Manof Sorrows." Part of this move was an increasing focus on the natural feelings of pity and compassion which the sufferings of Chnst evoke and which were encouraged as an initial step toward a more spintual love of God in the writings of St. Bernard.'" The lyrics which employ Christ's cornplaint illustrate well the difference between Anglo-saxon attitudes towards the Passion in terms of the required response of remuneration and the later poetry in which it was a subject for meditation demanding an emotional response of grief, horror, remorse and penitence.

'S3No.4, Brown, XNth Century, 3. This l w c is based on the Latin poem Respice in faciem Christi tui: "Volue & reuolue dominicum corpus a latere vsque ad latus. A summa vsque deorsum & circumquaque inuenies dolorem & cruonun"; as printed in Brown, XNih Century, 242. Cf. Testamentum Christi, (MS Harley 23 82,ll. 27 1-72): ''that fi0 my fete vnto my hede / y was not els but al blode-rede." '"NO. 102, Brown, W t h Centwy, 15 1- 156.

'"Woolf, 2 1-27; cf. Southem, 232ff.

It has already been noted that the context for these lyrics was often the

homi1y.l" The most compelling evidence for the close comection between sermon and lyrîc during the Middle English period is John of Grimestone's preaching book fiom the fourteenth century which collects, among other materials, vernacular lyrics for use in prea~hing.'~'How this was accomplished may be seen in two examples of Christ's Address which are found in both c o n t e ~ t s . ' ~The ~ fvst is a meditative lyric attributed to the inspiration of St. Bernard:

Man, folwe seintt Bernardes trace And loke in ihesu cnstes face, How hee lut hys heued to pe Swetlike for to kessen be, And sprat hise armes on pe tre, Senful man, to klippen be. In sygne of loue ys open his syde; Hiis feet y-nayled wid pe tabyde. Al his bodi is don on rode, Senful man, for byne g~ode.''~

'"Siegfried Wenzel even claims that the sermon was the "generative center for the production of English lfics"; Preachers. Poets, und the Early English Lyric (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, l986), 13. Cf. idem, "Medieval Sermons and the Study of Literature," in Medieval and Pseudo-Medieval Literature. The JA. W. Bennett Mernorial Lectures, Perugia 1982-1983 (Tübingen: Gunter Narr, 1984), 19-3 2. '"Brown nos. 62-76 (XIVih Century) were taken fiom this manuscript. Wenzel devotes two of his chapters to Grimestone's book: "The Oeuvre of Friar John of Grimestone" (Preuchers. Poets 101- 134) and "Grimestone the Lyricist" (Preachers, Poefs, 135-1 73); cf. Woolf, 20ff.

158Wenzelalso cites an example of a translation of the Improperia in a sermon (Preachers, Poets, 153). Century, 128. This poem is ultimately based on Sermo XXW in the pseudo-Augustuiian collection Adfiaires in eremo: "Elevate capita vestra, et 15%10.69, Brown,HIIth

This fmds a close parallel in a later sermon: Loo, myne armys ben sprede a brode for to clyppe the and to take the to grace, and myne hedde 1 bow doune for to gyfe the a kisse of luffe. And my syde is openyd for to schewe how lqnde 1have ben to the, and how lovyng, and myne h e m is clyfke a two for the love of the, my hondys and my feete bledythe for to schewe what 1 suffyrde for the?' Though the poem was certainly based on the Latin verse which is next to it in the

same manuscript, it may not have been changed into a fust-person address until it was incorporated in the homilies, perhaps under the influence of other cornplaint lyrics. Another unique version of Christ's Address which was adopted into the homilies was the lyric which Brown titles "Jesus Pleads with the Worldling" in which Christ juxtaposes his sufferings to the life of the well-to-do ' ~ o r l d l i n g . " ' ~ For '

a cornparison 1will quote the fust stanza:

corde aspicite vulnera Salvatoris nostri in ligno pendentis, pœnas morientis, pretium redimentis, cicatrices resurgentis. Quid aliud videre poterimus, nisi caput inclinatum ad vocandum et parcendum, cor apertum ad diligendurn, brachia extensa ad amplexandum, totum corpus expositum ad redimendurn?"; PL 40.1293. @ 'Q ' uoetd in G.K. Owst, Preaching in Medieval England An Introduction to Sermon Manuscripts of the Period c. 1350-1150 (New York: Russell & Russell, 1965), 348. See also a homily by John Mirk: "Loo, myne armes ben sprad on brode, redy to klyp you; my hed ys bowed, redy to b s s e you; my syde ys open to schew my hert to you; my hondys and fete bledyth, to schew you what 1 sufnyd for yod'; Theodor Erbe, ed., Mirk's FestiaZ- A Collection of Homilies by Johannus Mirkus (John Mirk), EETS, e.s., 96 (London: Kegan Pad, Trench, Trübner, 1905), 112. I6'No. 126, Brown. XNth Century, 225-226. See aiso an adaptation fkom the fourteenth century in A Stanzaic Life of Christ Cornpiledfiom Higden 's Po[ychronicon and the Legenda Aurea, Ediledfiorn MS. HàrZey 3909, ed. Frances A. Foster, EETS, O.S., 166 (1926; reprint, New York: Kraus, 197l), lines 592 1-5948.

Ihesus doi, hirn bymene, and spekeb to synful mon: Pi garland is of grene, of floures many on; Myn of sharpe bornes, myn hewe it makeb won. (11. 1-6) In a homily by John Mirk this becomes: "Pou hast on by hed a garland of flowres, and 1 for De on my hed su*

a wreI>eof g s-

bornes."'''

It is, of course, possible

that a particularly compelling homiletic text was likewise the inspiration for religious lyrics. Finally, we are not surprised to fmd the Address by Christ in late medieval drama. The inherent dramatic possibilities of the cornplaint lyrics make it possible for them to be taken into various plays with only minimal adaptation, and the Ific in which Christ is portrayed as speaking from the cross is an obvious choice for the Crucifwon plays. In the York cycle this speech is still very much tied to the biblical passages of Lamentations 1:12 and to Christ's statement fkom the cross conceming the forgiveness of his enernie~?~But in the Towneley Crucifixion play the monologue goes well beyond the scriptural with features that are reminiscent of the

1 6 3 L ~T. ~ Smith, y ed., York Plays. The Plays Perjormed by the Crafrs or Mysteries of York on the Da-of Corpus Christi in the Idth, I P and 16'~Centuries ( 1 885; reprint, N.Y.: Russel & Russell, 1963), 357 (11.253-264).

Improperia and the OE ~ d d r e s s . ' ~

Dramatic settings also include those with which the Address was already associated in the Anglo-saxon period: the Harrowing of Hel1 and Doomsday. Both the York and Towneley collections begin their Harrowing of Hel1 plays with speeches by Christ which are very simiiar. They are, however, merely staternents of accomplished fact, rather than a cornplaint designed to elicit a response.16' The Judgment Day play, however, features an Address in which Christ displays his wounds and is able to recite the main sufferings of his

Curiously, he ends

this part of the monologue with the statement "Al1 this sufEed 1 for thi sake. / Say,

man, what suffied thou for me?" (11.606-607), paralleled in OE HomScragg VIII-"And

ic Pis eal fkemede for de. Hwæt gedydest Bu for me?"-and

HomAssmann XIV-"Eala

in

man, hwar syndon ba lean, be t>ume dydest for mime

I M ~ . CCawley . and Martin Stevens, eds., The Towneley Plays, EETS, S.S., 13 (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1994), 294-295 (11. 233-285). The infiuence of the

Improperia is most obvious in the following lines: My folk, what haue 1 done to the That thou al1 thus shail tormente me? Thy syn by 1 full sore. What haue I greuyd the, answere me, That thou thus nalys me to a tre, And al1 for thyn erroure? (H. 244-49) Echoes of the OE Address may be seen in the creation of mankind in his image (1.268), and perhaps in the lines "Vnkyndly thou me quytys; 1 Se thus thi wekydnes, I Loke how thou me dyspytys!" (11.273-75).

166~awley and Stevens, 4 17-419 (11. 560-631).

~ro~unge?"~ One ' perhaps should also compare it to a phrase in the Visio PauliQuidpassi estis pro me?'68-or the Caesarius speech as it is found in Pembroke 25-et

tu pro his quidfecisti?-but

the OE still seems remarkably close to this

version written several hundred years later.

The fmal drarnatic setting in which a cornplaint monologue fmds a place is in the Towneley Resurrection play.I6' Here the tone is somewhere between the ttiumph

of the Harrowing and the sorrow of the cmcifixion. In fact, some lines seem rather inappropriate to the risen Christ and clearly were taken from a lyric which depicts him -

-

as speaking fiom the cross: "Thou synfull man that by me gase, / Tytt vnto me thou turne thi face" (11.248-49) or "Lo, how 1 hold myn armes on brade, / The to saue ay redy mayde!" (11. 325-26).170 During the Middle English period, the reproachful monologue by Christ was

an established feature of hornily, lyric and drarna. It seems to have been mainly appreciated for its affective qualities; the wounds, suffering and humiliation of the

Saviour are to provoke the emotions which will m e r penance and right-living. 16'Scragg, Verc., 146. Assmann, 168.

'"Cawley and Stevens, 342-346 (11.230-350). L70Cawley and Stevens (605) note that it combines lyric no. 102 in Brown (XYrh Centwy) and another speech in the Chester Resurrection play. The latter begins with the creation CLEirthlyeman that 1have wroughte"), but centers on a cornparison between Christ's body and blood and the Eucharist; Thomas Wright, ed., The Chester Plqvs: A Collection of Mysteries (London: Shakespeare Society, 1 847), 89-90.

Conclusion This study has shown that Christ's Address to mankind most likely had its ongins in early Eastern Christendom, as was shown by the exarnples of Ephraem the Syrian and the apocryphal Visio Pauli. In late Anglo-saxon England it was known mainly in the version authored by Caesarius of Arles, and its fiequent use in the homilies as well as its poetic adaptation are testimony that it spoke to current conceptions of the reciprocal relationship between God and man involved in redemption. It is always problematic to assert a belief as being essentiaily Anglo-

Saxon given the derivative nature of the literature. Nevertheless, 1 suggest that Christ's sacrifice in the Passion was fùndamentally tied to the legd notion of compensation, and that the appreciation for this monologue shown by Anglo-saxon homilists rests primarily on its concurrence with this conception. Dramatically, of course, the Address has much to recommend it as well. Its movement fiom simple narrative statements to forceful accusation and especially its ability to connect the distant events of Christ's Passion to the world of its audience, no doubt played a large part in its survival through a thousand years of literary transformations.

Chapter 4

Christ's MonoCogue in the Sunday Letter

Pone heahan dæg heaIda6 and freodiab ealIe ba de cunnon cristene beawas, halige heortlufan and oæs hehsten gebod; on drihtnes namon se dæg is gewuri5od. (The Gloria 1,27-30)'

The document known as the Sunday Letter c m boast a long history which begins in the sixth century and does not end until the present era and which includes

versions in Greek, Latin and nurnerous vemacular languages.' It consists of a

'Dobbie, E.V.K., ed. The Anglo-saxon Minor Poems, ASPR, vol. 6 (New York, Columbia Univ. Press, l942), 75. 'Renoir lists Spanish, German, French, Slavic, Ethiopian, Arabic and Syriac versions; E. Renoir, "Christ (lettre du) tombée du ciel," Dictionnaire d'archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie, vol. 3, pt. 1, ed. Femand Cabrol and H ~ MLeclercq (Paris:Letouzey et Ane, 1907-53), col. 1536. The main publications on the Latin and Old English Sunday Letters are the following: Robert Priebsch, Letterfiorn Heaven on the Observance of the Lord S Dqy (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1935); Hippolyte Delehaye, "Note sur la légende de la lettre du Chnst tombée du ciel," Bulletin de Z ilcadémie Royale Belgique. Classe des Lettres (1899): 17 1-2 13; Karl Jost, Wulfstunstudien, Schweizer anglistische Arbeiten 23 (Bem: A. Francke, 1 M O ) , 22 1-236; Dorothy Whitelock, "Bishop Ecgred, Pehtred and Niall," in Ireland in E d y Medieval Europe, ed. Dorothy Whitelock, Rosamond McKittenck, and David DurnviLle (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1982), 47-68; Clare Lees, "The 'Sunday Letter' and the 'Sunday Lists,'" ASE 14 (1985): 129-51.

lengthy preamble which relates its composition by Christ himself, its fa11 ont0 an altar of Christendom, usudly Jenisdem or Rome, and subsequent travels from prelate to prelate. Its main section is an exhortation to Sunday observance bolstered by a prospect of either curse or blessing depending on whether the warning is heeded. This is the letter proper? and it is spoken in the fmt person by Christ himself. Severe threats, ranging from natural disaster to foreign invasion, are made to those who will not honour the Lord's day properly. Within this framework, the various venions of the Sunday Letter employ a variety of authenticating devices to ensure that its alleged status as supplement to divine revelation be accepted. Sunday observance is not just a religious matter; it has important social and economic implications which have made this issue a current one even to the present day.' In fact, in the Middle Ages it may be said that theology at times appears to follow public belief and societal traditions. Legal codes, both secular and ecclesiastical, are enacted with only the scantest of doctrinal justifications, leading us to believe that the operative stimuli remain unstated. In this chapter it will be an essential part of my task to examine the historical and cultural contexts which governed the original composition of the Latin Sunday Letter in the sixth century as well as its appearance in Anglo-saxon England.

en or example, Witold Rybczynski notes that in the United States of Amenca "as late as 1985, thirty-nine states continued to restrict Sunday activities, either by a general ban on dl commerce and labor (twenty-two states) or by restrictions on specific activities"; Waiting for the Weekend (New York: Viking, 1 99 1), 74.

The OE versions of the Sunday Letter will be studied for their innovations to the Latin tradition and for the rhetorîcal devices which are used to validate this

suspicious piece of writing. It will be shown that, despite its brief peak of popularity in the eleventh century, the Sunday Letîer was never fully integrated into the homiletic corpus of the day, nor did it have a significant impact on the preaching of later centuries.

A Hisloty of Sunday Observance

The issue of Christian Sunday observance seems to have lacked clarity from the very begiming. The controversies concerning the Sabbath which are recorded in

the gospels are well-known. Most of these have to do with Christ's performance of miracles on the Sabbath, such as the healing of a blind man or a man with a withered

band: In one important incident, however, the Sabbath law is broken as a matter of necessity or even convenience. Christ's disciples pick and eat some corn and, following the usuai reproof by the Phaisees, Christ States that '-the Sabbath was made for man, and not man for the Sabbath," and that "the Son of Man is Lord of the

John 5: 1- 18 (heaiing of lame man), 9: 1-41 (healing of blind man); Luke 13: 10-17 (healing of woman bent double); Matt. l2:9-14, Mark 3 :1-6, Luke 6:6-11 (healing of man with withered hand); Matt. 8: 14-17, Mark 129-34?Luke 4:38-39, (healing of Peter7s mother-in-law). 4

Sabbath also."' These two statements illustrate Christ's disagreement with the extreme legalism of his contemporaries, but they do not necessarily irnply that he advocated an abandonment of the third commandment of the decalog~e.~ However, evidently the early Church was compelled to determine its own position on Sabbath observance without clear and unambiguous direction fiom its founder. Nor do the writings of the apostle Paul resolve the difficulty as they do in the

case of other Jewish practices such as circurncision and dietar). restrictions. In the book of Romans, St. Paul merely makes the following statement: Nam alius iudicat diem plus inter diem abus iudicat omnem diem unusquisque in suo sensu abundet. Qui sapit diem Domino sapit et qui rnanducat Domino manducat gratias enim agit Deo.' For one judgeth between day and day: and another judgeth every day: let every man abound in his own sense. He that regardeth the day, regardeth it unto the Lord. And he that eateth, eateth to the Lord: for he giveth thanks to God. This comment, though it does not specifically name either Sabbath or Sunday, may be

seen as emblematic of the stniggle in the early Church between Christian freedom and

'"Et dicebat eis: sabbatun propter hominem factum est et non homo propter sabbanun. Itaque dominus est Filius hominis etiam sabbati" (Mark 227-28). Cf. Matt. 12: 18, Luke 6: 1-5. 6

Exod. 20:8-Il: "Memento ut diem sabbati sanctifices. Sex diebus operaberis et facies omnia opera tua. Septimo autem die sabbati Domini Dei tui non facies omne opus tu et filius tuus et filia tua servus hius et ancilla tua iumentum tuum et advena qui est intra portas Nas. Sex enim diebus fecit Dominus caelum et terram et mare et ornnia q u e in eis sunt et requievit in die septimo idcirco benedixit Dorninus diei sabbati et santificavit eum."

Jewish practices. What was pious observance to one was reprehensible 'Tudaizing" to another, a situation which continued throughout the Middle Ages.

The earliest, pre-Constanthian Church observed the Lord's Day primarily as a day of wonhip rather than rest, based on the belief that it was the day when Christ .~ had risen from the dead, hence the designation "Lord's day" (diesd o m i n i ~ a )On

this day of joyfiil celebration it was forbidden to kneel and fast, the very fxst Sunday

prohibition^.^ While Christians were in the minority and in danger of persecution, it would have been unthinkable for them to draw attention to themselves by refûsing to work on Sundays, particularly as many of them were of the lower classes or slaves.'*

'Willy Rordorf, Sunday: The History of the Day of Rest and Worship in the Earliest Centuries of the Christian Church, trans. A.A.K. Graham (1962; reprint, London: SCM Press, 1968), 154ff. See also RJ. Bauckham, "Sabbath and Sunday in the Post-Apostolic Church," in From Sabbath to Lord S.Day: A Biblical, Historical, and Theological Investigation, ed. D.A. Carson (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Zondervan, 1%2), 269. Rordorf has published a very usefbl compilation of many of the primary te.- (with a German translation) which relate to Sunday observance during the first six centuries: Sabbat und Sontag in der d e n Kirche (Zürich: Theologischer Verlag, 1972). For the view that both worship and rest fi-om labour were a part of Sunday observance fiom the second century on, see Samuele Bacchiocchi, From Sabbath to Sunday: a Historical Investigation of the Rise of Sunduy Observance in Em'y Christian@ (Rome: Pontifical Gregorian University, 1977); and Roger T. Beckwith and Wilfrid Stott, This is the Day: the Biblical Doctrine of the Christian Sunday in its Jewish and Early Church Setting (London :Marshall, Morgan & Scott, 1978). 'Rordorf, 267-68; Bauckham, cbPost-Apostolic,"275; H. Dumaine, "Dimanche7' Dictionnaire d'archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie, ed. F . Cabrol and H. Leclercq, vol. 4 (Paris, l92O), cols. 957-960. 'O~ordorf,154-56. In this view, early mentions of cessation fiom work in Eusebius and Termllian are interpreted as a reservation of a space of time for the purposes of worship, presumably in the early moming or late evening, rather than a setting aside of the entire day for rest; Rordorf, 158- 162. Also, Bauckharn, "Post-Apostolic," 274.

Meanwhile, in Syria and Palestine, the Jewish Sabbath d s o continued to be kept to a certain extent arnong Jewish Christians." It has been suggested that in the third and fourth centuries this ongoing syncretism was a result of popular tendencies to absorb the practices of Jewish neighbours, a situation which the authorities sought to oppose. l2 The first officia1 legislation conceming regulation o f Sunday was promulgated by the Emperor Constantine in 32 1. In it the "day of the sun" was to be set aside for rest; the only exception was field-work. Constantine's intent in the formation of this edict has been disputed. There is some indication that it was more an appeasement of members of the cult of Mithras, who were sun-worshipers, than of the Christians in the empire. It may also have been an attempt to accommodate both groups, though there is little evidence that Sunday rest was a requirement o f the Church at this time.I3 Indeed, some documents indicate that Sunday rest had undesirable associations with

the perceived "idleness" of the Jewish Sabbath and that there were those who feared that secular amusements would become the means of filling the empty hours.14

' 'Bauckham, "Post-Apostolic,"

257-59. Bauckham also mentions various gentile groups who may have had strict Sabbath regdations (259ff.). L2~xamples of such disapproval may be found in canon 29 of the Council of Laodicea (380), the wrïtings of "Pseudo-Barnabas," Justin Martyr, Temillian, Irenaeus and Vaientinian Ptolemaeus; Bauckham, "Post-Apostolic," 26 1-269. Cf. Rordorf, 167-68.

14~ordo&167-70; Dumaine, cols. 9 19-20.

Once an official day of rest? Sunday becomes associated with the Old Testament Sabbath, and the notion of the former being a replacement for the latter begins to appear.'' In part, this must have been due to the very practical consideration that the Church had every reason to encourage a work-free Sunday in conjunction with the obligation to attend church services, the main avenue of Christian instruction. But this motivating factor alone cannot explain the sudden increase in prohibitions which seems to have taken place in the late fifth and especially the sixth century. Here there must have been an additional influence, whether Jewish, Germanic or Celtic, which encouraged these particular taboos. Wihelm Thomas, in his comprehensive study of Sunday observance in the early Middle Ages, explains this influx not as an association with the Jewish Sabbath, but rather the transference of pagan Germanic practices in connection with their "taboo-days" to the Christian Sunday.16 As evidence, Thomas cites Caesarius of Arles' sermon XIX which speaks out against the pagan practice of honouring Thursday or love's day by not working.17

"Rordorf, 169-73. Cf. Bauckham, "Post-Apostolic," 28 1-285. 16WilhelmThomas, Der Sonntag imfrùhen Mittelalter. Mit Berücksichtigung der Entstehungsgeschichte des christlichen Dekalogs dargestellt (Gottingen: Bardenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1929), 17ff.

"Sermo XIX.4; Morin, CCSL 103,90. See also Serrno Xm.5; ibid., 68. The Synod of Narbonne in 589 also condemned Thursday observance; Car1 Joseph von Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, 2d ed., vol. 3 (Freiburg irn Breisgau: Herder, 1877), 55. Various forms of Thursday rest have been observed among Germanic peoples into this century; cf. Eduard Hofiaun-Krayer and Hanns Bachtold-Staubli, eds., "Donnerstag," Han&rterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens, vol. 2 (1927-42; reprint, Berlin: De Gruyter, 1987), cois. 33 1-345.

In another instance, Caesarius mentions women who will not spin or weave on that day.Is But as Thomas points out, Caesarius' staternent that such people are 'btranerring to Thursday what ought to be done on Sunday," actually opens the door to syncreti~rn.'~ At the same time, when Caesarius tries to goad his parishioners with

the example of the devotion of the Iews in not working on their Sabbath, he seems to be inviting Sabbatarianism," but at least in this instance he makes it clear that proper observance of Sunday for the Christian involves church attendance, reading and prayer." One particular instance of Sunday regulation found in Caesarius which is of

some importance is the prohibition of sexual contact on Sunday." This rule arose in honour of partaking of the Eucharist, but Caesarius declares that children conceived on Sundays or feast days will be bom either "leprosi aut epileptici aut forte etiam

"Sermo LII.2; Morin, CCSL 103,230-31. Sermo XIII.5; ibid., 68. The prohibition against spinning was perhaps for Thursday evening in honor of the following day, Freyja's day; Handworterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens, col. 333. 19SermoXM.4; Morin, CCSL 1O3,gO.

'q will use the terni "Sabbatarianism" not merely to refer to the innuence of Jewish Sabbath customs, but to any tendency toward strict Sunday observance. Cf. Oxford English Dictionary, S.V. "Sabbatanan"(sense 8.2): "one whose opinion and practice with regard to Sunday observance are unusually strict." "Sermo XIII.3; ibid., 66. Sermo LXXIII.4; ibid., 308-309. 79

-See William E. Klingshim, Caesarius of Arles: The Making of a Christian Communiq in Laie Antique Gaul (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1994), 155-56.

daemoniosi" ('lepers, or epileptics or perhaps demoniacs')," a suggestion which is strongly rerniniscent of the fate of children conceived on Sunday in the Sunday Letteret4 Although Caesarïus spoke out against Thursday observance, his sermons do not provide evidence that "aboo-day" restrictions had in fact been transferred to Sunday. Furthemore, his own notions of reverencing the Lord's day seem to have

more to do with attendance at Church and spending tirne in payer, rather than abstaining fiom work? But there is other evidence to add some credence to Thomas' thesis of pagan taboo-day influence. The Council of Orleans in 538 castigates those

who will not deal with their f m animais, ride in a cart, prepare food or clean house

=Sermo XLN.7; Morin, CCSL 103, 199. Cf. Sermo XVI.2; ibid., 78. Thomas believes this section may be a later interpolation (33). ' 4 H o ~ a p i eXLV, r 23 1.20-22: "Gif ge ne healdad bone halgan sunnandreg, donne beod on e o w m husum acennede cild, be ne geseoB ne ne gehyraa ne ne gad, and ge forweorbad." HomPriebsch, lines 89-93: "And ba cildra Be beod begiten on sunnan niht and on barn halgan freolsnihtwn hi sceolan beon geborene butan eagon and butan fotum and butan handon and eacswilce dumbe, for barn be ge ne heoldon mid clapnnesse pa halgan niht and ne widtugan mid eowre tungm to cursiende." Cf. HomNapierCCCC162,360. The OE Sunday Letter hornilies will be cited fiom the following editions: HomNapier XLIII, XLIV, XLV, L W : Arthur Napier, ed., Wzirfstan: Samrnlirng der ihm mgeschriebenen Homilien nebst Untersuchungen über ihre Echtheit (1883; r e p ~ îDublin: , Max Nihans, l967), 205- 15,2 15-26>226-32,29 1-99. HomNapierCCCC162: Arthur Napier, "Contributions to Old English Literature: 1. An Old English Homily on the Observance of Sunday," in An EngZish Miscellany Presented to Dr. Furnivall, eds., W.P. Ker and A S . Napier, (1901; reprint, New York: Blom, 1969), 357-62. HomPriebsch: R. Priebsch, "The Chief Sources of Some Anglo-Saxon Homilies," Otia Merseiana 1 (1899): 135-38. (HomWanley): N.R Ker, Catalogue of Manuscripts Containing Anglo-Saxon (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1957), 229 [incipit and eqdicit from Wanley].

sSermo XIII.3; Morin, CCSL 103,66; Sermo LXXIII.4; ibid., 308-309.

on Sunday? At the same tirne it forbids rural labour, presurnably making a distinction between populist taboos and a Christian obligation to refrain from servile work. Martin of Braga (ca. 5 15-579), in his De correctione rusticorum, also condemns the observance of Thursday, but urges the honoring of the Lord's day with the cessation of servile work (opus servile), in which he includes the undertaking of long joumeys." Various individuals may have had differing defmitions of the notion

of work, and some, though we are never told exactly who, clearly went beyond what was officially required.

The sixth century produced mother type of endorsement of the new attitudes towards Sunday in the literary sphere. The Strafnunder (miracles of punishment) recounted by Gregory of Tours are additional evidence that popular stories were beginning to spring up to support the increasing restrictions. Gregory recounts tales

of farmers and crafismen whose limbs are imrnobilized as they try to work on Sunday? One example points to the influence of taboo-like restrictions which take

the idea of Sunday rest to its extreme:

"''o~usservile, id est agnim, pratum, vineam, vel si qua gravia sunt, non faciatis in die dorninico, praeter tantum quod ad necessitatem reficiendi corpusculi pro exquoquendo pertinet cibo et necessitate longinqui itineris"; Martini Episcopi Bracarensis Opera Omnia, ed. Claude W . Barlow (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1%O), 202. See Thomas, 29-30. 18~ibri m i r a c u l o m II. De m i m l i s S. Juliana, PL 7 12308;De miraculis Sancti Martini, PL 71 :972,985,979,980,987,988, 1007; Vitaeputmm, PL 71 :1075.

Puella quædam, die Domuiico cum suurn caput componeret, pectine apprehenso, credo ob injuriam diei sancti, in manibus ejus adhæsit, ita ut &x [sic] dentes tam in digitis quam in palrnis magnum ei dolorem inferrent." A certain girl was f&g her hair on a Sunday. 1believe because of the injury done to the holy day that when she took hold of the comb it stuck to her hand so that the teeth pressed as much into her fmgers as into her palm and caused great pain.

The girl is delivered £rom her agony when she prays at the tomb of St. Gregory, but

the idea that even the combing of hair was forbidden goes well beyond the official prohibitions against Sunday labour. The legislation in Gaul at this time and, indeed throughout the entire

Carolingian period usually goes no fùrther than to forbid work, and sometirnes

markets,in the most generat terms, though as early as the end of the sixth century fuies are to be exacted for Sunday work.jO The expressions used, corporalia opera or opera sentifia, are not usually given further defmition, although one eighth-century Bavarian law code specifies that this means the use of farm animals and field ~ o r k . ~ '

Another important exception is the Admonitio generalis issued by Charlemagne in 789 which specifies that work in field and vineyard-ploughing,

'9

harvesting, mowing,

Vitaepatrum, PL 71:1040.

' m e Council of Narbonne (589); Thomas, 3 6-37. 3 ' ~ . McReavy, ~ . "The Sunday Repose fiom Labour," Ephernerides Theologicae Lovanienses 12 (1935): 3 16-21. Thomas provides a useful table o f al1 councils and synods which contain Sunday legislation fiom this time penod as an appendix on pages 100-106.

erecting of fences, felling of trees-as

well as building of houses and garden work are

al1 prohibited." Travel is allowed only in pressing circumstances. Women's work-such

as sewing, weaving and the washing of clothes-is

also forbidden. Here

we can see that specific restrictions have found acceptance in officia1 circles, though

it is difficult to assess how successfully they were enforced. It should also be noted that these regulations stiil stop shoa of the more private spheres of personal hygiene and food preparation which are encroached upon in the Sunday Letter. However, there were some imposant figures who med to exert an influence against the increasing trend towards Sabbatarianism by spiritualizing the commandment of the Sabbath rest and resisting its association with the Christian Sunday. Most importantly perhaps, Augustine saw the Sabbath rest of the decalogue

as a prefiguration of the spiritual rest under the New ~ a w Gregory . ~ ~ the Great, in a letter to the citizens of Rome, protests against the Sabbatarianism of those who urge a cessation fiom work on the Sabbath. Gregory identifies those who espouse such views as "preachers of the Anti-Christ" (prnedicatores Antichristi) and reminds the citizens that the Sabbath is to be observed spiritually, not literally. More remarkable,

"Cap. 8 1 . Capituimia regum Francorum I, ed. Alfiedus Boretius, MGH, ieges 2 (Hannover: Hahn, 1883), 6 1.

however, is Gregory's mention of the practice of not washing oneself on Sunday."

In response to this deviation, he clarifies what may be seen as orthodox Sunday observance: the practice of prayer and the cessation of worldly work, in which, however, the term labor terrenus need not imply labour, but rather sin, as in the term

"the works of the ~ o r l d . ' " ' ~It would seem, however, that not even the influential voices of Augustine and Gregory could stem the tide of an increasing Sabbatarianism. It is in the clirnate of this growing Sabbatarian rnovement of the sixth century that we f m t hear of the Sunday Letter.36 We would have no knowledge of its early appearance were it not for certain authoritative condemnations which are still extant, and it is particularly instructive to observe what arguments are used in the course of these denunciations.

The first of these dates fiom the end of the sixth century, when

U~pistola Xm,3: "Aliud quoque ad me perlaturn est, vobis a perversis hominibus esse praedicatum, ut dorninicorum die nullus debeat lavare"; Gregorii I Papae regishrm epistolumm, vol. 2, MGH, epistolue, ed. Paul Ewald and Ludwig M. Hartmann (Berlin: Weidmann, l89l), 367-68. 3566

Dorninicorum ver0 die a labore terreno cessandurn est atque omni modo orationibus insistendum"; Ibid., 368. See McReavy, 3 17. 36

A text which has been seen by some as a predecessor to the letter is a curious kgment (S. x-xi), probably authored sometime in the sixth century, which at one tirne was attributed to Peter of Alexandria. It commands Sunday rest and peace and anathematizes those who refuse to abide by this and other Iaws. Although it in some ways resembles the Sunday Letter, its doubtful dating and limited scope lessen its value to a study of the letter's sources. It should, however, be ooted that this text also introduces an Old Testament style curse to the exhortation of resting on the Lord's day. Carl Schmidt, "Fragment einer Schrift des Martyrer-Bischofs Petrus von Alexandrien," Texte und U~ersuchungenzur Geschichte der altchristZichen Literatur, 20.4b (1901): 5-7. For the authenticity and dating of this text, see the note on Schmidt's edition by Hippolyte Delehaye (Analecru BolZandiana 20 [190 11: 101-103), and Renoir,col. 1536.

Licinianus, bishop of Carthagena, writes to Vincentius, bishop of Ibiza, conceming his use of the Sunday letter. Licinianus is clearly offended by the letter's claim to be Christ's words and condemns its inferior style and unsound doctrine (nec sermo

eleguns, nec doctrina sana).)' He believes that the letter goes well beyond honouring the day for the sake of Christ's resurrection and accuses the writer of tying to 'Ijudaize" by forbidding the preparation of food and travel. Licinianus notes that he would prefer that a man garden and travel on Sunday, than that he engage in dancing and other fnvolous secular amusements. In addition to this, he cannot believe that Christ would add to scripture (the prophets and the apostles), which, with the exception of Moses' Stone tablets, did not &op Eom heaven but were given by the H O ~Spirit. Y Licinianus' theology of Sunday clearly is based on the earlier notion that abstaining from work is only a temptation io engage in unlawful amusements. The next time that we hear of the Sunday Letter is in connection with a certain Aldebert who was condemned for his possession of the letter at the Council of Soissons in 744 and who also was the reason for a synod at the Lateran in the following year.j8 On the latter occasion, Archbishop Boniface sends Pope ZacharÏas al1 the evidence he has accumulated against the heretic Aldebert. The man is unanimously denounced, but the letter is left to speak for itself in this context, only

3 8 fidl ~ account is given by Jefiey Russell in "Saint Boniface and the Eccentrics," Church History 33 (1 964): 235-47.

eliciting the following remark from the Pope: Pro certo, karissimi fiatres, et predictus in insaniam conversus Aldebertus et o m i s , qui hanc utitur scelere commentatam epistolam, parvulonun more absque memoria mentiurn esse possunt et quibusdam mulieris insaniunt sensibus. Sed ut ne leviores adhuc amplius decipiant, indiscussarn et absque sententia causam hanc in eum relinquere minime poss~rnus.~~ Certainly, beloved brothers, this aforementioned Aldebert is insane, and d l who make use of this wickedly fabncated letter are able to lose their senses altogether in the marner of children and they rave with certain womanish notions. But in order that he may no longer deceive the simple, we certainly cannot leave the case without discussion and a judgment against hirn. There is no question that Pope Zacharïas considers the contents of the letter to be beyond the need for M e r probings, and the entire assembly agrees with this verdict. It is interesthg to note that the letter is identified as "fabricated" (cornrnentatam)and that the Pope says it was used (utitur), in other words, that he perceives some manipulative intention behind the letter's tone or subject matter. No doubt in this his imagination was aided by the other stratagems of ~ldebert? The assembly of 745 decides, perhaps unwisely, not to bum the heretical writings used by Aldebert, but rather to preserve them as evidence." Efforts to

39

Michael Tangl, ed., Die Briefe des heiligen Bonifatius und LuIlus, vol. 1, MGH,

epistolae selectae, (Berlin: Weidmann, 19 16), 115-16. 40

Among other things, Aldebert was supposed to have distributed his own kgemails and hair as relics and to have granted absolution without hearing confession (Ibid., 112).

"Ibid., 117-18.

suppress the Sunday Letter were doomed to failure, however, since it would seem that it was already being widely disseminated. Some fi@ years later it reappears in Charlemagne's Admonitio generalis (789) as part of a list of heterodox writings and is denounced as epistola pessima et fulsissima ('a most wicked and false letter') which should not be believed nor read but bumt.4' Shortly thereafter, the Sunday Letter reached Ireland and England as we hear yet another condemnation in a letter by Ecgred bishop of Lindisfame to Wulfsige, archbishop of York, wrïtten in the 8 3 0 d 3 This letter mentions a certain Pehtred, who

has collected heterodox writings, arnong hem the Sunday Letter. Ecgred, like Licinianus, sees in the letter a tendency towards dangerous judaizing: "honoremque Dominici diei ob gloriam resurrectionis. Eujusdem Filii Dei, non sabbatum cum Judæis, omnimodis servare justum credimus et vere scimus" ('And we believe it to be nght and know it to be m e , to observe in every way the honour of the Lord's day on account of the glory of the resurrection of the same Son of God, and not the Sabbath of the Jews')? He doubts the story of Niall, an Irish hennit who was said to have died and corne back to life in order to testiQ to the authenticity of the letter. Ecgred

has researched the names mentioned in the letter, because he says that he cannot fmd

42

Canon 78; Capitularia regum F r u n c o m 1,ed. AEedus Boretius, MGH, Leges 2 (Hannover: Hahn, 1883), 60.

"Whitelock, "Bishop Ecgred," 23. U~addanand Stubbs, 6 15.

a Pope Florentius mentioned in his list of popes. Furthermore, he reasons that such

an important event as a divine letter arriving on St. Peter's tomb would surely have

occasioned a general announcement fiom Rome. Ecgred advises that Pehtred, the owner of the offending book containing the Letter, be severely admonished, and should he persist in error, be anathematized.

Thus far the trail of scanda1 that follows the Sunday Letter. We should note that those who disapprove of the letter associate it with Jewish rather than pagan practices, aithough this does not necessarily invalidate Thomas' hypothesis of a pagan ongin for the practices prohibited in the Sunday Letter. It is likely that both the

pagan taboo-day and the Jewish Sabbath had a part to play in early medieval Sabbatarianism; the extent of the influence in each case is no longer recoverable.

Sunday Observance in AngIo-Saxon England

Our earliest records show that Sunday was to be observed in England as on

the continent, by resting from work. The laws of Ine and Wihtred kom the late seventh century record various punishments for those who either break the law thernselves or force others to do so: [3] Gif beowmon wyrce on Sunnandæg be his hlafordes hæse, sie he firioh, and se hlaford geselle XXX scill. to wite. [3.1] Gif bonne se tieowa butan his gewitnesse wyrce, bolie his hyde. [3.2] Gif Bonne se

figea dy dæge wyrce butan his hlafordes hase, dolie his fieotes?

[3] If a slave should work on Sunday by his lord's command, he should be set free, and let the lord give thirty shillings in payment. [3.1] If the slave should work without [the lord's] knowledge, let him sufTer his hide. [3.2] If a free man should work on that day without his lord's command, let him lose his fieedom. Alf?ed adds no new provisions except to decree that a theft occurring on a Sunday or other holy day must be repaid two-fold?

Durhg the t h e of Æthelstan, Sunday

observance must have been the subject of some controversy; a law forbidding trade

(II Æthelstan 24.1) was subsequently repealed (niÆthelstan 2'):

Even so, fiom the

late tenth c e n t q on, trade and court assemblies were commonly prohibited, and some law codes added hunting and worldly work, such as this one issued by Cnut4*: [15] And Sunnandaga cypingce we forbeodad eac eomostlice and ælc folcgemot, butan hit for micelre neodbearfe sig. [ 15.11 And huntabfara

and ealra woruldlicra weorca on barn halgan dæge geswicæ man

4s

Ine 3,3.1, 3.2 (MS E); Felix Liebermann, ed. Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen, vol. 1 (Halle: Niemeyer, 1903-16), 90. Cf. Whitred 9- 11; ibid., 13. 46

Laws of Alfked 5.5 (25); text and translation of the following laws are cited fiom Dorothy Whiteiock and C.N.L. Brooke, eds., Councils and Synodî with other Documents Relating tu the English Church I. A.D. 871-1207. Part l. 871-1O66 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 198 1). "71bid., 52 and n. 1.

48~anons of Edgar 19; ibid., 32 1. Vm Ætheired 17; ibid., 393-94. "The So-Called 'Laws of Edward and Guthnim"' 7-8; ibid., 3 10. VI Æthelred 22.1; ibid., 352. An interesting narrative which illutrates the conflict between Church and private amusement may be found in the life of St. Dunstan written by Eadmer. This records a vision granted to Dunstan while he was waiting for King Edgar to retum fkom hunting so that mass could begin, which results in the king being urged not to hunt on Sundays; William Stubbs, ed., The Mernorials of St. Dunstan, Rolls Series 63 (London: Longman, 1874), 207.

georne.

[15] And also we earnestly forbid trading on Sundays and every public meeting, unless it be for great necessity. [15.1] And one is to abstain fkom hunting expeditions and al1 secular work on that holy

The f m t code to defme the duration of Sunday as the period f?om Saturday at three in the afiemoon to Monday at dawn is II Edgar 5:

And healde man ælces Sunnandæges fieols fram nontide pæs Sætemesdæges ob bæs Monandæges lihtinge, be barn wite pe Seo domboc tæcb, and ælcne oderne mæssedæg, swa he beboden beo.

And every Sunday shall be observed as a festival fiom Saturday noon until dawn on Monday, under pain of the punishment which the lawbook prescribes, and every other festival as it is enjoined.jO

This is the thne span mentioned in al1 texts thereafter." In addition to the general regulations against Sunday work there were proscriptions of ordeals, oathmaking and strife on dl feast days." Executions were

"9~hitelock and Brooke, 478. Cf. V Æthelred 13.1, Ibid., 352. 501bid.,101. Although Whitelock and Brooke here translate nontide as noon rather than three o'clock in the aftemoon, this seems to have been a later development possibly due to the desire to move the meal-hour to earlier in the day; cf. Oxford English Dictionary, S.V. "noon". See also Joseph A. Jungm-, "Die Heiligung des Sonntags i m Frühchristentum und im Mittelalter," in Der Tag des Hevn. Die Heiligung des Sonntags im Wandel der Zeit, edited by Hermann Peichl (Wien: Herder, 1958),68. %f. 'Ælfkics Brief an Bischof Wulfsige'; Fehr, 32; 'Letter fkom Cnut to the People of England' 18; Whitelock and Brooke, Councils and Synodr, 440-41. 1 Cnut 14.2; ibid., 478. S"~anonsof Edgar' 23,24; ibid., 322. V Æthelred 18; ibid., 354. "The So-Cdled 'Laws of Edward and Guthrum"' 9; ibid., 3 11.

also prohibited on S ~ n d a y s ?An ~ unusual amount of detail is provided in the Northumbrian Priest's Law: [55] Sunnandæges cypingc we forbeodai) æghwar and ælc folgemot and ælc weorc and æIce lade ægber ge on wæne g e on horse ge on byrdene. [56] Se be ænig pissa do, gilde wite: fiiman XII or, beowman e wylke he [God] rystyt fko al1 pe warkys bat he tvroghtt at be begynnyng of pis

~arld."~~~ The homilist has made only minor changes following this, though he assiduously marks the speech boundaries of the monologue with Pays God

'6'0'Mara, 107. She aiso examines its relationship to H o d a p i e r L W , which is based on a sirnilar Latin source, but h d s it to be less closely related.

alrnyghty."'66 The same list of restrictions is reproduced, and there seems to have been an effort to devise a mnemonic aid in forming alliterative pairs for rhythmical effect: "wesschyng or wryngyng, schapyng or sewyng, bakyng or brewyng, schauyng

or ~ o l l y n g . " ' ~ ~ The conclusion also retums to the ten cornmandments, M e n on Stone tablets so that "bai sulde be lastyn withouttyn end," and the homilist claims that these laws continued to be observed by both by patriarchs and prophets and were also taught in the New Law by Christ.'68 This makes more explicit the identification of the

command in the Sunday Letter with the decalogue than does the OE, which only States: Donne is eow micel neadbearf bæt ge gebeton ba bing be eow fiarn Gode forbodene wæron and on Bære ealdan cy6nysse burh heahfæderas and witegan and on Zlære niwan Purh Godes sunu ænne and Purh ha apostolas and ba witigan and burh ba wundru pe God dreghwamlice on middaneard ~ t y w e b . ~ ~ ~ Then there is great need that you do penance for those thuigs which were forbidden by God, in the old ordinance through the patriarchs and prophets and in the new îhrough God's only Son and through the apostles and the prophets and the miracles which God daily shows on

16'bid.,1.8 1-82.Cf.HomNapierCCCC 162,359: "swa hwa swa ænig womldlic weorc on sunnandæg wyrcb, oBoe hrægel wæsceb 06ae ænigne craeft wyrici5, oBoe he his fex efsige oBBe hlafas bace oMe ænig unalyfed Ping purhtihb."

earth.

The other Middle English homily which contains a Sunday Letter is not related so closely to an OE homily. It is a variant of the letîer as sent onto the tomb of St. Peter in Rome with the modification that an angel has to interpret the letîer to a certain O~tavian."~But this version would appear to be either a very free adaptation of a Sunday Letter or a production from memory. It begins with Sunday proscriptions, Ioosely reproduced: Al1 manere of men that incressys wod for to growe or doys ony othre labour opon pe holy Sonday ere cursyd. Also 1 command 3ow bat 3e go nott to gedir herbes ne none othre grene thynges on the Sonday, ne go to no vncowth waies apon Be Sonday, ne to no mylne ne to no sich werkes bott pure men that hafe nott of bare awn, and as bat day wesh nott 3owr hede nor shafe 3our berde ne do erthly werkes."' The homily goes on to urge the keeping of "Seyntt Sonday" and reproduces a few of

the threats such as the "blak bestes, fers and fell" which will destroy offenden, but the message thereafter difises into a more general parenetic sermon which piles

exhortation upon exhortation without much thematic development. The device of a monologue, however, is retained throughout, and eventually the homilist returns to his source: 1 Say jow, if 3e will nott kepe my cornandmentes as 1 hafe thaght you, ye shall be lost and 1shall vndo 3ow so al1 the erthe shall opyn and

swalowe 3ow into hell fia me and al1 myne.IR This would appear to be a reference to the Dathan and Abiron episode referred to in other Sunday Letiers. The speaker is reaffmned with the assertion that "this was wryttyn with no mans hand bott of me, Ihesu Criste," and there follows the farniliar

admonition to spread, under threat of damnation, the contents of the letter as much as p0ssib1e.l'~ A curious development occurs in the conclusion of this homily. Here the

audience is informed that the the devil has no power wherever the Sunday Letter is read. Furthemore, And what man or woman bat translate bis or berys Pis copy apon tharne for be lowe of me shall neuere dye ewyll deth bott bai shall hafe my grace and ioy withowttyn end.174 Here we have the fvst signs of the Sunday Letter as a talisman or Schutzbrief; which function, according to Levy, it retained until the early part of this century, being

carried by soldiers in the first World War as a protection against enemy fie."' A final occurrence of the Sunday Letter should be mentioned for the sake of

completeness, though even its editor admits that this is a case of "bad poetry."'" '"Ibid., 11.41-44. i731bid.,11.45-46. "%id., II.73-75. 17S~evy, 66. 176~riebs~h, "John Audelay's Poem," 398. 26 1

Pnebsch prints the poem by John Audelay dong with its ostensible Latin source, the Latin Sunday Letter in British Library, Royal MS 8 F.vi, a manuscript also written in

the fifieenth century. Audelay follows the Latin as closely as the adaptation into poetry will permit, as the following stanza (5) containhg the specific prohibitions will illustrate:

He bat on any erand will ryd or goo in be fest of bat holeday Fore one cause he hab to do, or schaue heerus of heed or berde away, bot got to be cherche 3if bat j e may, and hold hirn ber in his prayere: Al euylis y wil send him sop to Say and chortyn his days he schuld haue here. Beware, Sierys, 1 3ou pray, or he bat waschis clobis or hed, on sunday breuys or bakus bred, y schal him blynd with carful red Nober haue my blessyng n y s ne day. The only section of the poem that may be said to contain any significant arnount of new material are the last three stanzas which simply speak of the need to repent and the mercy of God. In the end Audelay assures us that "1 me excuse hit is not 1, / Fore pis of godis oun wrytyng / bat he send doun fio heuen on hye" (16.2-4).

He asks

prayer for himself after noting his own fûlfillment of the command to pass the letter on. One has the impression that the poem was, as he says, made %th good entent" (16.10), but it is difficult to conceive of an enthusiastic audience.

These few exarnples of the Sunday Letter from the later medieval period seem

to point to a general rejection of its style and content for purposes of supporting the Sunday observance regulations. Other homiletic material suggests that excessive merriment was the main concem of the clergy which is a problem that the Sunday Letter does not address. The fmt Middle English homily considered, in its overt comection to the appropriate Old Testament models, would seem to show that Jewish Sabbath and Christian Sunday were now completely identified with each other in the mhds of some clerics, but perhaps that also reduced the need for a special message written by Christ. The second Middle English homily, therefore, foreshadows the Sunday Letter's destiny as a talisman against evil, presumably because of its imprecatory rhetonc.

Conclusion

The OE Sunday Letter tradition illustrates how an unorthodox text can be appropriated in order to undergird orthodox pohts of view. Anglo-saxon Sunday observance, apart from the unusual length of tirne designated, probably differed very little fkom that on the continent, yet, on the basis of the frequency with which the Sunday Letter was translated, one might suppose that there was a movement towards

an even stricter Sabbatarianism. 1 have shown that the letter was most likely appreciated and employed for its rhetoric rather than to promote the specific regulations it mentions. Its Anglo-Saxon translators appear to have seized upon this

text in the hopes of encouraging a generd reverence for Sunday as well as cornpliance with the laws. That there was probably no excessive Sabbatarian movement in this period is supported by the disappearmce of the letter fiom the vemacular homiletic literature until the fifieenth c e n t q . Nor does the sparse Middle English evidence support enthusiastic reception for the kinds of taboos mentioned in the Sunday Letter. Rather, it points to a progression of the letter towards its ultimate

use as a kind of talisman.

Throughout this study it has been my aim to arrive at an understanding of the fundamental purpose of those OE hornilies which contain dramatic monologues. 1 have used various types of evidence, f?om an analysis of manuscript contents to an examination of the rhetorical structure of the monologues themselves, in the belief that d l this data c m contribute to our perception of the role of these texts in the lives of tenth- and eleventh-century Anglo-saxons. Although it is well-known that the anonymous hornilies were used contemporaneously with those of Elfric in the eleventh century, it is still striking to observe the deliberate efforts of compilers to include homilies such as those 1have studied. Evidently they sought out matenal which they believed would appeal to their congregations and sirnultaneously motivate them to live in a Christian manner. They clearly had an ear for dramatic, fmt-person speech, excerpting it fiom their Latin sources and adapting it to their own purposes. At no time do the surviving texts suggest that these homilists are insensitive to the dramatic persona they create. 1 have shown that efforts were made to increase the

rhetorical effectiveness of the speaking voice and to make it as appropriate and plausible as possible. A preacher h i s h e d with these materials could use them to

accuse and exhort his congregation with an assumed authority which exceeded his own. Psychologicaily the effect would have been to focus the audience's attention on its own responsibility, rather than on the legitirnacy of the speaker. 1have also sought to recognize the didactic function of each monologue. The

Soul's Address to the Body was seen to fit into the larger context of the hurnan struggle between temporal and spiritual values; whereas Christ's Address to the Sinner exemplifies a view of the Passion which requires remuneration. The Sunday Letter was most likely used to urge the observance of Sunday as a day of worship and rest without an excessive preoccupation on specific prohibitions. The purposes of these monologues are underscored when compared to the sarne, or similar, material as adapted in the Iater Middle Ages. Although there seems to be a certain continuity, there are also significant differences which are the result of new trends in the expression of spirituality and, in the case of the Sunday Letter,

social changes which necessitated a different kind of rhetoric. By contrat, the Anglo-saxons appear to be sober and restrained in their use of rhetoric. Restraint is a quality not often attrïbuted to the anonymous homilies, but it becomes more apparent when one reflects on the temptation to excess offered by sources with so much dramatic potential.

Finally, these three monologues, as well as the many other examples 1have discussed, show that in the Anglo-saxon period the fmt-person speech of an assumed

persona was a favoured means of communicating the essential doctrines of the day. Of the three monologues discussed, Christ's Address to the Sinner is perhaps the

most eagerly embraced by the homilists, as illustrated by its manuscnpt distribution.

The Soul's Address to the Body also enjoyed a surprising popularity, despite its challenge to the imagination of the listener. The Sunday Letter was only bnefly fashionable and perhaps met a temporary need. T h e , care and valuable matenal resources were poured into each of these literary productions as they were copied, translated, revised and adapted. It has been my pleasurable task to study their creation, use and effectiveness.

INCIPIT LIBER VI. DE DIE Salisbury, Salisbury Cathedra1 Library, MS 131 (fols. 27v - 28r)

Salisbury, Salisbury Cathedral Library, MS 9 (fol. 72r) Rationem enim exquiret a nobis pro hac nostra negligentia et dicet nobis: Propter uos incarnatus sum. Propter uos in tems pdam conuersatus sum. Propter uos flagellatus swn. Propter uos consputus sum. Propter uos palmis in facie uerberatw swn. Propter uos cmci furus swn. Propter uos suspensus sum in ligno. Felle cibatus sum et aceto potatus sum ut uos sanctos et caelestes efficerem. Regnum meum donaui uobis. Paradisum meum apemi uobis. Ornes uos fkatres uocaui. Pam meo uos obtuli. S p i r i ~ meum n misi uobis. Ampliora horurn omnium quid debui facere et non feci uobis? Tantwn ut saluemini humilem uoluntatem uestram requiro' solum modo non uos cogo ne saluti uestrae causa necessitatis sit occasio.' Dicite mihi peccatores et mortales atque passibiles secundum naturarn, quid passi estis propter

me dominatorem uestnrm cum ego pro uobis impassibilis passus swn? Ecce itaque para-

est regnum et uita.' Requiescit laeticia in lurnine sempitemo. Preparata est

mors. Poena luctus et tenebrae. Eligat unusquisque ut propria uoluntate uoluerit rectam uiam incedat." 'MS 9: quaesiui.

'MS 9: non uos cogo....occasio om. 3MS 13 1: regnum et uita Nice.

'MS 9: Eligat.....incedat om.

OMELIA DOMINICUS .IIII. QUADRAGESIMUS

Cambridge, St. John's College MS B.20 (fol. 28v) Cambridge, Pembroke College MS 25 (fol. 49r) Cogitemus ergo in mente quia licet mors non ~roperarefsenectus cotidie succedit. Labantd anni tempora fluunt et omnia quae uidentur temporalia sunt et fmem habent. Ad extremum ergo diem' karisshi uolentes nolentesque cotidie properamus. Igitur considerare debent peccatores assidue quam et qualem

exusationem dicturi sunt in die iudicii ante tribunal domini quando ceperit eis dicere sedens in sede rnaiestatis suae reddere rationem uite suae. Et tunc incipiet8reos accusare dicens eis. O homo ego te manibus meis de limo terrae formaui et feci. Ego tenenis artibus9spiritum infudi. Ego tibi imaginem nostram similitudinemque conferre dignatus sum. Ego te inter" paradisi delitias collocaui. Tu autem uitalia mandata contemnens magis deceptorem sequi quam dominum maluisti" et tamen per

'J properat.

6J Labuntur-

'P am. 'J accipiet.

'J artus.

'OP in. "J uoIuisti.

misericordiam postea" propfio sanguine te redemi. Irridentium palmas et sputa suscepi. Acetum est felle bibi. Postea in cruce mortem suscepi ut tibi celestem gloriam darem ut" in aeternum uiueres rnetum. Et tu pro his quid fecisti? Tunc respondebunt ei dicentes. Nesciuimus te domine non uidimus prophetas non misisti legem saeculo. Non dedisti partnarchas, non uidimur sanctorum prophetarum exempla. Petrur tacuit. Paulus noluit praedicare euangeliste" non docuerunt nos. Martyres non herunt quorum exempla sequaremur. Furtumm iuditium tuum nemo praedixit. Inscientia lapsi sumus in ignorantia peccauimus. Tunc autem ex illotum s a n c t o m choro iustus noe primm re~lamabit'~ dicens. Non u e m dicunt domme.

12J post.

I3Pet. I4MS euageliste.

"J reciamabat.

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