Saviours of Islamic Spirit, Vol 2
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SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT. Volume II. Abul Hasan All Nadwi. Edited and Translated by. (Late ......
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Academy of Islamic Research and Publications
SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT
V o l u m e II
Abul Hasan All Nadwi
Edited and Translated by
(Late) Muhiuddin Ahmad
Academ y of
Islamic Research a n d P u b l i c a t i o n s Lucknow
(India)
All righ t reserved in fa v o u r o f ; >' ■. , A cadem y o f
",
>■'
£ ■•; i ■j ■?.
Isla m ic R esearch and P u blication s P. O. Bos 119, Tagore M it| , Nadwa, Lucknow (India)
Series No. g 7
English
: 3rd Edition 1997
P rice Rs. 90.00
Printed at the Lucknow Publishing House 3 7, Cantonment Road, Lucknow - 226001 (INDIA)
F O R E W O R D
I a m glad to present the second volume o f the Saviours o f Islam ic Spirit before the readers. T h e first volum e o f th e book covered the revivalist endeavours m ade during th e first six centuries o f the Islam ic era, from C aliph ‘ U m a r ibn A bdul Aziz to M au la n a J a la l u d -dln R um i. In this voium e the biographical accounts, thoughts and achievem ents o f three lum inaries o f the eighth century after H ijrah a re sought to be presented. In th e U rd u version o f this book, the second volum e had to be exclusively devoted to Sheikh-ul-Islam Ib n T aim iyah because his splendid achievem ents in the intellectual an d religious fields w ere quite extensive and varied. It is not a t al) extravagant to see the reverberating influence o f Ib n T aim iyah ’s thought in the generations succeeding him . O f late, the m ore intelligent and educated section o f th e M uslims has shown even greater interest in th e works an d researches o f Ib n T aim iyah. H ow ever, I considered it appropriate to include in the present volum e th e accounts o f tw o m ore personalities, dealt with in th e th ird p a rt o f its U rd u version, since all the th ree belong to th e eighth century. T hese lum inaries o f Islam — Sheikh-ul-Islam H afiz Ib n T aim iy ah, Sultan-ul-A ulia K hw aja N izam ud-d ln A ulla a n d M akhdOm -ul-M ulk Sheikh S h a ra f udd ln Y ahya M an eri—differ n o t only in tim e and space b u t also in th e ir tem peram ents, efforts an d ach iev em ents; yet, one would see a significant sim ilarity o f com m on ideal for w hich they all worked throughout th e ir lives. .A ll o f them fought against
intern al deterio ratio n caused by ignorance o f the masses, pro tested against external encroachm ents o f alien thought and customs an d called a h alt to th e decadence o f M uslim society by sum m oning it back to the original purity and o rd e r o f Islam . T h eir techniques differed according to th e ir circum stances and needs o f the tim e, but they all tried to re-create the true bonds o f relationship betw een the believer and the Suprem e Being. It has to be borne in m ind, in this context, th a t by the m iddle o f the eighth century the centre1o f Islam ic religious and intellectual activities had shifted itself to In d ia where a pow er ful M uslim pow er h ad been firm ly established. Sim ultaneously, th e ravages o f th e M ongols h ad destroyed all traces o f culture and civilization from T urk istan and Persia, in the east, to Syria and borders o f Egypt, in the west, and extinquished the lam p o f A bbasid C aliphate for ever. F or several hundred years to com e, In d ia h ad to assume the educational and intellectual and an d religious an d spiritual leadership o f the w orld o f Islam . A h isto rian has thus inevitably to tu rn his attention to this new centre o f Islam . It is for this reason th at a portion o f this volume and one or two subsequent volumes, whenever they are w ritten, w ould have to be devoted to the revivalist m ovem ent in this country. T h e re a d e r will find in this volume a new religious dim ension o f Islam revealed by M akhdum Sheikh S h a ra f ud-dln Y ahya M an eri. T his is the inner and esoteric dim ension o f Islam , w ith its own peculiar concepts, im ageries and m odes o f expression, experienced in a new environm ent and set forth not in A rabic but in Persian, w hich hsid by then become the cultural lingua-franca o f T urk istan , Persia a n d India. M ohi ud-din A hm ad m ust have found it difficult to re n d er this portion in English, but, as fr.r as I have been able to see, he has acquitted him self well o f this onerous task. T h e d iffic u lt‘n ature of. his undertaking will be realised by those who have had to describe essentially eastern religious experiences in a foreign language like English.
V
W ith this b rie f prologue, I place this volum e in the hands
of my readers. I hope th a t they w ould welcome it as enthu siastically as they h a d received th e earlier p a rt o f the book. Lucknow, Shawwal 14, 1334 O ctober 31, 1974
Abul H asan A ll N adw l .
TRANSLITERATION
T h e dashes to m ark th e long vowels : a as. in f a r ; 0 as in loose : l as in m ean have been retained, leaving other conven tional signs.
T w o m ore signs c and 5 representing the A rabic
ain an d hamza have also been retained.
T h e sounds o f K and
dj used in th e Encyclopaedia o f Islam have been replaced by q and j respectively, w hich are now in com m on use.
W here the
tw o consonants—ch, dh, gh, kh, sh, and th have been used, these are to be sounded together, as, for exam ple, ch in ‘church’, sh in ‘ship’ an d th in ‘thin k ’.
T h e sound o f gh resembles gz as in
‘ex act’, th a t o f kh is like ch in Scottish loch o r the G erm an ach an d dh gives the sound th in ‘fath er’.
W herever the two
consonants a re desired to give th e ir own sounds separately, an apostrophe has been inserted in betw een as, for exam ple, in Ad'ham, Is’haq, etc. H ow ever, w here any proper noun is in com m on use in English o r its pronunciation is generally known to the Englishspeaking people no signs have been used.
CONTENTS Pagts
!•
Sheikh-ul-Islam H afiz Ibn T aim iyah I. •M uslim W o rld in the Seventh C entury II.
3
E arly Life
19
III.
T ria ls a n d T ribulations
26
IV .
C h aracter an d Achievem ents
61
R eform ative E ndeavour
73
C riticism o f Philosophy an d Dialectics
93
V. V I. V II. V III.
2.
...
R efutation o f C hristianity an d Shicaism ...
117
R ejuvenation o f R eligious T hought in Islam
138
Sultan-ul-M ashaikh K hw aja N izam ud-din Aulia I.
T h e C hishtiyah O rd e r in In d ia
147
Life Sketch o f K hw aja N izam ud-d ln A ulia
166
II I.
C h aracter an d Achievements
202
IV .
N a tu ra l Affection
211
II.
V. V I. V II.
L earn in g an d Spirituality
220
Blessings an d Benignity
228
R eligious an d M o ral R evival
238
3. M akhdum -ul-M ulk Sheikh S h arf ud-din Yahya M aneri I. II . III.
F rom B irth to A dulthood
...
257
T h e F irdausiyah O rd e r
...
262
Life o f Self-Discipline
...
268
v iii
Pages IV . V. V I. V II. V III.
C h aracter an d D eportm ent
...
275
O n the D eathbed
...
288
M ak h d u m ’s Letters
...
296
G od, the Absolute R eality
...
303
D ignity o f M an
...
314
IX .
Intuitive Insight
...
323
X.
Defence o f F aith
...
331
Bibliography
...
342
Chronological T able
...
350
Glossary
...
357
Ind ex
...
369
SHEIKH-UL-ISLAM
HAFIZ
IBN
TAIMIYAH
Sheikh-ul-Islam
H A F IZ IBN T A I M I Y A H
I Muslim World in the Seventh Century M aulana J a la l ud-dln R G m ih a d sought to refute the exces sive rationalism o f th e dialecticians which was perm eated with the spirit o f G reek Philosophy and excessive form alism . ROml was, in fact, founder o f a neiv school o f scholasticism w hich was based on a g reater sense o f realism an d profundity o f thought than its earlier counterpart, dialectics, th e dom inant feature o f which was em ploym ent o f cold logical argum entation. ^ R u m i’s thought was grounded in the personal experiences o f a sublim ated soul, a purified h eart and an illum inated self. H e w as not simply an erudite scholar Of religion a n d a teacher o f dialectics, but was also blessed w ith a keen intellect and an enlightened heart. ; H e was disgusted by syllogism an d vain disputation o f the dialectics, when he was led by a G od-m oved soul, through prayer and penance an d the grace o f G od, to the lofty heights o f the certitude o f know ledge. H e soon realised th a t dialectics was m ore o f an exercise in speeious reasoning, an a rt o f con founding one’s ad v ersary thari propounding the tru th . He* tfaere^ fore, adopted an o th er m ethod d f expounding the m ysteries o f m ute reality1and m etaphysical truths w hich reposed trust in the
4
SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT
intuitive experience, intim ate and personal, for th a t could be felt deeply in the core o f one’s heart. But, som ething m ore was needed to com bat the evil effects o f philosophy and dialectics. Theological philosophy, too, delved into the secrets o f im perceptible realities and freely discussed the n a tu re an d attributes o f th e Suprem e Being. Islam h ad not left m an groping in the gloom o f uncertainty in so far as the postu lates o f faith a re concerned ; instead, it h,ad expounded these m atters in a m uch m ore lucid an d easy m anner intelligible to all and sundry. For every ethical theory shaping the behaviour of an individual o r the culture o f a society m ust be rooted in the philosophical conception o f the** relationship between m an and U ltim ate R eality; it had o f necessity to be set forth by Islam quite clearly so th a t no further speculative effort was needed in th at direqtioft. T h e prophets aiene, declared Islam , w ere the fount o f know ledge in regard to the realities beyond the ken of h u m an perception an d the unverifiable, incom prehensible U lti m ate Being ; an d , therefore, th eir teachings constituted the last w ord on a subject w hich could not be adequately com prehended by m a n ’s intellect. T h e philosophy had, for th at reason, no rig h t, nO locus standi, to in tru d e in a m atter o f which it did not possess even rudim en tary know ledge—the basic premises from w hich it could infer th e logical conclusions d raw n by it. But th e questions which philosophy sought to discuss did not simply ad m it any analysis o r speculation, nor were the philosophers capable o f u ndertaking the ta sk ; but, curiously enough, philo sophy considered it pru d en t to m eddle w ith them , trying to explain an d elucidate an d even to bring in its verdict on them . T h e constant aim o f its endeavour was to trace every question dow n to its source a n d discover th e general principles underlying every m etaphysical phenom enon as i f it w ere a n organic m atter capable o f being analysed in a lab o ratory. D ialectics cam e into existence to answ er the questions raised by philosophy. But, it soon absorbed the spirit o f its adversary a n d itself tu rn ed in to a theological philosophy, discussing those very questions, em ploying the sam e claim o f reasoning and
MUSLIM W ORLD IN T H E SEVENTH CENTURY
5
trying, like philosophy, to ascertain the n ature and attributes o f ihc D ivine Being through the speculative categories o f reasoning. Ill fine, dialectics, too, turned a d eaf ear to the teachings o f the prophets o f G od, and, placing reliance on lim ited hum an intellect, tried to explain the inexplicable in term s o f Greek m etaphysical terminology borrow ed from philosophy. All this vain effort resulted in com plication an d concealm ent o f the tru th behind a veil o f words and phrases although th e n a tu re an d attributes o f Divinity could have been explained in a sim ple, d irect and intel ligible m anner to the satisfaction o f all m inds, an d capable o f •nkindling everyone’s heart. T he task could have indeed been accomplished in the light o f th e Q u r’an an d the Sunnah, but the dialecticians preferred to compile volum inous treatises on philo sophic interpretation o f the simple tenets o f faith which betrayed how far it was influenced by (jreek thought even though it claimed to refute the latter. T his was a developm ent opposed 10 the spirit o f th e teachings o f th e Q u r’ an and the T raditions, and, accordingly, a sizable section o f the M uslims never agreed with the views put forth by the dialecticians. Still, a savant o f ‘ religious sciences with a penetrating intellect, extensive know ledge and firm conviction in the revealed tru th was needed at that tim e for expounding the Creed and its doctrines in a faithful yet convincing m anner. Islam was, at th a t tim e, confronted w ith several o th e r internal and ex tern al dangers. A new evangelical m ovem ent was taking shape am ongst the C hristians which sought to censure Islam and set up C hristianity as the only saving principle for humanity. T he incessant attacks by th e C rusaders on Palestine along with the presence o f a large num ber o f C hristians o f European origin in Syria and Cyprus h ad em boldened them to criticize the prophethood of'M nham m 'a'd, to compose works on the truthfulness o f C hristianity and to invite the M uslim s to debate and argum entation. A nother danger, ra th e r mOre severe and hurtful to Islam was th a t posed by a so-called M uslim sect known as B atinites. It had a peculiar creed interw oven from the texture o f
6
SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIR IT
M agian dogm a, Platonic concepts an d dangerous political am bi tions, an d its followers like I sina’Hites, Assassins, Druzes and N usayris w ere always too willing to help the enemies o f the M uslims. N ot unoften were foreign aggressions the result o f conspiracies hatched by the Batiniles. They sided with the crusaders w hen the latter attacked Syria and Palestine and were aw ard ed with offices o f dignity and confidence when the Chris tians established themselves in Syria. T hroughout the reign of Zengi an d Ayyubid dynasties the Batitiitcs continued to conspire against the then M uslim sovereigns an d , when the T a rta r hordes invaded the M uslim lands, they joined hands w ith them to make com m on cause against Islam. Besides this, by posing themselves as a sect o f the M uslims, they could easily sow the, seeds o f intel lectual dissension and spread irreligiousness an d apostasy among the sim ple-m inded folk. In order, therefore, to w arn the M uslim s from being fu rth er duped by the B&tinites and also to punish them for the abom inable crim es already com m itted by them , it was necessary to expose their nefarious activities and blasphem ous beliefs. , A part from these, free intercourse w ith non-M uslims, certain external influences and the indolence o f the then doctors o f reli gion had all com bined to introduce am ong M uslims certain impious ideas running counter to the concept o f U nity and over lordship o f G od, A lm ighty Like the Jews and Christians, the M uslim s h ad begun to glorify .their saints and elevated souls as those nearer; to God exercising some o f the D ivine functions. Acting on the pagan principle—We worship them only th at they m ay bring us near unto A llah’— even the educated saw no h arm in supplicating to the departed souls and m artyrs o r resorted to practices w orshipful in m anners and gestures even though the Prophet o f h a d strictly forbiddfen his followers to indulge in such practices. 'T h e careless and unguarded believe*' often yielded to the tem ptation o f participating in feasts and festivals of the non-M uslim zimmis and adopted their m anners and customs 1. Q.. XIXX : 3
MUSLIM W ORI.D IN T H E SEVENTH C E N T l’RY
7
which wore the appearance o f harm less pleasure o r innocent entertainm ent. The polytheistic. beliefs and customs o f thlitico-militai*y structure o f governm ent. A ll decisions ultim ately rested with the K ing and his counsellors, w hich, sometimes, even lim ited the opera tion o f th e Sharjah laws, In its structure and (organisation, it was a m ilitary oligrachy w ithout any constitution, a codified law or a consultative body. ; A l-M alik al-Z ah ir Baibers an d other M em luk sultans,
14
SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIR IT
undoubtedly, Always tried to obtain the support o f the religions leaders and if the culama ever strongly opposed any m easure of the governm ent, it was postponed or given up. W hen Im am N aw avl strongly condem ned the royal edict to confiscate all the fiefs o f landlords in Egypt and Syria, Baibers expressed his dis pleasure w ith the Im am and farced him to leave D amascus, but he could n o t enforce his decision arid the status quo was m ain tain ed . T he entire adm inistrative organ rested on the heredi tary system but it Was often disrupted by a powerful m ilitary general. In fine, it was not founded on the Islam ic principles o f polity. A system o f governm ent congenial to Islamic thought a n d spirit req u ired the head o f the State to be a capable ruler enjoying the confidence o f the com m unity: Meriiltik sultanate, ju st the other way, owed its existence solely to the personal grit an d am bition o f th e rulers. T he M em luk traditions o f Absolute m onarchy, pow erful aristocracy and increasing concentration o f m ilitary pow er enabled the am bitions m ilitary leaders to wrest pow er w henever such an opportunity arose. T he slaves of AyyQbid dynasty took over th e em pire from th eir m asters, thanks chiefly to th eir own effort; courage and prowess. A lthough every M em luk sultan tried to ensure th a t one o f his sons wielded th e sceptre after him , the M em luk tradition re-asserted itself tim e and again, an d w henever an opportunity was afforded, a valian t and zestful general replaced the rightful prince. This, natu rally , encouraged internal conflict and civil w ar to get hold o f the reigns Of governm ent, but the M em luks always united to face any th reat o f aggression from the T a r ta r or the C rusaders’ qu arters. :
M oral and Social con d ition s T h e riding class o f the 'I ’tirkomari tribes was conscious o f its superiority an d kept itself ^lo o f from the local populatlori. I t spoke T urkish dialects and used A rabic only for offering pray ers o r conversing w ith the religious leaders and th e local popu latio n . M ost o f them , however, knew A rabic barely sufficient to perform the obligatory religious duties. N evertheless, they
MUSLIM WORLD IN T H E SEVENTH CENTURY
15
respected the doctors o f faith, the pious and the elect, constructed mosques and madrasns and did not discrim inate against anyone OH grounds, o f race or language. Still, the higher civil and military assignments w ent to the T urkom an elite. Sim ilarly, most o f the grandees, noblemen an d landlords holding fiefs in lieu o f m ilitary fcervi'cip w ere T urkom ans who m ade economic gains a t the expense o f the cultivators and labourers; An effort m ade by H osam ud-dln L ajeen in 697 A .H . to redistribute the agricultural holdings for im proving th e economic conditions of the tillers o f the soil proved abortive as the T urkom an chiefs opposing the m easure Tose in .ev o lt against him. Another influential section o f the u rb an population in Syria and Egypt consisted o f the T a rta r prisoners o f w ar who had settled, in large num bers, in these lands. These countries were full o f them , as al-M aqrizt reports, during the reign o f A l'M alik al-Zahir Baibers and their m anners and customs h ad percolated into the local population. T hey em braced Islam , no doubt, but, they also continued to adhere to th e ir national characteristics, habits and customs. T here were really only a few examples of the new converts to Islam adopting the ethical and social ideals of thei r new faith m arking a- total break w ith th eir past cultural traditions, m anners and morals. I t was a distinctive charac teristic of the Prophet’s companions alone, who, as if transform ed by a Prophetic m iracle, eschewed all traces o f the conflict between th eir adopted faith and th e pagan past. T hey appeared, in tru th , to have been reborn in Islam . T his could not have been expected o f the converts o f a later age when there was neither any arran g em en t for th eir guidance and training in the Islam ic ws y o f life n o r was the M uslim society dynam ic enough to absorb an d re-fashion the new entrants into its fold. The social life o f these T a rta r neo-M uslims was, for these reasons, an adm ixture o f Islam ic outlook and pagan traditions. T h e famous historian o f Egypt, al-M aqrizl, who has sum m ed up all th at he found floating dow n the stream o f tim e describes the social and religious behaviour o f these new converts to Islam in these words : “ T hese T a rta rs h ad learnt, in the M uslim countries, to
16
SAVIOURS OE ISLAMIC SPIR IT
read the Q u r’ an and adhered to religious canons and observances but their life was an am algam o f vices and virtues. They subjected themselves to the decisions of the C hief QazS in m atters relating to p rayer, fasting, poor-due, • Haj, charitable endowments, adm inistration o f the property o f orphans and the disputes between the espouses but in their personal m atters, habits an d behaviour, they followed the Mongol traditions and the laws prom ulgated by Chenghiz K h an , • They had appointed an adm inistrator known as Hajib to adjudicate upon m atters falling in the sphere of their custom ary law, to restore justice to the weak amongst them and to impose sanctions against the bully and strong. Disputes betw een the T a rta r traders in com m ercial m atters as well a s those relating to property and land holdings were also decided in accordance with th eirow n traditional laws.” 1 The> increasing tendency o f the local population to adopt the T a rta r usages even to the extent of accepting some o f the inapt ideas was outcome o f free interm ixing:of the T a rta r and the Arab M uslims. A parallel example o f the interchange o f ideas culmi nating into a m utual absorption o f each other's cultural strains and thought patterns can be seen in the contact between Europe and Asia w hich first began in the battle-fields during the Crusades. T he free interm ixing o f different nationalities had thus given b irth to a new society, neither A rab nor Islam ic in its m ake up, which had brought to the fore new social and cultural problems. T his h ad, naturally, increased m anifold the responsibility of those religious doctors a n d reform ers who abhorred un-Islam ic beliefs an d practices adopted by tlie M uslims. T hey wanted to bring the M uslim society back to the p ath chalked out by the Q u r’an and the Sunn.ih—a path treaded by the earlier preceptors in com pliance w ith the D ivine C om m and : E nter wholly into submission (unto H im ).2 , 1. 2.
Khutat-i-Misr, Vol. II, p. 221 Q.. I I : 20fi
MUILIM W O RLD IN T H E SEVENTH CENTURY
17
Jptellectual A tm osphere Barring a few exceptions we find in the century preceding Ibn T aim iyah w idespread educational efforts and plentiful writ-lings on num erous subjects. Bui, by and, large, most o f the litera4ure produced d u rin g , this period lacks depth o f thought and profundity and can be classified as elucidations an d interpretations o f the earlier works, T h is lack o f originality was an outcom e of the stratification o f ju ristic schools w hich, content to rem ain within th e inviolable bounds o f th eir own m aking, rejected the ItAst deviation from th e teachings o f th e ir m asters. In principle, fell the four ju ristic schools o f orthodox Islam w ere deem ed to be right, but the votaries o f cach r egarded the in terpretation o f their own school as the only faithful version o f the D ivine ord i nances. T h e only consideration they could show to others was to concede th at the exposition o f th e Law by th e ir own fmg&i though largely correct m ight contain a few mistakes, but th a t o f the Others were likely to be correct only on a few points but w ere much m ore faulty. T he followers o f every-juristic school, th e n , considered th eir Own sect to be rightly guided, correct and God o rdained w hile the chief effort o f th e ir learned theologians, had been diverted to wards producing argum ents proving th e pre-em inence o f the precursors of th eir ow n ju ristic schools over all others. T h e psychology o f the then doctors o f religion is best illustrated :by the resentm ent show® by the culemi belonging to the Shafe'I school on the appointm ent o f the C h ief Q a z i s of other juristic Kchools in ad d itio n to a Shafe4! State Ju rist by S ultan A l-M alik tl-Z a h ir Baibers. T hese theologians were indignant th a t in a country w here only a ShafecI doctor o f law held th at office," dignitaries o f equal ran k should be appointed from am ongst the followers o f other ju ristic schools as well. W hen the rule of Baiber’s progeny over Egypt cam e to an end a few years a fter this incident, it was construed by certain ShafecI l ulama as a Divine punishm ent for the B aiber’s action.1 I.
Tabaqat-us-Shaje' iyah
18
SAVIOURS O F ISLAMIC SPIR IT
N arrow -m indedness an d rigidness Were not lim ited to the legists alone, for the fixity o f theological philosophy had restricted it, perhaps, to a fa r g reater extent to canalised ideas. T he follow ers o f the four schools o f o rthodox Islam acknow ledged each o th e r’s validity ; they m et, conversed and had cordial relations am ongst them , but it- was impossible to see a sim ilar tolerance betw een the Ash‘arites and H anbalites. W hereas the legists d ebated sim ply about the correctness o f th e ir own inter p retatio n , th e disputation betw een th e scholasticians was m ore often m eant to prove th a t the o th er side had lapsed from faith. T h e cred al fixity o f the dialecticians, as distinct from theological rig id ity , stim ulated by a flair fo r logical disputation had m ade these polem ical w ranglings a popular intellectual pursuit. T he grandees an d th e nobles, the learned and the laity all took a keen interest i n these verbal engagements. As a lre a d y stated e arlier, mysticism seems to have captured th e h e a rt an d s p u l o f a g reat m ajority. T h e sufistic thought had absorbed num erous un-Islam ic an d foreign ideas while most o f the sufis, illiterate an d profane, w ere spreading infidelity and indifference to th e teachings o f Islam ; A section o f th e philosophers was busy, on the other hand, in spreading its own agnostic ideas, often overtly, and at times covertly, com pletely disregarding the prophetic teachings. T h e re w ere others too w ho w anted to reconcile religion w ith philosophy, for, they h a d assum ed th e superiority o f reason ovef faith. Both these groups w ere, how ever, fossilised followers o f A ristotle and P la to ; they held the two in the highest esteem as fount o f all w isdom , an d th e ir theories as inviolate im m utable. T h is was, then, th e political, social, ethical, an d intellectual atm osphere o b tain in g a t th e tim e in w hich Ib n T aim iyah was b rought Up a n d w herein he rose to give a call for all-round refo rm an d regeneration o f th e M uslim w orld.
I I
Early Life B irth and C hildhood o f Ibn T aim iyah Born on M onday, th e I Oth p f Rabl-ul-A w w al 661 A .H ., Ahm ad T a q l ud-dln Ib n T aim iy ah cam e o f a reputed fam ily o f theologians belonging to H a rra n n e a r Edessa (R o h a)’ in n o rth ern Ira q . ’ H is father, Shahab ud-d ln 1A bdul H alim Ib n T aim iyah (d. 682 A .H .), was th e pulpiter o f the great U m m ayyad mosque and a professor o f T rad itio n s in DarulHad\th c Assakuriyah o f Damascus.* Likewise, his g ran d fath er A bul B arkat M ajd udd ln Ibn T aim iy ah (d. 652 A .H .) was a renow ned teacher o f H anbalite school an d a m an o f letters, whose' Manlaqi-ul-AkhbUr classifying all th e T rad itio n s serving as th e source o f legislation is still held as a w ork o f g re a t eru d itio n .3 T his was the tim e w hen the entire w orld o f Islam was timorously trem bling w ith fear u n d e r th e terrib le blows d ealt with by the b a rb a ric T a r ta r hordes, but the lands of. IraChief Q a z i Abul £A bbas, who jvas also ad m itted to the Imperial presence along' w ith Ib n T aim iyah, has given some m ore details o f this rem arkable embassy. H e says th a t when food was brought before them , Ib n T aim iyah refused to partake (the meals on the ground th a t it h ad come but o f the looted pro perty o f the M uslims. “ At last” , adds A b u l1A bbas, “ when the K in g asked the Sheikh to pray fo r him , he began by saying: ‘O •God ! H elp G h azan i f he has taken up arm s to defend T h y reli gion ; if not, then do w hatever T hou desirest w ith him .” T h e companions *of Ibri T aim iy ah trem bled w ith fear lest they should ■11 be executed because o f th e Sheikh’s im prudence but they were am azed to see the K ing saying am en to his prayer. W hen Ib n T aim iy ah retu rn ed to D am ascus, he Was escorted by 300 nobles a n d chiefs o f th e G h azan ’s a rm y .1 A lthough G h a z in h ad g ran ted am nesty to D am ascus, the irregular troops o f the in v ad er w ere spreading te rro r and d e v iation in the outlying are a s an d suburbs o f th e city. G h azan had nom inated S aif u d -d ln Q ab jak as h>s deputy over Syria. His forces entered D am ascus and dem an d ed surrender o f all arm s, horses and w ealth concealed by the citizens. In this hour o f savage licence, w hen every passion was inflam ed and every restrain t was rem oved, th e precepts o f religion seldom influenced the behaviour of th e newly converted T a rta r savages. Several o f the most honourable citizens w ere surprised an d m assacred ; a large num ber o f innocent women an d child ren w ere sold into 1. Al-Kawikib ud-Durriyah, p. 25 2. Ibid., p. 25
32
SAVIOURS O F ISLAMIC S P IR IT
c a p tiv ity ; libraries an d charitable trusts w ere e x tirp a te d ; and the m alicious T a rta r soldiers roam ed throughout the city in quest o f prey a n d riches. T h e com m ander o f th e fort, Arjawash how ever, refused, u n d er th e advice o f Ib n T aim iyah, to open th e gates o f the citadel to the T a rta r ch ief appointed by G h azan .1 ■ Ib n T aim iyah, alongw ith a few o th e r respectable citizens o f D am ascus, rep aired again to seek audience w ith G h azan but he was not allow ed to see the K ing. I n the m eantim e th e T a rta r forces laid siege to capture the fort. Ballistas were set up around th e fort an d th e citizens were conscripted for forced labour. Ib n K a th ir w rites th a t the city gave a deserted look as nobody d ared to come out o f his house except ■disguised as a Mongol for fear o f being obliged to help th e T a rta r attack on th e fort. “ D uring, a F rid ay service in th e great 'Urtimayyad M osque” , says Ib n K a th ii, “ there w ere not enough worshippers to m ake up a single row. O n the 19th o f Jam ad -u l-O la G h azan left fo r Ira q , leaving sixty thousand troops u n d er the com m and o f hia deputy. H e declared his intention to retu rn w ith a larger force in the ensu in g au tu m n to com plete th e unfinished cam paign o f gam ing control over S yria as well as Egypt. A fter the K ing h ad d eparted, one o f his chiefs, A m ir B ulalJ, started to ransack the su rrounding areas. Vast tracts o f land, towns and cities w ere devastated, a large num ber o f M uslim child ren w ere forcibly taken aw ay from th e ir parents to be sold as serfs w hile B filai1 him self extracted large sums o f m oney from D am ascenes 'through geneial extortion and im m oderate fines. Ib n T aim iy ah decided to m eet Bfllal3 to alleviate the m isfortune o f his countrym en. H e m et B u lai’ on the 8th o f R ajab and was successful in liberating quite a good num ber o f the captives,3 both M uslim s and n o n-M uslim s/ 1. 2. 3. 4.
Ibn Knthir, Vol. X IV , pp. 7/8 Ibid., p 9 Ibid.. p. 11 Abu Zahra, p. 39
f l f A L S AND TRIBULATIONS
33
In the m eantim e th e news of the E gyptian forces com ing to the rescue o f Syria was broken by the com m ander o f the D am as cus fort. No sooner was this announcem ent m ade, the T a rta r IlQrdes hurriedly retreated from the city leaving it again w ithout ■ny semblance o f adm inistration. ArjawSsh and a few other prom inent citizens including Ib n T aim iy ah decided to m aintain and o rd er in th e m etropolis. Ib n T aim iyah was seen during (llis period keeping yigil by night and exhorting people to take VIP arm s for th e ir defence. These self-appointed guardians o f the city also decided to root out the abuses th at h ad flourished during the b rie f rule o f the T artars. T h e avarice o f S aif uddln Q ubjuk had prevailed upon him to patronise the sale o f wine which was a source of income to him . Ib n T aim iyah toured the city with his friends and students, destroyed every tvine-cask, bowl and cup and punished every d ru n k ard and ruffian in accordance w ith the law. T h e courageous action taken by Ib n T aim iyah was received with approbation and plea»ure by all the law -abiding people o f the city.8 Pnnitive Expedition to the Hills
T he Christians, B atinites and Ism a’ilites settled in the hilly fracts o f Syria h ad afforded w hole-hearted support to the T a rta r invaders against the M uslims. They had surprised and attacked the retreating M uslim troops, killed m any o f them and looted their provisions. T hey were in fact a heretic people, without faith in any religion, who despised all authority and were used to a sem i-independent existence in the difficult terrain out o f the reach o f arm s o f law.3 A punitive expedition was despatched under J a m a l u d -dln Xqoosh al-Aft am a fte r peaceful conditions had been restored in Syria, to punish the recalcitrant hill dw ellers o f J a r d and Kasr wan. Ib n T aim iyah accom panied this expedition w ith a
1. Ibn Kaxhir, Vol. X IV , p. 12 2. Ibid., p. 16 I. Ibid., p. 23
34
SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT
large num ber o f volunteers a n d the people belonging to H auran. Ib n T aim iy ah exhorted th e tribesm en to renew their allegiance to J a m a l ud-din, follow the precepts o f true faith and return the p roperty despoiled by them earlier.1 The Second Tartar Invasion
F or tw o years, beginning from R ajab, 700 A .H ., uncertainty and instability prevailed in Syria. W ith the report o f second T a r ta r invasion reaching'D am ascus, people began to abandon th eir h earth s an d hom es. Ib n T aim iyah started urging people to eschew cow ardice an d defend th e ir hom e and honour instead o f deserting th e cap ital. H e prevailed upon the adm inistration to put a b an on th e people leaving th e city w ithout obtaining its p rio r perm ission. H ard ly had th e situation been stabilized when the news o f advancing T a rta r forces reaching a place know n as B irah was broken. An announcem ent o f jihad, the holy w ar, was m ad e an d the glad tidings o f Sultan Ibn Q alawoon’s d ep artu re from Egypt for the defence o f Syria were announced. O f a sudden, a com m unication was received th at the S ultan no longer w anted to come for a second encounter w ith th e T a rta rs. I t was n atu ral th a t the people exasperated by earlier sufferings resolved to transfer th e ir fam ilies and belongings to th e m ore secure places in Egypt. Ib n T aim iyah, how ever, not only arrested the exodus by his pow erful and pas sionate h aranguing but also m et the E gyptian G overnor o f Syria in his cam p outside D am ascus and persuaded him to oppose th e progress o f th e T a rta r arm y. T h e G overnor and other pro m inent citizens an d religious doctors requested Ib n T aim iyah to seek an audience w ith the' Sultan and urge him not only to send the levies but co n d u ct the operations o f w ar himself. Ib n T aim iy ah w ent to Egypt and m ade a spirited appeal to the S ultan for checking th e advance o f T a rta r forces. H e asked him not to be terrified by the m ultitude of his foe. “ Even if Syria h a d not been a p a rt o f your dom inions” , said Ib n T aim iyah, 1.
Ibn K a lh ir,
Vol. XIV, p. 12
TRIALS a n d t r i b u l a t i o n s rm■ ——-- —---------------------------
35
"It was a duty incum bent on you to have come to its rescue in this hour o f d anger. T h e responsibility o f its safety rests on your shoulders; but, if you care nothing for its welfare, tell us Mid we shall m ake our own arrangem ents. Wc shall select a monarch who would at least defend the land against its enem ies.” Ibn T aim iyah rem ained w ith the Sultan for eight days and . at lait persuaded him to lead his forces for the defence o f Syria. By the tim e Ib n T aim iyah returned to Dam ascus a large Humber o f Damascenes had already left the city. Ibn T aim iyah’s return with the news of.Sultan’s im pending arriv al emboldened the people to make preparations for facing the enemy but the T artars turned back on this occasion.1 Encounter with the Tartar Arm y
News o f the T a rta r forces advancing tow ards Syria was ig a in broken in R ajab , 702 A .H . Delay in the arriv al o f the lu lta n from Egypt was causing panic am ong the people in Damascus, m any o f w hom again left for safer places. After, |0m e tim e, two detachm ents o f the select T urkish w arriors reached Damascus by the end o f Shca b a n that year. Sim ulta neously, however, a stream o f refugees from the n o rthern districts began pouring into D am ascus. A controversy was also raised, perhaps, by some oyertim id theologians who raised the question w hether D am acenes need fight the T a rta rs at all since the latter had em braced Islam ? T h e legists w ere asked to define their position in the light o f the Sharjah, for, the T a rta rs Could neither be called non-believers nor rebels o f any M uslim |O vernm ent. Ib n T aim iy ah put them in the category o f Khauarij, i.e. the sect w hich h ad revolted against the authority Of both the Caliphs £Ali and M ucaw iyah and h ad prom oted itl .l f to the dignity o f C aliphate, an d pronounced the juristic Opinion th at it was perfectly law ful to fight such people. T he Sultan was still fa r aw ay w hile the reports of T a rta r forces draw ing n earer to the capital w ere in everyone’s m outh. I,
tkn Kalhir, Vcl. X I V , p. 16
36
SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIR IT
Ib n T aim iy ah again w ent to u rg e th e Sultan w ho was on his w ay to D am ascus, to speed up his journey. Ibn Taim iyah extorted a solem n o ath from the S ultan th at he would live or die w ith th e people w hom G od h ad entrusted to his care. Assuming th e spirit o f a hero, he com m unicated a sim ilar enthu siasm to th e troops. Ib n T aim iyah even swore to G od th at the Egyptians w ould be victorious this tim e. H e quoted in his sup port th e Q u ra n ic verse : “ W hoso h ath retaliated w ith th e like o f that w hich he was m ad e to suffer and then h a th been w ronged, A llah will succour h im .” 1 H e felt so assured th a t if anybody asked him to say : “ if it should please God A lm ighty” ; he replied, “ Yes, if it should please God A lm ighty, definitely and unequivocally.” 2 T h e M uslim forces o f Syria an d Egypt w ere at last arrayed against th e T a rta r arm ies in the plain o f T h aq h a b on the 2nd o f R a m a d h a n , 702 A .H . Ib n T aim iyah pronounced the legal opinion th at the troops should break the fast on th at day. H e w ent to every detach m en t an d the line to offer them something to break th eir fast atid told them o f the T rad itio n w hich s a id : “ T om orrow you shall have to face the enemy and you would be stronger if you do not keep fast.” Sultan al-M alik al-N asir M uham m ad ibn Q alaw oon and the A bbaside C aliph A bur R a b cl Sulaim an were both present in the battlefield. T h e Sultan fought w ith indom itable courage and v a lo u r ; he chained th e legs o f his horse lest it should run aw ay in the heat o f action. A fter a bloody conflict, which continued till the evening and in w hich a large num ber o f T urkish veterans an d chiefs w ere killed the Egyptian forces dis persed an d dism ayed th e T a rta r arm s. T aking advantage o f the darkness, a large num ber o f T a rta r soldiers took shelter in the ravines an d caves, b u t the M uslim s kept vigil for the whole
1. 2.
Q.. X X I I : 60 Ibn Kathir, Vol. X IV , p. 23
WUALS AND
t r ib u l a t io n s
37
*Blght and did not allow them to escape th eir revenge. M any TbI•tars who h ad survived the perils o f the sword fell to the 'fttahers’ arrow s or w ere drow ned in the Euphrates. f ■ O n Tuesday, the 5th o f R a m a d h a n , the Sultan entered Dnmascus w ith the G aliph an d his arm y generals to receive the Warmest congratulations o f his subjects. iitruggle against Innovations and Abuses
i A fter the T a rta r dan g er was rem oved, Ibn T aim iyah again Occupied him self w ith teaching an d preaching the purer spirit o f Itligion. As stated earlier, th e unhealthy influences o f the Jew ish and C hristian cults had given rise to m any heretical practices am ong the ig n o ran t masses. A rock by the side o f the river Q u lu t in th e vicinity o f D am ascus was held as an object o f reverence by the local population w here they regularly repaired Ho seek divine favour. Ib n T aim iyah got the rock cut to pieces Under his supervision by masons an d stone-cutters and thus he put an end to a heretical p ractice.1 Ibn T aim iyah always tried to prevent, by force if necessary, •11 accretions and innovations in re lig io n ; for, keeping the pristine purity o f religion constituted the highest form o f faith According to & pronouncem ent o f the holy Prophet o f Islam : .•“ W hoever am ongst you should see any act being com m it ted against the dictates o f thfe Shari1ah, he should put a stop to it by fo rc e ; but if h e does not find it possible, he should criticise and try to reform i t ; and if he does not find even th at m uch possible, he should a t least hate it, although this constitutes the lowest category o f faith .” It was really th e business o f the adm inistrators to see th at irreligious practices d id not spread am ong th e M uslims but they had no tim e to devote th eir energy to this im portant task. T he religious doctors, too, m ore often th an not either did not, care or fought shy to oppose , such accretions out o f regard for the popular sentiments. Ib n T aim iyah h ad, therefore, taken upon I. Ibn Kathir, Vol. X IV, p. 34
38
SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIR IT
h im self the onerous responsibility o f acting as a public censor of religion an d m orals. He h a d form ed a society, along with his followers and students, to censor th e notorious irreligion of the ignorant folk and guilty schismatics. T his was a voluntary effort with no other aim except to seek the pleasure o f God by m aking these people to observe the sacred law. An old m an who called him self A l-M ujahid Ib rah im ibn alQattsfn and wore a long flam boyant quilt w ith long nails and h a ir was b rought before Ib n T aim iyah in R ajab 704 A .H. on charge o f being addicted to intoxicants and abusive language. H e ordered his nails and h a ir to be trim m ed and his quilt to be to m to pieces. T h e m an was m ade to renounce drunkenness and revilem ent.1 A nother old m an, M uham m ad al-K habbaz al-Balasi, who claim ed to be an interp reter o f dream s and mys teries was forced by Ib n T aim iyah to give up his impious prac tices. H ow ever, as Ib n K a th lr reports, Ib n T aim iyah earned the displeasure o f a section o f population on account o f these reform ative activities. Jihad against Heretics
Ib n T aim iyah had earlier accom panied al-A fram in his ex pedition against th e heretical sects living in the hills in 699 A.H. In Zil-hijja 704 A.H. he again visited them with Z ain ud-dln ibn ‘A d n an and a large num ber o f his friends an d followers. A lthough his efforts to bring them back to the fold o f Islam were p artially successful and quite a good num ber o f them repented from th eir sins, yet they rem ained, as a whole, indiffe rent to Islam . T he separatist sects generally consisting o f Batinites, Ism a Jilites, H akim ites an d N usayrites had caused severe h arm to the M uslims. T hey were the people who had invited the Crusaders and the T a rta rs to invade the M uslim countries, helped the invaders against M uslim s, led expeditions o f loot and plunder w henever they found the latter weak and defenceless and they still posed a dan g er to the security o f the 1.
[bn K u th ir,
Vol. XIV, p. 33
TRIALS AND TRIBULATIONS
39
surrounding areas. Ib n T aim iy ah invited the attention o f the Sultan tow ards the crim es com m itted by these people in a letter in w hich jje w ro te : “ W hen the T a rta r hordes had attacked Syria, these forsakers o f true faith had m isbehaved with the retreating M uslim forces. These very persons had been in league with the Christians o f Cyprus and had helped them to capture a portion o f Syria. T hey form ed the vanguard o f the C yprian arm ies, trafficked in M uslim arm s, horses and serfs and trans ferred a large num ber o f them to Cyprus. For twenty days, they held regular bazars to sell the M uslim captives and m uni tions o f w ar to the C yprian C hristians. They gleefuHy welcomed the T a rta r invaders but when God bestowed victory to the Egyptian forces, they openly expressed their g rief at the defeat o f our enemies. Those people h ad earlier conspired w ith Chenghlz K h an and H alaku and they were responsible fof the sack o f Baghdad, destruction o f H aleb and Salehiya. T h ere are, in fact, num erous other instances o f perfidious and disorderly conduct to th e ir discredit. T h e peace o f the surrounding M uslim areas is continuously disturbed by them ./ They carry out noc turnal raids, ravage the M uslim habitations and com mit grievous crimes against the M uslims. W hen Cyprians visit their lands they extend a red carpet treatm ent to them but 110 M uslim can travel safely in their country.” 1 Ib n T aim iyah headed an expedition against these schism a tics for the th ird tim e which set out from Damascus on the 2nd of M uh arram , 705 A. H . H e was supported by a powerful arm y led by the governor o f Syria. Inaccessible areas o f J u rd inhabited by Rawafiz an d the hilly tracts o f T iy am n a were opened up according to a judicious plan by w hich the roving plunderers were completely subdued. T he hilly tract had dark and im penetrable plantations w hich threatened every step o f the invading troops w ith its secret snares and am bush. Ibn Taim iyah pronounced the legal opinion th at the cutting down of these plantations was permissible under the Sharjah since I.
Abu Z ah™> P- 45
40
SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT
sim ilar action was taken by the Prophet in the case o f Bam AnN ad h lr. “ T he presence o f Sheikh-ul-Islam in this expedition,” says Ibn K a th lr, “ proved propitious. Both his erudite learn in g and courage provided strength to the M uslims and filled the hearts o f th e enemies w ith m alice an d grief.” 1 Contention of the Rafaiyah Mendicants
O n 9th J a m a d u l-U la, 705 A .H ., a group o f extremist R a fa 'ly a h m endicants called upon the governor o f Syria and dem anded th a t Ib n T aim iy ah should be stopped from enforcing the rules o f Sharl^ah on them . Ib n T aim iy ah , on the other hand, insisted th at every one would have to govern his conduct accord ing to the principles laid dow n in the Scripture and the T ra d i tions, an d , whoever tried to transgress these rules, would be opposed by him* T h e R a fa cIyahs also volunteered to enact c ertain black a rts like w alking o n fire as a p roof o f th eir being on the righteous an d divinely approved path. T hey claim ed th a t th eir w onder-w orking was accepted as a m ark o f piety by th e T a rta rs. Ib n T aim iyah refused th eir plea and rem ained firm o n his dem and w ith th e result th a t th e R a faciyahs h ad to put off the iron rings w orn by them . L ater on Ib n T aim iyah w rote a n exhaustive article delineating th e history, beliefs and th e practices o f the ,R afaciyah order.* Opposition o f Ibn Taim iyah
T h e way Ib n T aim iy ah was trying to enforce the m oral a n d religious principles o f the Shari-ah had earned him a vast following. A section o f influential religious doctors, however, annoyed at Ib n T aim iy ah ’s taking the law in his hand and jealous o f his grow ing popularity, was looking for an opportunity to discredit h im in the eyes o f the adm inistration and the people. Ib n K hathSr w rite s : “ A group o f theologians was jealous of Sheikh T aq i 1. 2.
Ibn Kathir, Vol. X IV , p. 35 Ibid., Vol. X IV , p. 36
TRIALS
and
TRIBULATIONS
41
ud-din ibn T aim iyah because of his position in the court o f the governor and also for his acting as a public censor who had taken upon him self th e responsibility o f enforcing w hat was law ful and preventing w hat was prohibited. T hey w ere envious o f his grow ing popularity and o f the love and respect accorded to him as well as o f his learning and zeal for religion.” 1 Contradiction of the ‘Unity of Being’
By this tim e, Ibn T aim iy ah was again obliged to take p art in certain predal disputations. M uhi ud-din ibn cA rabl (d. 638 A.H.) was regarded as the most respected m entor and undisputed teacher o f the mystic thought. Ib n T aim iyah openly rejected his teachings expounded in Futuhat-t-Makkiyah (T he Meccan Revelations) and Fusus il-Hekam (T he M osaic o f W isdom), which contained a rapturous discussion o f the indw elling o f God in the created being's and the identification o f m an w ith God. T he pantheistic monism o f Ibn ‘A rabI attem pted to square the exis tence o f a transcendental God with a God indw elling in the world and all created, m aterial objects w hich were to him nothing etse th an His m anifestations.2 T h e writings o f Ibn T aim iyah show th at he had carefully studied the works o f Ibn ‘ArabI and reached the conclusion th at the pantheistic monism o f Ibn cA rab l could in no way be deem ed com patible with the teachings o f the Q u r’ an and the Sunnah? H e was particularly critical o f T ilm isanI and Ib n SabcaTn, th e two disciples o f Ibn ‘A rabt, who had failed to m ake any distinction between the C reator and the created. T h e form er emphasised the negation o f D ivine A ttributes, but preached pantheistic ideas o f the union o f m an w ith God, em anation o f all things from the Divine essence an d , finally, the worship o f all created beings. Ibn T aim iyah pointed out how some o f the m isguided mystics had 1.
Ibn Kalhir, p. 37
2.
Ar^Radd aUAqwam, p . 11
3.
Al''Furqdni p p . 147-48
4.
I b i d p . 145
42
SAVIOURS O h ISLAMIC SPIR IT
m ad e th e ir mystical creeds a cloak for liberation from m oral restraints an d a licence for practice o f sensuality.1 T he reigning m onarch o f Egypt and Syria, Al-M alik alN asir M uham m ad ibn Q alaw oon h ad delegated all authority to R ukn ud-dln Baibers al-Jashanglr. T he latter was a devoted disciple o f Sheikh N asar Al-M am bijl who held Ib n lA rabl in the highest esteem as the greatest mystic o f Islam . Ibn T aim iyah thus earned the displeasure o f Sheikh al-M am biji, who, as it was to be expected, misled the unphilosophic and m oderately educat ed T u rk , Baibers al-Jashanglr, to h arbour m alice against Ibn T aim iyah. Ibn Taim iyah in Egypt
Ibn T aim iy ah was summoned to Egypt on the 5th o f R am ad h a n 705 A .H . His friends and disciples, naturally, felt worried a t the su m m o n ; even the governor of Syria advised Ibn T aim iyah to w ait until he got the whole affair straightened up through correspondence w ith the Sultan. But Ibn T aim iyah who h ad already decided to undertake the journey, set out for Egypt. O n his way to the C apital Ib n T aim iyah delivered a sermon in the principal mosque o f G aza w hich was attended by a large audience. Ibn Taim iyah Arrested and Released
Ib n T aim iyah reached Egypt on the 2 2 n d -o f R a m ad h a n . O n F riday, he was asked to attend a m eeting of the theologians, jurists a n d the chiefs o f the State held in the F o rt after Friday prayers. Ib n T aim iyah stood up to address the gathering but he was asked to sit dow n. T hen, certain persons raised objec tions about the dialectical issues which he had already repeatedly explained in Syria during his discourses as well as in his writings. Ibn T aim iyah again stood up to answ er the charges’ levelled 1. 2.
Al-Radd al Aqwam,., pp. 52-142. These related to the n ature and attributes of God on which Ib n T aim iyah had penned several articles and dissertations and also explained them in the debates held for the purpose.
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against him but he was once m ore heckled down with the rem ark 'th a t they had not gathered to listen to his sermons. Thereupon Ibn T aim iy ah asked, “ W ho is the Ju d g e in my case ?” H e was told th a t it was to be decided by Q azi Ibn M ukhluf M aliki. Ibn T aim iy ah raised the o b jectio n : “ How could h e ? H e is my rival and adversary.” Q a z i Ibn M akhluf M alik i got enraged and prom ptly pronounced the decision th a t he should be im prisoned. Ib n T aim iy ah was accordingly kept in custody for some tim e in a t u r r e t and then transferred, on the night of '■Id, to the famous prison o f J u b (the Well) alongwith his two brothers, S h araf ud-d ln cA bdull|ih and Z ain ud-dln cA bdur R ahm S n.1 Ibn T aim iy ah ’s sympathisers, particularly the governor o f Egypt and a few o th er theologians and legists had been trying all the w hile to get him released from the gaol. After full one year, on the nig h t of'■Id next year (706 A .H .), he was offered to be set free provided he renounced the creed held by him . T he offer was m ade to him as m any as six times, but he always turned down the proposals saying : “ T he prison is d earer to m e than w hat I a m asked to affirm .” 2 Sinners and Crim inals Redeemed
Ib n Taim iyah found his fellow prisoners sunk into m oral disease -spending their tim e in frolics an d amusements and recreations like chess and checkerboard, w ithout the least con cern for obligatory prayers o r the rules o f ethical conduct. H e raised his voice against these abuses, recom m ended tem peiance and discipline and inculcated the sense o f piety and prayer in the prisoners. Not long after his a rriv a l in the prison, he was successful in changing its atm osphere. T h e ^prison w as turned into a m onastery resounding w ith prayers, ejaculations and rem em brance o f God. A num ber o f prisoners becam e his devot ed disciples who, on being released, would m uch rath er not go
1.
Ibn Kathir, Vol. X IV, page 38. Ibn Taimiyah has also given a descrip tion of his imprisonment in a letter which has been published recently. 2. Ibid., Vol. X IV, p. 42
SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT
back to their families but rem ain w ith him in the prison.1 A fter another four m onths an effort was m ade again to get him released from the ja il. T h e C hief Q S zl B adr ud-dln ibn Ja m a cah m et him on the 14th o f Safar, 707 A.H. but Ibn T aim iyah again refused his offer. O n the 23rd o f R abcI-ul Awwal A m ir H osam u d -d ln M ah an a ibn ‘Isa, a n A rab C hief o f Syria, saw him in the prison and brought him out o f it after putting him on oath. A m ir H os5m ud-dln took him to the governor o f Egypt on whose advice Ib n Taim iyah decided to rem ain in Egypt for some tim e m ore. Moral Excellence
T he episode o f Ib n T aim iy ah ’s arrest and release revealed his m oral grit and courage. H e d id not bow down before the threats o f tyranny, nor did he yield to the offers o f worldly gains, position and riches. H e rej ected all offers of royal favours and privileges which he could have easily won by retracting from his stand. But this incident also speaks o f his another excellence—a nobility o f character seldom to be witnessed even in those claim ing the distinction o f ran k and blood. H e forgave all those evilhearted persons w ho h ad tiie d to get him into trouble with out giving a second th o u g h t to th e whole affair. H e announced th a t he h ad no grudge, no bitterness against anyone. In a letter he sent to Syria soon a fte r his release, he says : “ M ay G od be pleased w ith you. You know th a t I have never wished a single M uslim to get into any trouble o f any s o r t ; th en , how can I desire th at my friends (scholars an d theologians) should come to g rie f on account o f me? I have no com plaint, nothing to grum ble against anyon® ; on the contrary, I have a greater love an d respect for them all—for th e ir learn in g and status as they verily deserve. I f someone opposes an o th er m an, he is either a scholar and m an o f principle o r an evilhearted w rong-doer and a 1. Al-Kwakib ud-Durriyah, p. 181
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sinner. In the form er case he deserves our thanks and a goodly retu rn from G od ; an d , if he falls in the latter cate gory, one needs to pray for his redem ption as well as fo r1 m e and all the believers. I do not w ant th a t anybody should be avenged for m y sufferings o r for levelling false allegations against m e, for, I have already forgiven every one of them . I desire well-being of every M uslim —the sam e as I desire for myself. A ll those persons who discre dited ine or deposed false evidence against m e or caused trouble to m e are not th e least accountable so far as I a m concerned ; no responsibility lies upon them on my score.” 1
Teaching and Preaching in Egypt
D uring his stay in Egypt, Ib n T aim iyah took up w ith a renewed zeal the task o f explaining his view-point to the scholars and theologians. H e delivered several lectures in different educational institutions, p articularly in M adarsa Salehiya in which he dw elt upon the intricate dialectical issues in the p re sence o f select gatherings o f scholars, jurists and theologians. He opposed the m ystical traits show m g influences o f the GrecoIn d ian thought, exceeding th e lim its of Islam ic spiritual dim en sion set by the earlier mystics or m arking a break with the protecting mould o f the Sharfah ; for, he quite often praised the m asters o f spiritual p ath like Sheikh cA bdul Q a d ir J ila n i and Sheikh cA dI ibn M usafir A m aw l in his writings an d discourses. How ever, Ib n T aim iy ah ’s criticism o f pantheistic m onism was not taken kindly in a country w hich h ad a long trad itio n o f the neo-Platonic thought o f which the poet Ibil al-FS ridh (d. 632 A .H .) h a d built a stately rim e. A famous mystic of Egypt, Sheikh Ibn ‘A ta 1 U llah Isk an d arl,2 b ro u g h t up a case against Ib n T aim iy ah in the royal court on b eh alf o f the Egyptian mystics. A court o f enquiry instituted und er th e royal edict heard Ibn T aim iy ah ’s forceful exposition o f his view-point an d decided to 1. Abu Z«hra, p. 62 2. The author of Al-Htkam, a famous treatise on mysticism.
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dismiss th e com plaint against him. Soon afte r th at another com plaint was m ade against him . H e was now to stand trial for the view held by him th a t no cry for help except to G od, not even to the Prophet o f Islam , was permissible under the Sharfah. T h e doctors o f religion to whom the m atter was refer red could not again find fault w ith Ib n T aim iyah. T he C hief Q a z f only rem arked th a t Ib n T aim iy ah ’s view savoured, if at all, some disrespect to the Prophet although it neither am ounted to heresy n o r sacrilege. T he adm inistration had, however, grow n w eary o f the never-ending complaints against him and, therefore, he was asked either to retu rn to Dam ascus o r to go to Iskandaria (A lexandria), but in either case he was asked to comply with certain restrictions imposed o n him . I f none o f these alternatives was acceptable to him , he was told, then he would have to return to the prison again. Ib n T aim iyah pre ferred the th ird alternative but on the insistence o f his friends an d disciples he agreed to retu rn to D am ascus. H e set out for Syria on the 8th o f Shaw w al but he was brought back the sam e day an d sent to ja il. T h e detention, on this occasion, was analo gous to house arrest, for he was allow ed the services o f ail attendant an d anybody could come to see him . Shortly there after Ib n T aim iyah was set free on a unanim ous request m ade by the theologians an d jurists. Ibn Taim iyah again in Trouble :
Suddenly there was political change in Egypt w hich m ade the m atters w orse for him . N asir ibn Q alaw oon abdicated and went aw ay to K irk, leaving Baibers al-Jashangtr, as the undis puted ru ler o f Egypt and Syria. Ib n T aim iyah had been res pected by th e outgoing M onarch since the days o f his close association with him d uring the T a rta r w ar. Now, considered an enemy o f the new ru ler, he was also despised by Sheikh N asr al-M am bijl, the spiritual m entor o f Baibers al-Jashanglr an d a zealous defender o f the doctrine o f pantheistic monism. A royal edict for the exile and internm ent o f Ib n T aim iyah in Iskandaria was issued in the m onth o f S afar, 709 A .H . Ib n T aim iyah, how
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ever, did not sit idle even in these unfavourable conditions and his forceful elucidation o f the Q u r ’an and Sunnah soon earned for him a respectable place in the literary circles o f Iskandaria.1 The city o f Ib n T aim iy ah ’s internm ent was a stronghold o f the Sabciniyah order o f mystics. Pantheistic cult of the sect preach ed em ancipation from the ritu al o f Islam ; its diffusion am ong the masses had led thousands o f reckless and profligate spirits to enter upon the path o f erro r. Ib n T aim iyah launched a pow er ful m ovem ent against the SabcIniyah o rd er and w ithin his short stay of eight m onths in Isk an d aria, he was successful in winning back a large num ber o f its adherents to the m oral law o f the Sha.fi'-ah.1 Dawnfall of Baibers al-Jashangir
As already predicted by Ibn T aim iy ah , th e rule o f Baibers al-Jashanglr cam e to an end within a year o f his assuming the im perial purple. N asir ibn Q alaw oon first established him self in Syria by gaining control over D amascus, w ithout any resis tance, on the 13th of Shc a b a n , 709 A.H. T hen he advanced tow ards Egypt where too he found a ready support from the elite an d the masses. Baibers al Ja sh a n g ir abdicated and Ibn Q alaw oon entered C airo on the day o f cId th at year. AlJash an g ir fled to Syria w here he was captured and executed by the governor o f Syria on the 7th o f Zil Q acad a, 709 A.H. Baibers al-Jashanglr was an able and popular prim e m inister but no sooner had he ascended the throne th an his eminence and authority began to peter out. “ H e was virtuous, tem perate, m odest an d dignified” writes the annalist o f Egypt, al-M aqrizl, “ but from the m om ent he assumed the title of Sultan and ascended the throne, his glory and eminence began to melt away an d he was taken as a weak ruler. T h e people began to make b o ld and the grandees as well as his slaves becam e defiant.
1. Ibn Kathir, Vol. X IV , p. 50 2. Letter of Sheikh Sharf ud-dln ibn Taimiyah to the people of Damascus and Ibn Kathir, Vol. X IV , p. 50.
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Unsuccessful in achieving his aims, he soon cam e to g rie f; his ru le cam e to an end an d he breathed his last.” 1 W ho knows th a t his unexpected dow nfall was not a punish m ent inflicted b y Providence for the unjust persecution o f a blessed s o u l! Release o f Ibn Taim iyah
- '
Sheikh *Alam ud-din al-Barzail, a contem porary o f Ibn T aim iyah, says th a t w hen Sultan Q alaw oon entered Egypt on the day o f c/cf, th e anxiety upperm ost in his m ind was to bring back Ib n T aim iy ah . Accordingly, th e royal summons to bring him back reached Isk an d aria the next day and he departed from th e city on th e 8th o f Shaw w al. A large crowed in Iskandaria h ad g athered to bid farewell to him . T h e king and his courtiers cam e out o f the royal cham ber to receive Ib n T aim iy ah . A fter w arm greetings extended to Ib n T aim iy ah by all, the king took him to the inner cham ber where the tw o rem ained alone for some time.® Ib n T aim iy ah later told Q azi Ja m a l ud-dln ibn al>QalanisI th a t w hen he was alone w ith the Sultan, the la tte r solicited his consent for the execution o f all those ju rists who had sided with A l-Jashanglr. T h e Sultan showed him th e legal verdicts given by these persons in favour o f A l-Jashanglr and said th a t these very persons w ere responsible for his own sufferings. Ibn T aim iyah adds th a t as soon as he cam e to know o f the Sultan’s intention, he began praising those jurists and told the Sultan th a t if these ju rists w ere put to sword there would be nobody to replace them . T h e Sultan, however, again said th at these per sons h ad left no stone unturned to put Ibn T aim iyah to the most grievous h arm . T o this, Ib n T aim iyah replied th a t he had already forgiven them . H e had , therefore, no claim upon them . Ib n T aim iy ah kept on u rg in g the S ultan until h e prom ised to p ardon the offending jurists.3 1. Khutat Misr, Vol. II, p. 418 2. Ibn Kathir, Vol. X IV , p. 54 3. Ibid.
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Ibn K a th lr relates on the authority of Q a z i Ib n M akhluf, ©ne o f the bitterest enemies o f Ib n T aim iyah, th a t he had not Men a m an m ore large-hearted th a n him . Ib n M ak hluf confesslid to Ib n K a th lr th at he h a d always tried to instigate and pro voke th e adm inistration to take action against Ib n T aim iyah, but the latter, when his tu rn cam e, not only forgave his misdeeds but also pleaded his defence. Ib n T aim iyah again turned to the pursuits o f teaching and reform ative endeavour. A num ber o f his adversaries expressed regret for th eir past behaviour, who Were all prom ptly acquitted Of th eir previous enm ity by Ib n T aim iyah, but a few still conti nued to h arbour a grudge against him . However, as they found it difficult to say anything openly against Ibn T aim iyah, they Itarted to m align him am ong the ignorant masses and instigated them to raise a tum ult against him . T h eir efforts bore fruit and on the 4th o f R ajab 7 11 A .H . a few persons, evil-m inded and wicked in spirit, m anhandled an d caused bodily injuries to him . Soon a large crow d g athered to take revenge on his behalf, but Ibn T aim iyah firm ly forbade th em to take any action. “ T here are only three alternatives’\ said he, “ an d th e first is th a t I 'have a Claim upon them . T his I forgo, and declare th a t they are released from every claim th a t I m ay have upon them . I f you have a claim against .them an d you do not also w ant to listen to me, then Sn and the i$unnah. H e also tendered advice to th e S ultan and got some im p o rtan t reform s introduced in Egypt and Syria. A royal edict sent to D am ascus in 712 A .H. prohibited I.
Abu Zahra, p . 74
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appointm ents to public offices being m ade on m onetary consi derations for the practice encouraged dishonest persons to hold these posts for m inting money out o f them . A nother order issued by the Sultan forbade unauthorised retaliatory action against a person charg ed w ith m anslaughter. T h e culprits were ordered to be arrested an d im peached in accordance with the law. Ibn K athlrsays th a t both these orders were issued by the Sultan on the advice o f Ib n T aim iy ah .1 Ibn Taim iyah returns to Damascus
R eports o f renew ed T a rta r efforts to invade Syria reached Egypt in Shaw w al, 712 A .H . T h e S ultan him self advanced to m eet th e th r e a t ; he left the cap ital on the 8th o f Shaw w al and arrived a t Dam ascus on the 23rd o f th a t m onth. Ibn T aim iyah also accom panied th e Sultan. In D am ascus, he was given a rousing reception by the citizens. Ib n T aim iyah had come with th e intention o f participating in the holy w ar against the T a rta rs, but on reaching Dam ascus he cam e to know th at the invading T a rta r arm y h ad retired. H e w ent to Jerusalem with the intention o f visiting B ait-ul-M uqaddas. H e returned to D am ascus after com pleting the pilgrim age on the 1st o fZ il Q acadaj Attention paid to Juristic Issues
Ib n T aim iyah again got him self busy, on his return to D am ascus, in the intellectual and religious pursuits, but there was a difference this tim e in his literary engagements. E arlier he had paid m ore atten tio n to the scholastical issues relating to th e cult an d creed, w hich w ere the subject o f a lively delibera tion betw een th e Ash*arites an d H anbalites, b u t now he devoted his thoughts to th e ju ristic problem s. I t seems th at Ibn T aim iy ah felt th a t the dialectical problem s d id n o t require his attention any m ore for he h ad clearly expounded its contentious issues in his earlier speeches an d w ritings. 1. Ibn Kathir, Vol. X IV , p. 66
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Ibn T aim iyah was a H anbalite like his forefathers, and most o f the legal opinions given by him conform ed to th at ichool, but he d id not follow th e H anbalite school exclusively. O f a tru th , no scholar o f Ib n T aim iyah’s compass o f m ind, having an insight into the teachings o f the Q u r’a n and the Sunnah as well as the objectives, principles and rules o f their Application evolved by th e earlier ju ristic schools, could possibly rem ain a blind follower o f any p articu lar ju ristic school. In ipecific m atters, therefore, he preferred the school which m ore appealed to reason o r which he found upheld by a greater num ber o f the Prophet’s com panions and their successors. But, in spite o f his eru d itio n and intelligence, he always praised the profound knowledge, creative thought, honesty and piety o f the precursors o f all the ju ristic schools, whom he regarded as icholars correctly basing th e ir rules o f interpretations on the principles o f the Q u r’an, the synnah, ijml a an d qiyas. H e never liked those who sought to destory o r discard w hat previous generations had built up, n o r he favoured those who showed dis respect to the earlier IniamSi1 The Question of Three Talaqs
Ju st as Ib n T aim iyah often rejected the H nnbalite view, in a few cases he drew up his statem ent o f legal position disagree ing w ith all the four principal juristic schools. In these cases too he claims to have in ferred directly from the express laws of the Scripture and th e T rad itio n s. O ne such case in w hich he differed w ith all the oth er ju ristic schools related to the repudia tion o f one’s wife by th ree sentences o f divorce, all given a t a time. T he question was w hether a divorce thus pronounced thrice Kt a tim e, although offending the law as well as irre g u lar and
1. Ibn Taimiyah wrote Raf*at Malam Ay^mmatil c7ilSm to show that the founders of all the four juristice schools were men of piety who endeavoured to expound the Shari'ah in the light of the Qpr^Sn and the Sunnah according to their own lights.
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sinful according to all ju ristic schools and the consensus o f the M uslim s, took legal effect o r n o t? T h e issues this question., raised w ere w hether revocation o f such a divorce was possible o r n o t ; w hether the th ree sentences o f divorce would be reck oned as one revocable pronouncem ent o r taken as an irreversible s e p a ra tio n ; an d w hether the wife so divorced could return to h er husband o r not w ithout halalah (i.e. until the divorced wife was m arried to another m an, the m arriage was consummated and then divorced by th e second husband) ? All the earlier jurists and T raditionists, such as Auza‘l, Nakh*ee, T h au rl, Is’h&q ibn R a h u w a ih , Abu T h a u r, B ukharl, as also a m ajority o f the Pro p het’s com panions an d th e ir descendants had held the view th at such a pronouncem ent, however sinful and heterodox, would sufficiently am ount to an im plied divorce taking legal effect. T his view found support from several T raditions o f th e Prophet in w hich he h ad held all the three sentences o f such a divorce as separate pronouncem ents and ordered the wife to be irre versibly divorced.1 Ib n T aim iy ah an d solne o f his friends and disciples, on the contrary, held th a t th e three sentences o f divorce should be regarded as one revocable divorce. H e form ulated this view on th e basis o f the Q u r’an, the T raditions an d analogy and gave sufficiently weighty reasons in support o f his view-point.8 Divorce by Swearing
T h e re was another form ofdivO rce in w hich Ib n Taim iyah held a view different from all other jurists an d w hich had had an im portant bearing upon the relationship between the then « governm ents and th e people.
1. Falawah Ibn Taimiyah, Vol. I l l, p. 38 2. Contrary to the views held by other jurists Ibn Taimiyah-proved th at the Traditions of the holy Prophet on which others based their legal opinion were not of unimpeachable veracity in accordance w ith accepted canons of criticism. For fuller discussion on the subject see ££rf-u/-A#«*aif by Ibn Qayyim and Ighathatallahfan.
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i A commoti form o f divorce, in those days, was to asseverate one’s veracity o r will to do a thing u n d er oath on the penalty o f divorcing one’s wife. Its common form was to say to one’s w ife : “ I shall do (or not do) this, otherwise you will be divorced.” D uring the governorship o f H ajjaj ibn Yusuf, the oath o f fealty m ade to the ru ler was also linked with it which Stipulated that in the case o f breaking that oath the separation from one’s wife would also autom atically take place. In response to a request for a statem ent on the juristic position o f such divorces, Ib n T aim iy ah expressed the legal opinion that such a declaration constituted a simple oath affirm ing to do or not to do a th in g ; and w here a sw earer failed in its fulfilment, expiation was incum bent on him , but the failure did not take the legal effect o f separation between him an d his wife. Ibn T aim iyah cited in his support the legal Opinions o f certain oarlier jurists,1 but his view deviated from the consensus of juristic verdicts on the point. This, naturally, caused vexation among the theologians who tried to forbid Ib n T aim iyah from expressing legal opinions in such cases. “ O n Tuesday, the fifth of R ab cI-ul-Awwal” , writes Ib n K a th ir u n d er the annals o f 718 A. H ., “ the C hief Q azl Sham s ud-din ibn M uslim m et Ibn Taim iyah and advised him not to express his legal opinions on cases pertaining to divorces by sw earing w hich m ight be referred to him. T he Sheikh accepted his advice an d promised to act likewise in deference to thfe wishes o f the C hief Q a z l and other jurists. T hen, in the beginning o f Ju m ad a-u l-U la, a royal edict was received from C airo w hich prohibited Ib n T aim iyah from giving legal opinions in such cases. T h e royal m andate was road out in a gathering and Ib n T aim iyah prom ised to 'ab id e by it.” 2 T h ereafter, it seems, Ib n T aim iyah reconsidered the ( m atter and reached the conclusion th a t the adm inistration had no right to interfere in this m atter, n o r was it proper for him to desist from expressing w hat he believed to be right for fear o f 1.
Ibn Kathir, Vol. X IV , p. 87
2.
Ab'ti Z°hrai pp. 436-37
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governm ent. A ccordingly, he again started giving legal opinions in these cases. O n Tuesday, the 22nd p f R ajab, 720 A. H ., a council o f theologians and ju rists was convened by the governor o f Syria to consider the com plaint against Ibn T aim iyah. It was decided to detain him in the citadel where he was transferred th e sam e day. H e rem ained in this preven tive detention for five m onths and eighteen days and was released, on the orders received directly from C airo, on the 10th o f M uliarram , 721 A . H .2 The Last Imprisonment
For about five and a h a lf years between 721 A. H- to 726 A. H ., Ibn T aim iy ah devoted him self again to the teaching in M ad rasa H anbalia and his own madrasa in Qassasin, pouring forth his encyclopaedic knowledge. H e also revised some o f his older works. H is ready pen would have, perhaps, produced some m ore classical works but his intellectual brilliance and pre-em inent individuality, w hich tended to overshadow his contem poraries was a constant cause o f trouble for him . Ib n T aim iy ah had expressed a legal opinion, seventeen years back, th at no journ ey to a shrine, even if it be to the grave of the Holy Prophet o f Islam could be undertaken as an act of devotion u n d er the Shancak. H e h a d based his opinion on the T radition which said : “ Do not saddle a dorm edary except for three mosques, the M asjid-i-H aram (K a 'a b a ), my own Mosque (the Prophet’s M osque) and the M asjid-i-Aqsa (Bait-ulM u q a d d a s').” Ib n T aim iy ah had explained how the pilgri m age to shrines o f saints opened the d oor to ascribing divine powers to th e saints a n d perform ance o f ceremonies which itnply reliance on beings other , than G od. In his support he had cited several other T raditions o f the Prophet sa y in g : “ The curse o f God be on the Jew s an d C hristians who have turned
1.
Ibn Kathir, Vol. X IV , p. 87
2. 3.
Ibid., p. 97 In Jerusalem
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the graves o f their prophets into places o f w orship,” 1 or, “ O Allah, do not make an idol o f my grave th at it m ay be worshipped.” 2 T he enemies o f Ib n T aim iy ah u nearthed this seventeen year old statem ent o f legal opinion to discredit him am ong the ignorant folk. It was given wide publicity in o rd er to injure the susceptibilities o f the masses, on the one hand, who consi dered it an act o f great m erit to visit the Prophet’s grave, and to enlist the support o f the theologians, on the other, against a m an a t odds w ith th e ir unanim ous view. T his did have the desired effect as the feelings o f the masses w ere stirred up to an extent th at the adm in istratio n felt obliged to intervene in the m atter. T h e o rd er to put him again behind the bars was issued on the 7th o f Sh‘aban, 726 A. H . W hen the news was com m u nicated to Ib n T aim iyah, he said, “ I was looking forw ard to it. It has a lot o f goodness and grace for m e.” Ib n T aim iyah was taken to the D am ascus citadel. A sub sistence allow ance was fixed for h im an d his b rother Z a in ud-din £A bdur R ah m an ibn T aim iy ah was allow ed to rem ain w kh him . D etention o f Ib n T aim iy ah was a victory achieved by his adversaries. H is friends and disciples w ere m anhandled and some o f them .w ere even o rd ered to be cast into prison. They were all released a fte r a few days, but H afiz ibn Q aiyyim , one of the devoted •disciples o f Ib n T aim iyah, rem ained w ith his m entor in detention till his d eath .3 Protest by the Scholars
Im prisonm ent o f Ib n T aim iy ah was a source o f satisfaction to his enemies, but it saddened the h earts o f a large num ber of scholars and doctors o f religion as well as th e m ajority o f the Muslims in Syria a n d oth er countries. N um erous appeals were m ade an d petitions p referred to the S ultan urging him to release 1. Bukhari and Muslim 2. Musnad Imam Ahmad 3. Abii %ahra, p, 84
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SAVIOURS OP ISLAMIC SPIR IT
the Sheikh. T h e petitions subm itted to the S ultan from every p a rt o f the realm and from the far-flung lands o f the Islam ic w orld show the extent o f popularity and respect ib n T aim iyah enjoyed am ong the people O ne such petition sent by the scholars o f B aghdad to the S u ltan expressed deep concern and the sorrow ful gloom overtaking the intellectual circles a n d the o rthodox M uslim s o f eastern countries, p articularly Ira q , and the gleeful m irth exhibited b y the heretics and non-conformists over Ib n T aim iy ah ’s internm ent.1 A num ber o f religious doctors even sent th e ir own legal opinions in support o f the stand taken by Ib n T aim iyah. Ibn Taim iyah’s Preoccupations in the Citadel
T h e internm ent o f th e Sheikh, however, provided him , after a long tim e, the m uch needed repose an d rest w hich he fully utilised in prayers and literary endeavours. H e com pleted, along w ith his b ro th er Z ain u d -d ln ‘ A bdur R a h m an , eighty recitals o f the Q u r ’ Sn d u rin g th a t short p e rio d .2 T h e g reater p a rt o f Ib n T aim iy ah ’s w ritings during the period o f detention consisted o f exegesis o f the Q u r’a n which shows th a t th e tim e left by recitals o f the holy Scripture was spent in pondering over the Q u ran ic verses. H e also wrote a few m onographs explaining certain specific issues w hich were referred to him by the scholars. H e was thus enabled to carry on his literary activities undisturbed during the initial period o f his last detention, except, o f course, the sermons which he used to deliver for th e benefit o f th e people.
Further R estriction s T h e w ritings o f Ib n T aim iy ah w ere taken out o f the gaol and th eir copies sent to scholars in every p a rt o f the country. Among th e treatises an d m onographs w ritten by him d u ring this period, one lengthy dissertation was indited on pilgrim age which 1. Al KawakiHud-Duniyah. p. 198 and Al *Uqud ud-Burriyah p. 350 2. Ibn Kathir, Vol. X IV , p. 138
TRIALS
a n d t r ib u l a t io n s
57
he wrote in reply to an article o f a M alikite Q azl cA bdullah ibn al-A khnalJ. Ib n T aim iy ah showed at length how ignorant And unlearned the Q a z i was.1 Thereupon; —A bdullah ibn al-Akhnal’ lodged another com plaint in the royal court agaitist Ib n •Taimiyah which resulted in the issue of. another decree ordering th a t every book, paper and pen should be taken away from him. T he royal edict confiscated all the books and w riting m aterial possessed by Ib n T aim iyah on the 9th o f Jam ada-ul-U khara, 728 A .H . O n the first o f the following R ajab , even the m anus cripts and loose sheets o f p ap er w ere taken away from him and kept in the library of Ju d ic ia ry .2 Writings by Charcoal
Ib n T aim iyah neither protested nor even showed any resent ment over this attem pt to shackle his pen. A fter the ink and pen w ere taken away, he used to w rite w ith charcoal on loose sheets o f such paper as he could lay his hands on. Some of these writings were found later on an d preserved for a long time. H e seemed to have reconciled him self to his fate and accepted th e inevitable w ithout repining and regarded his tribu lations as trials and sufferings o f fighters in the way o f God. Expressing the same feeling in a letter he w rote . “ T h an k God that we a re now engaged in a fight in the way o f G od. T he battle we are fighting here is not a bit low er in o rd er th an our previous w arfare against G hazan, th e heretics o f the hills and the propagators o f pantheistic m onism . T h is is undoubtedly a blessing o f God on us, although most o f the people are not aw are 3f it” 3. 1. See Al'AkhnaHyah 2. The building now houses the office of Al-Majm*a ul-[Imi-ul-*Arbi. This was the place where Ibn Khallikan wrote his famous Wa/ay i t tl-'A yan and lectures were delivered by Ibn Malik who later wrote Al-Fih. The material confiscated from Ibn Taimiyah, under the Royal edict, com prised 60 books and i 4 folios of his maniscript. i,
Abu Z*A™
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Serene R esignation.
His serene contentm ent and calm submission to the will o f God bespeaks o f the faith delivered unto the saints. “ The grace and blessings o f G od” , w rote Ib n T aim iyah in another letter, “ lie in w hat G od decides for H is bondsm en. V erily, H e is the strong, the D om inant, the W ise an d the Know er. M an is put to h arm only by his ow n sins, for, says God : ‘W hatever of good befalleth thee (O m an) it is from A llah and w hatever of ill befalleth thee it is from thyself.’1 T herefore, it is incum bent on m an to be thankful to G od an d praise H im ever and anon, and seek forgiveness for his sins from the cradle to- the grave. For benediction to G od brings His grace and blessings, supplication for Divine forgiveness averts His w rath and punishm ent. W hat ever God ordains for H is bondsm an, it is always the best for him . T h e Prophet o f God is reported to have said* : ‘I f pros perity attends a believer, he is thankful (to A lla h ); and if adversity befalls him , he is patient ■and it is good for him .” But Ibn T aim iy ah was also convinced th a t he was without reproach : the only fault he owned was th a t he d id not yield obedience to the authorities in a religious m atter in >which he considered him self to be ju st an d right. H e acknowledged his intractability, if it could be so nam ed ; but, far from being sorry for th e shortcom ing, he considered it the harvest o f his conviction in the U nity o f G od. In yet another letter w ritten by him from the ja il he says : “ T h e ir greatest charge against m e is th a t the orders given by a m an were disregarded by me. But, if the o rd er given by a hum an being, w hether he be a m aster o r king, contravenes th e com m andm ents o f God an d H is Prophet, then th a t should never be obeyed. O n the contrary, the entire M uslim com m unity is agreed on the view th at no obedience is perm issible in anything opposed to an express m andate o f God and the Prophet.”
1.
Q,. IV : 79
2.
Muslim, on the authority of Suhaib ibn Si nan
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?h e Last Days
Z ain u d -d in cA bdur R a h m a n relates th a t after com pleting eighty recitals o f the Q u r ’an , Ib n T aim iyah started it again With him . However, w hen he reached the closing verses o f the SUrah al-Q am ar-^Lo! the righteous will dwell am ong gardens and rivers firmly established in the favour o f a M ighty K ing1— he expressed his desire to continue the recital fu rth er w ith cA bdullah ibn M uhlb and his b rother ^AbdullSh az-Z ara£ee. Both these brothers w ere pious and pure o f heart, and th eir recital was very m uch liked by Ib n T aim iyah. But he had not completed this recital o f the Q u r’a n when the knell sum m oning him to heaven was sounded. T he Sheikh had been indisposed for a few days when the governor o f D am ascus called upon him . O n his request to pardon him for th e inconvenience caused on his account, Ib n Taim iyah replied : “ I h av e alread y forgiven you and all those persons Who have beea hostile to me, T hey knew not th at I was in the right. I bear no m aliee nor have I any grievance against the K ing for putting m e in ja il at the instance o f the theologians. He d id not do it o f his own accord and is free from a ll responsi bility in this reg ard . I h av e p ardoned every m a n in this affair except those w ho a r e enem ies o f G od and H is P rophet.” Ib n T aim iyah was taken ill twenty-two days before his death. H is health gradually dw indled till the journey’s end drew near in the night o f th e twenty second o f Zil-Qa*ada, 728 A .H., when he quit this w orld a t th e age o f 67 years. “ Every one th a t is thereon w ill pass away ; there rem aineth b u t the C ountenance o f thy L ord o f M ight and G lory.” 2 T h e c rie r o f the citadel m osque announced th e death o f Ibn T aim iy ah from the m in aret, w hich was repeated by the guards in the tu rrets and soon it spread in the city like wild fire. T he gates o f the fort w ere throw n open to allow wave after wave of teem ing drowd com ing to pay its last hom age to the dep arted 1. 2.
Q.. LIV : 54-55 Q . L V : 26-27
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teacher. M any o f them kissed, w ith tears brim m ing in their eyes, the forehead th a t frequently rem ained prostrated before the Lord. T he bier was brought to the Ummayyacl M osque for funeral service. T he thronging crow d w hich was getting stronger every m om ent was so g reat th a t th e arm y h ad to force its w ay into it for carrying th e bier w ith g reat difficulty. In the vast m ultitude jostling an d pushing to get n e a r the bier m any lost th eir shoes. At last the procession ended in Suqral-K hall where another funeral service was led by his younger brother Z ain ud-dln ‘A bdur R ah m 3 n . A fter th e service, Ib n T aim iyah was la id a t rest in M aqbartis-Sufiyah1 by th e side o f his brother S h araf u d -d ln cA bdullah. It is estim ated th a t a train o f 60,000 to 1,00,000 persons o f which a t least 15,000 were women joined th e funeral procession.* ' ' In several Islam ic countries lying to the south and east o f Syria funeral services w ere held in absentia for Ibn Taim iyah. Ib n R ajab, a chronicler who w rote Tabqat-ul-HanSbilah, Says that th e funeral services w ere held in several n earer and far off lands like Y em an and China. “ T h e funeral service o f an expositor o f the Q u r’an will now be h eld ,” was th e announcem ent m ade a fte r F riday prayers in a fa r off city according to the travellers returning from China.
1. In this burial ground where such luminaries as Ibn fAsBkir, Ibn us-Salah, Ibn al-Ath?r, Abul HajjSj Al-Mizzi, Hafiz Im id ud-din Ibn KathTr were buried, only the grave o f Ibn Taimiyah now remains in an open space before the Hall of the University of Syria and the Hospital. 2. Hn Ktihir, Vol. X IV , p. 136-39
IV Character and .Achievements Intellectual Brilliance
Ibn T aim iyah occupied a p rid e o f place am ong his contem porary scholars and doctors o f religion, theologians and legists who had all to acknowledge, without any exception, his super lative m erits in every branch o f learning. T his was not due to his fire o f genius alone but also because o f his marvellous reten tive m em ory w hich was, indeed, a God-given gift granted to a few beneath the heavens. By Ib n T aim iy ah ’s tim e, the religious sciences h ad been vastly developed and encyclopaedic literature had been accum ulated on scores o f its branches. No scholar could, w ithout a prodigious m em ory, claim m astery over the whole o f it, m uch less sit in judgem ent over the thoughts and findings o f the savants in every field o f knowledge. But the rem arkable treasure house o f Ib n T aim iy ah ’s m ind enabled him to have a t his finger tips the whole o f the then extant literature on exegesis, T raditions, jurisprudence, dogm atic theology, scholasticism, history, biography, lexicography and syntax. H e could always utilize this store-house o f know ledge in his thrilling career o f intellectual and literary pursuits. His contem poraries an d successors both are agreed th a t he possessed a w onderful m em ory, nim ble m in d , quick grasp and a rad ian t flam e o f intellect. O ne o f his classmates, cA lam uddln al-B arzall, says that “ he enshrined in his m em ory w hatever he h ea rd , rarely anything faded from his m ind a n d , intelligent as
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he was, he h ad a w ide know ledge.’’1 Shams ud-dln al-Z ahabi, the famous historian and biographer has avouched th at he has not seen “ a m an m ore adept th a n Ib n T aim iyah who could rehearse the T raditions so correctly (w ith the correct w ordings and the narrative^ chains), recall these at the appropriate tim e and cite the correct references.” 2 Everyone conversant-with the! science o f T raditions knows how difficult it is to learn by heart the entire literatu re on T raditions. But, strange though it may seem, no contem porary scholar o f Ib n T aim iyah, not even his bitterest critics, ever disputed the testimony o f al-Z ahabi who sa id : “ It can truly be claim ed th at no T rad itio n would be acceptable i f Ib n T aim iyah pleaded ignorance o f it.” 3 K a m al ud-dln ibn az-Z am alkani disagreed w ith Ibn T aim iy ah on m any issues and h ad figured against him in several polem ical dispu tations. O nce he acknow ledged that “ no m an o f such prodigi ous m em ory has been born in the last four or five hundred years.” 4 T o quote al-Z ahabl again, Ib n T aim iyah was “ a flame o f intellect” and “ a m arvel o f sparkling intelligence and a sharp w it.” 5 Encyclopaedic Knowledge
Ibn T aim iy ah had so com pletely assim ilated all the know ledge o f his tim e th at even th e talented doctors in different fields o f learning w ere am azed to see his m astery in their own sciences. A num ber o f em inent scholars have paid glowing tributes to Ib n T aim iyah. T a q i u d -d in Ib n D aq lq ul-cId occupies a distinguished place am ong the teachers o f T raditions. His im pression, after Ib n T aim iy ah m et him in Egypt in 700 A.H. w a s : “ I felt th a t he h a d a ll th e sciences before his e y e s; he called up w hatever he liked and left w hatever he w anted.” '1 1. Ar-Raid ul-W afir, p . 6G 2. Al-Qatd-il-Jali, p. 101 3. A i-K m fik ib ud-Durtiyah, p. 145 4. Ibid p. 145 5. Ar-Radd-ul-W afir, p. 29 6. H id p. 31
CHARACTER AND ACHIEVEMENTS
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K arnal ud-dtn ibn az-Z am alkanl was a renowned scholar in several sciences. Expressing his astonishm ent over Ib n Taim iyah’s agility o f m ind he says, “ W hen he is asked anything, his reply gives the'im pression th at he has spent his whole life in acquiring the know ledge o f that very science alone an d there is none else who can equal Jiim in th a t b ran ch p f learning.” 1 T a q t ud-dln ibn al-Subki, one o f Ib n T aim iy ah ’s rivals who h ad w ritten many books to confute Ib n T aim iyah’s views on certain juristic issues, w rote in his letter to al-Zahabr. “ I am fully aw are that Ibn T aim iyah is an erudite scholar, his knowledge is profound and deep in all the religious an d secular sciences ; he is m ature in thought an d sparkling in intellect, an d I also know th a t his icholarship is beyond all praise. I have always acknowledged these qualities o f Ibn T aim iyah before my friends and asso ciates.” 2 Ibn T aim iyah was not a student o f history. H owever, his competence in this field too was acknowledged by a historian like Sham s ud-dln al-Z ahabl in these w ords : “ His knowledge of history is rem arkably astonishing.” Ib n Q ayyim has left an account o f Ib n T aim iyah’s am azing proficiency in this field as well as sliarpness o f m ind. H e writes in ul-Mal ad th a t once the Jew s (of either Syria o r Ira q ) produced as scroll o f crum b ling p ap er w ith a w riting in the old script w hich showed that the Prophet had exempted the Jew s o fK h a ib a r from the paym ent o f JiZyah (poll-tax). T h e docum ent h ad the signatures o f c All, Sacad ibn M a £5 z an d a num ber o f other companions o f the Prophet as witnesses. C ertain scholars, not so well-versed in .history, accepted it as a genuine docum ent and gave the decision that the Jew s should be exem pted from the paym ent o f poll-tax. But w hen th e docum ent was shown to Ib n T aim iyah he at once declared it to be a fake docum ent an d gave as m any as ten realo n rfo r holding th a t opinion. Some o f th e reasons given by Ib n Taim iyah for declaring th e docum ent as spurious w ere th a t it had 1. Ar-Radd ul-Wajir p. 30 2. Taiqat-1 t-Shife^iyah
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64
the signature o f Sacad ibn M al az but he h ad died before the battle o f K h a ib a r ; th ere could be no question o f any exem ption from the poll-tax because the Q u ran ic verses imposing the tax were revealed in th e y ear o f TabQk i.e. three years after the battle o f K h aib ar was fought. T h e exemption o f the Jew s from forced labour, a m ention o f w hich was m ade in the docum ent, was absurd for the Prophet o r his companions neither considered it lawful u nder the Sharfak nor they ever subjected anybody to forced labour ; and, lastly, no historian, T raditionist or legist had m ade a m ention o f the docum ent in question in his w ritings.” 1 A nother story o f his nim ble wit and facility o f poetization has been told by Saleh T a j ud-din. H e says th a t once a Jew brought a question about fate in the form o f eight verses. Ib n T aim iyah read the verses, pondered over the question for a few seconds and then started w riting its reply. W hen he had com pleted the reply it was found th a t he had composed 184 verses in the same m etre and rhym e in w hich the question had been indited. Saleh T a j ud-dln adds th at Ib n T aim iyah’s verses were so profound th a t a com m entary on them would h av e filled two copious volumes.* Ib n T aim iyah’s great store o f knowledge has been acclaim ed by his contem porary and succeeding scholars with such compli m entary rem arks as “ T h e M aster Spirit o f the Age,” “ The Grown o f Scholars,” “ L ast o f the Enlightened scholars,” and “ A Sign am ong the Signs o f G od.” Ib n Saiyid-in-Nas (d. 734 A .H .) says th a t ‘his contem poraries did not see another m an like him , nor did he him self witness his p eer.” 3 Sim ilarly, Shams u d -d ln al-Z ah ab i testifies: “ I f I w ere asked to testify before the K acaba I will sw ear by God th a t neither I saw a scholar like him nor d id he him self see a m an o f his stature.’’ Dauntless Courage
T h e T u rk chiefs an d m ilitary generals were am azed to see 1. Z i d ul-toa believe that the prophets m eant w hat has been explained by the philosophers. Q u ite a good num ber o f persons and sects have been m isled by these w ritings. O ne can clearly discern this duplicity in the works o f Ib n Sin5 and his follow eis.” 1 Critique of Dialectics
T he criticism o f Ib n T aim iy ah was not limited to philoso phy an d its camp-followers alone : he did not spare even those dialecticians who endeavoured to defend Islam but employed the philosophical doctrines and concepts and its terminology and syllogism to establish the facts o f unseen and unknowable re a lity ; for, the philosophical term s tended to im part a lim ited aind incorrect exposition to the transcendental realities owing to th e ir association w ith th e philosophical traditions and precepts. Speaking o f the dialecticians, he says in the An-Xabuwat: “ The w ritings o f these dialecticians affirming creation, resurrection, H ereafter and the existence o f the C reator are neither rationally persuasive n o r canonically reassuring, and this has been acknow ledged by th e dialecticians as well. Im am R a z i openly confessed when he h a d grow n old th at a fter pondering over the scholastic and philosophical subtleties he had reached the conclusion th at these could neither quench one’s thirst nor cure th e sick. T h e reasoning o f th e Q u r’ an, he adm itted, was the most convincing. Look a t the Q uranic verses : “ Naught is as 1. An-Nabuwat, p. 168
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His likeness”1 o r “ They camiot,fiampass it in k n o w l e d g e em phasiz ing negation o f similitudes to God or those affirming His a ttri butes, such as, “ Then (He) mounted the Throne,"* or “ Unto Him good wards ascend” * or “ Who is in the Heaven”* and you would arrive a t the same conclusion as reached fay al-R azi. G hazaJf and Ibn £Aqeel have also d raw n sim ilar inferences for, indeed, this is an incontrovertible tru th .” 9 In another passage of the same book Ib n T aim iyah high* lights the mistake com m itted by the dialecticians. “ They followed neither the path o f the rationalists nor followed the teachings o f ilie prophets w ith the result th at, on the one hand, they, deviated from their ingenuous nature, and, on the other, were also deprived o f the conviction im parted by the Shant d,h, T h eir rationalism led them only to u ncertainty and unnecessary quibbling and hairsplitting o f im aginary issues.” 1 A nother weakness o f the scholastics tow ards which Ibn T aim iyah invited attention was th a t “ w hen they deliberate upon prophethood they raise weighty objections but their defence is norm ally weak and unassuring. W e have already given m any examples o f th e ir specious reasoning. W hoever studies their writings to find credenc'e and conviction, holding them up as the defenders and m outhpieces of Islam capablc of proving the existence of prophethood on rational grounds, he is unable to get a satisfactory reply in their books. H r becomes a victim o f scepticism a n d m ental perplexity which b a r his way to faith and certitude o f knowledge. T he doors o f doubt, u n b elief and ignorance are thus opened for those whose knowledge is lim ited to the w ritings o f dialecticians.” 8 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.
X L I I : 11 X X : 110 X III: 2 X X X V : 10 L X V II: 16 An-Nabuwat, p. 148 Ibid,, p. 148 Ibid. p. 240
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A Common Weakness of Philosophers and Dialecticians
In Ib n T a im iy a h ’s opinion both the philosophers as well as the dialecticians had com m itted a common m ista k e; since, despite their differences, the m ode of their reasoning was the same. T h e ir fundam ental weakness, or mistake, was that they tried to achieve that with the help of reason W hich could never be had through it. In the process they arrayed themselves against n atu ral hum an disposition as well as the guidance p ro vided by the prophets. “ T herefore,” observes Ibn T aim iyah, “ the findings o f both these groups have m any mistakes, but little benefit to offer.” ' T he m ode o f reasoning employed by the philosophers and scholastics was, according to Ibn T aim iyah, extravagantly form al an d elaborate w ith the result th at they had to adopt a lengthy and roundabout m ethod for establishing those facts w hich could have been proved easily by taking to a sim pler but unsophisticated course more appealing to hum an intellect. He disagreed with the dialecticians that the logical syllogism was the only satisfactory m ethod o f reasoning to be applied by them . H e argued th at even if the prem ises o f th eir reasoning w ere sometimes co rrect, they were not fundam ental because experience and study o f hum an nature shows th a t God has m ade it easy for m an to u n derstand w hat is essential for him to learn . F or th a t very reason, there are am ple signs, indications and evidences o f the existence an d oneness o f the C reator and the prophethood o f His apostles, and so are the m eans to attain the knowledge about them . T here were, how ever, certain persons, said Ib n T aim iy ah , w ho had a flair for logical syllogism and argum entation b u t for others it was quite unnecessary.8 The Quranic reasoning
Ibn T aim iyah strongly pleaded that the Q uranic reasoning 1. Naqdh-ul-Manliq, p. 162 2. /Ir-Raddo'-alal Mantaqiyin, p. 255
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was not only m ost ap p ro p riate .but also most convincing for the avouchm ent o f m etaphysical an d unseen realities and leligious truths. “ T h e argum ents put fo rth by the Q u r’a n ,” w rites Ib n T aim iy ah , “ a re m uch m ore assuring and carry a deeper sense than the propositions o f the philosophers and dialecticians. A t the sam e tim e, the. form er do not suffer from paralogism w hich is a com m on feature o f logical disputations.” 1 At a n o th e r place) he says, “ K now ledge o f the reasons advanced by the Q u r 'a n as weil as the self-evident m arks and signs adduced in support o f the existence o f G od, His sustcntation o f the w orld, His Oneness, H is know ledge and pow er and the possibility o f resurrection an d retrib u tio n in the. H ereafter is essential for acquiring th e noblest h um an qualities. In support o f his contention he cites the exam ple o f the different form s o f reasoning em ployed in support o f the exist ence o f D ivine Being an d H is attrib u tes w hich also bring out the difference betw eeh the philosophical and Q u ran ic concepts o f G odhead . “ The Q u r ’ an is elaborate w here it affirms D ivine attributes but makes only a com pendious reference w here the negation is stressed (Naught is as His likeness) : this being also the way o f the prophets w ho explicate in d e ta il w hat He is and are concise in describing w hdt He is not. O n the oth er h an d , th eir rivals an d opponents (T he G reek philosopher?,) pay m ore atten tion to the denial o f His attributes but m ake only a passing reference w here they have to av er th e m .” :! T h e w ritings o f the G reek philosophers and their votaries avouch the point m ade out by Ib n T aim iy ah . In fact, the pains taken by the philosophers to deny the positive attributes o f God have reduced His Being to a n im ag in ary and im potent entity. But, w hat God is, w h at know ledge and pow er H e possesses-th ere a re not m ore th a n a few w ords o r few philosophical term s t be found in their en tire work. A nd, as a result o f it, all
1.
A r-R a d d o (alal M a n la q iy tn . p. 32!
2.
I b id .. p . 150
'S.
Ib id ., p. 153
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those who h ad been inspired by th a t philosophy in G reece and outside it, have never developed any conscious relationship with God expressing itself in th e ir intellectual ideals and m oral aspirations or a heartfelt longing for His propinquity. T his has been so because a w aking consciousness o f God can be created only through His nam es, attributes and m anifestations indicating positive characteristics but the philosophy insists on the negation o f His qualities. T he history o f m an’s intellectual development bears witness to th e fact th a t m a n has never been enam oured of anyone about whose person and ch aracter he has h ad no know ledge. Every hum an affection going out to some other person o r object, w hether it is love o r fear, hope or disappointm ent, is directed only to know n persons or characteristics w hile philor sophy insists on the d enial o f D ivine attributes. T he historians o f religion and m orals a re unanim ous th at the ancient Greeks w ere not known for th eir devotion to God or religious genius— their religious experience h ad in fact no depth and substance w orth the nam e. In the w ords o f Ib n T aim iyah this was because “ a hund red thousand negations could never be equal to a single affirm ation.” N o religious structure can, in fact, be built on the foundations o f denial alone. A nd that is why G reek philosophy in the West and Buddhism in the East failed to reconstruct a society whose coi ner stone was a heart-felt sentience o f G od. Both these succumbed to idolatry and atheism because the in h eren t hum an propensities o f faith and conviction, devotion an d love can never be satisfied by any epistemology involving intellectual w rangling and forgeries of the b rain . Disconcerting Influence of Greek Logic
In o rd er to dem onstrate the fallacious bases o f logic purely on rational grounds, Ibn T aim iy ah subjected its prem ises to a close scrutiny in the sam e way as he had critically exam ined its counterpart, the philosophy. T h e Greek logic had, in fact cap tured the h eart o f the A rabs even m ore powerfully th an the philosophy o f the Greeks. According to S a 'ld Q a rta b l the
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writings o f the Greek philosophers on logic w ere being zealously studied by the Arabs as early as the th ird century of Islam ic era. By the beginning o! the fifth century these h ad been accorded such a pride of place in the A rab curriculum that even AlG hazall was carried away by it. H e considered logic to be the basic discipline o f all sciences. In the introduction o f his wellknown book al-Mustafa he rem arks th a t ‘logic constitutes the fundam ental discipline in every bran ch o f knowledge. Anybody who is not well-versed in this science, can never be sure o f the knowledge gained by h im .” 1 In Maqasid-i-FalSsifuh he observes : “ So fa r as the logical perm ises and its a priori principles a re con cerned, most o f them a re undoubtedly tested and true. Only seldom is there any m istake in them . W hatever differences the doctors o f faith have with the Greek masters o f logic, these relate to the term inology used by the two w ithout any diver gence o f opinion in regard to its aims and objectives. All are agreed that this science is m eant to reach conclusions by con nected thought.” 2 Ib n R ushd, who held A ristotle in the highest esteem, consi dered logic to be the w orthiest knowledge attainable by hum an beings and the m easuring rod o f one’s excellence. “ L ogic” , he said, “ opened the way to reality which could not be reached without its help even by the elite, m uch less the laity.” 3 Philosophy had been attacked by different scholars from time to tim e but nobody had undertaken a rational evaluation of logic before Ibn T aim iyah. H e was thus the first scholar to subject this branch o f knowledge to a m inute and critical study and express his independent opinion about it. First he w rote a small treatise entitled Naqdh-ul-Mantiq and thereafter another detailed dissertation u nder the title o f Ar-Raddo'-clal-Mantaqiym in w hich he discussed logical propositions like prosyllogism, major, m inor and m iddle term s, conclusions, etc. and showed
1. 2.
At-M ustafa, p. 10 Moqasid-i-Falasafah, p. 3
3.
Muhammad Lutfijam 'ah, p p . 120-121
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th eir defects and lim itations to dem onstrate th at the im portance accorded to logic by the M uslim scholars was far in excess o f its real w orth. In the opinion o f Ib n T aim iyah it was neither the. m easuring rod o f rationality nor its m ethod o f reasoning provided the surest way to attain credence, nor yet true knowledge. H e writes, “ These scholars claim th at logic constitutes the criterion o f discursive knowledge w hich saves one from com m itting mistakes in the same way as the rules o f m eter and rhym e help in lyrical composition o r th e etymology and syntax in the learn ing o f a language or else m echanical instrum ents in ascertaining the hours o f th e day. But this is not correct, for, the knowledge is achieved through perception and rational faculty endowed to hum an beings by G od. Its acquisition does not depend on the rules form ulated by another person. It m ight be necessary to im itate the A rabs for learning A rabic language for the simple reason that it is the dialect o f a nation which has to be heard and copied, but that cannot be true o f discursive knowie.dge...... T he people before the inception o f Greek logic possessed know ledge about the reality o f th in g s ; likewise there have been nations after it which have endeavoured to reach the tru th of the m atter without taking its help. Among every nation one can find sages who reach the core of realities w ithout learning A ristotelian logic. A little reflection by these people would convince them that they attained the knowledge possessed by them w ithout rccource to this m an-inade science.” 1 Much ado about nothing
Ibn T aim iyah pointed out quite a few weaknesses and defects o f syllogistic logic. H e held the view that it produced a vain and argum entative disposition, a copious and flexible idiom , and supplied the logicians w ith a set o f pompous words and term inology which actually m eant nothing. In the w ords o f Ibn T aim iyah the endeavour o f the logicians am ounted to m ere “ waste o f tim e and energy, and unnecessary m ental 1.
A r-R a d d o 'a la l M a n la q iytn , pp. 27-28
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exercise an d bragging which led people to useless disputation.” 1 He described these verbal engagem ents as m uch ado about nothing. A nother ill-effect o f excessive logical ratiocination according to Ib n T aim iyah was th a t th e logicians too often be come “ incapable o f expressing th eir ideas freely. It bridles their tongue and pen by restraining them from exercising th eir m inds independently.” 2 “ I t is a general rule th a t with w ider concepts and free thinking,” observed Ib n T aim iyah, “ the expression becomes uninhibited but the strait-laced thinking, as the logicians are w ont to resort, m akes th e ir m ind and tongue circum scribed by n arrow er lim its an d enchains th eir concept and im agination. It is because o f these restraints th a t those logicians who are m ore intelligent take to a circuitous course o f reasoning. T h eir only achievem ent is to express some known fact m ore explicitly but th e h ab it o f thinking hedged in by logi cal premises im parts a perverse bias o f m ind inclining tow ards scepticism an d incredulity. Those not betaking the course o f logicians a re saved from these dangers.” 3 Ibn T aim iy ah acknow ledged th a t there w ere a few exceptions to it am ong the logicians as, for exam ple, Ib n S in a whose w rit ings exhibited rem arkable eloquence an d flexibility. T his was because he d id not adopt the literary style o f earlier logicians laden w ith obscurities. Logic was taken by the dialecticians as an instrum ent to develop the unknow n o r m etaphysical truths from the known concepts practically in the sam e way as the fundam ental rules and principles o f other sciences a re employed to acquire further knowledge in those subjects. It is w qrthy o f notice th a t Ibn T aim iyah did not ad m it this proposition. “ It is clear th at the scales designed to weigh fire-wood, m etals and stones cannot be used for w eighing silver and gold. T h e tru th enunciated by
1. Ar-Raddtfialal MarUatjiyin, p. 31 2.. Ibid., p. 194 3. Ihid.. 1B7-
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the prophets and the reality o f prophethood is even finer and m ore precious than gold is considered am ong th e metals. Your logic cannot, therefore, be employed as a balance for the latter because it comprises both hum an ignorance and extrem ism . It is neither aw are of' th e ir weights and measures n o r it is cap able o f describing them . T his is a science o f ignorance for it denies th at which is tru th ; an d breeds e x t r e m i s m and obstinacy for it rejects th a t w hich is indispensable as well as inherent in hum an nature. No science can do without these im perative truths for hum an excellence an d nobility depend on th em .’’1 A nother scholar o f the ninth century who clearly u n d er stood the inadequacies o f reason arrived at a sim ilar conclusion. In his ‘Introduction to th e W orld H istory’ Ibn K hald u n (d. 80S A.H .) observed ; “ T h e m ind is an accurate scale whose record ings a re certain and reliable, but to use it to w eigh questions relating to the U nity o f G od, or the after-life, o r the n ature of prophecy, or the divine qualities, or other such subjects falling outside its range, is like trying to use a goldsm ith’s scale to weigh m ountains. T his does not m ean th a t the scale is in itself inaccurate. T h e tru th o f the m atter is th a t m ind has limits w ithin w hich it is rigidly confined ; it cannot therefore hope to com prehend God a n d His qualities, itself being,only one o f the m any atom s created by G od.” 2 Ibn Taim iyah’s Contribution to Logic
F ar from being negative, Ibn T aim iyah’s attitu d e tow ards logic was reasonably sensible as well as constructive. H e agreed th a t a p art o f it w a s 'n o t only correct and useful b u t even instinctive to a m an endow ed with reason. At the s a m e tim e he contended th at it also included falacious argum ents w hich w ere not heeded at all.8 He did not agree with th o s e
1.
Nuqdh-al-Mantiq, p. Ib4
2.
Muqaddamah Ibn Khaldun, p . 473
3.
Ar-Raddotalal M antaqiyln, p . 201
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wh6 thought th a t the logical principles, as adum b rated by the m asters o f yore, enshrined the wisdom th at was above criticism . O n the one hand, his criticism o f logic opened the way to its evaluation on rational grounds, while, on th e other, he contri buted to its developm ent by w orking out com plete and precise definitions and new standpoints alm ost untouched by his p re decessors. Ib n T aim iyah argued w ith severity against the syllogism o f Aristotle th a t proceeded from general principles, but he preferred the indu'ctive m ethod o f reasoning w hich he held to be an easier an d su rer way o f attain in g certain know ledge. Ib n T aim iyah set him self to work out several new theories and propositions, as stated by Syed Sulaim an N adw l in his introduction to the Ar-Radd&alal Mantaqlyln. H e w rites : “ I f you go through this book carefully you would find several discussions on philosophical an d logical issues w hich have been touched upon for the first tim e by Ib n T aim iy ah . Some o f his views are in harm ony w ith th e analysis o f the reasoning process put forth by the w estern philosophers. T o give an exam ple, all the earlier M uslim philosophers h a d followed the A ristotelian view th a t the universals form th e basis o f knowledge, a n d , for th at reason, they had all d isreg ard ed th e particulars and induc tive process o f reasoning. C e rta in w estern w riters claim th at M ill was th e first philosopher to lay th e foundation o f m odern logic by form u latin g the principles o f inductive reasoning (al though Ib n T aim iy ah h a d w orked these out hundreds o f years before M ill). “ T h e w ay Ib n T aim iy ah analysed an d am plified the intri cate problem s relating to denotation o f term s, genus, division, causal connection, syllogism , inductive process and a priori reasoning an d proved th e v alidity o f th e views set forth by him bear witness to th e ag ility o f his m ind. So far as-the theory o f causal connection is concerned, he b rought out exactly the sam e doctrine as propounded later on by H um e in his w ritings. As everybody knows th e doctrin e o f causation is one o f those diffi cult problem s o f philosophy w hich has m ad e m any a m in d to falter from th e rig h t p a th an d led th em to scepticism and
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agnosticism. T his book contains a num ber o f enquiries w hich speak volumes o f Ib n T aim iy ah ’s intellectual gifts and literary attainm ents.” 1
I . Ar-RaddAiUl M tnUfW *, p. 3
VII Refutation of Christianity and Shiaism Ib n T aim iyah spent his whole life fighting those unrlslam ic beliefs a n d ideas which w ere m aking inroads in Islam from w ithin and w ithout. O f these only two, C hristianity and S h ia is m , are m entioned here since he has left two full-fledged works for th eir refutation. Perhaps Ib n T aim iy ah h a d to give m ore attention to these tw o because being well organised and vigorous, they posed a g reater th re a t to orthodox Islam than others. T h e weakening o f the Islam ic kingdom s alongw ith the dis location in the M uslim intellectual life produced first, by the long d raw n crusades, and then by the onslaught o f T a rta r hordes, h ad given h e a rt to th e C hristians to re-as*ert the supre m acy o f th eir religion against th e Islam ic faith. T he objections raised by the C hristians against Islam , who invited M uslim s to polem ical disputations, w ere m et by th e M uslim theologians but the im m ediate cause for Ib n T a im iy a h ’s response to th e th re a t from th a t q u arter was a new book w ritten in Cyprus. It attem pted to establish the superiority o f C hristianity oyer Islam th ro u g h ratio n al as well as theological argum ents and tended to show th a t the prophethood o f M uham m ad was not universal but lim ited to the A rabs only.
A l-Jawab ul-Sabih Ib n T aim iyah w rote Al-Jawttb-ul-Saktk liman baddala Din-41
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MacjA in four volumes in w hich he adequately m et all the objec tions raised against Islam , adduced entirely new and satisfying argum ents in support o f the prophethood o f M uham m ad, quoted the prophecies about him contained in the Bible, traced the history o f C hristian church and its scholasticism and exam ined the varying interpretations o f the C hristian faith as expounded by the church fathers from tim e to tim e. In the words o f ia m odern critic and biographer, Sheikh Abu Z ah ra, “ this book alone is sufficient to carve out a place for him am ong the thinkers an d learned doctors who endeavoured to revivify the fa ith .” 1 Ib n T aim iyah was the first am ong M uslim w riters who tu rn ed to the historical criticism o f C hristianity to show how the spiritual experiences o f the early C hristian com m unity were m oulded by the m ythological beliefs an d idolatrous practices o f the R om ans. H e says, “ T h e Christians have com bined two religions—-one preached by the prophets an d the other belonging to pagans—into one. A p a rt o f th eir religion consists o f the teachings o f th e prophets w hile the rest o f it is derived from the creeds and practices o f the heathens. It this way they have introduced m ythological abstractions which are now here to be found in the prophetic scriptures. In the place o f graven images casting shadows they have introduced anthropom orphic figures w hich do not spread any shadow. T hey began offering prayers facing the sun, m oon a n d the stars and started keeping fast durin g autum n w ith the object o f uniting th eir religious observances w ith the anim istic cults.” 2 Prevalent Christianity
Ib n T aim iyah m aintained th at the virgin purity o f the C hristian church was violated first by St. Paul and then again in the fourth century o f th e C hristian era during the reign of Constantine. H e says th a t “ th e ir prelates.and bishops continu 1.
Abu £ a h ra , p . 519
2.
A l-Jaw ab-ul-Sahih, p . 199
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ously went on form ulating and evolving th e C hristian creed and canon as, for exam ple, 318 bishops prepared durin g the reign o f C onstantine a copious creed. T his credal declaration showered invectives on A rius and others who did not subscribe to it, arid contained statements which were not to be found in the scrip tures. It ra th e r had those term s and definitions which were against th e teaching o f the revealed books and even against sound reasoning.” 1 “ In this form ulary o f episcopal consent,” continues Ibn T aim iyah, “ they did not follow Jesus C hrist o r, the earlier prophets but p roduced an entirely new cred al statem ent which cannot be traced to the teachings o f the prophets. In the sermons of Jesus C hrist or other prophets, neither there is any mention o f th e equality o f three or m ore D ivine Persons, nor o f three co-eternal substances having D ivine Essence. N ow here in the scriptures any attrib u te or essence o f God is spoken o f as Logos o r th e Son o f G od, n o r is th ere any m ention o f the Holy Ghost. N or is there any assertion th at G od has begotten a Son who possesses all the inherent perfections appropriate to the Suprem e Being, or who is composed o f D ivine Essence and is also a creato r like God. Expressions like these, susceptible of heretical sense, are not to be found in the utterances o f any prophet.” * Rank and Worth of the Gospels
M uslim theologians often m ade the m istake o f equating New Testam ent w ith the Q u r’an by assigning it the position o f a revealed scripture. Ib n T aim iyah held the view th at the books included in th e New T estam ent are m erely a n arrative of certain sayings an d acts o f Jesus C hrist like the biographical accounts of the life o f the Prophet o f Islam left by M uslim historians or, at the m ost, these can be equated w ith the records o f Traditions which a re not considered equivalent to the Q u r’an in w orth 1.
Al-Jawab-ul-Sahih, V o l. I . p . 18
2.
Ib id ., V o l. I l l , p. 134
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and au th o rity .1 E lucidating his point o f view he says : “ T he C hristians acknowledge the fact th a t the books o f Gospel they possess today were neither w ritten by Jesus, C hrist nor w ere these composed und er his guidance. These were w ritten a fte r the ascension o f Jesus by M atthew and Jo h n , who were his disciples, and M ark an d Luke, who h ad not even seen him . T he accounts o f the life o f Jesus C hrist n a rra te d therein were not rem em bered and h an d ed dow n by such a large num ber o f persons as to m ake them o f unim peachable au thority. Even the authors o f these books ad m it th a t they have n a rra te d only a p art o f the sayings an d actions o f Jesus C hrist an d have not attem pted to give the entire account o f his life. N arratio n o f any fact by two, three or four persons only is always liable to contain some m istakes; one conspicuous m istake these n arrato rs have m ade is about the person actually crucified. T his m akes th eir account doubtful.” 2 In T aim iy ah goes a step furth er and claims th at “ the books o f O ld T estam ent were put into w riting over a period o f tim e w ith long gaps. T h e Jew ish traditions tell us th a t after the destruction o f the T em ple and wholesale dispersal o f the Jews from Palestine, the final version o f the Pentateuch o r T o rah was got w ritten by E zra about whom th ere is a dispute w hether he was a prophet or n o t.” 3 Speaking o f th e difference between the Q u r’an and the Bible Ib n T aim iyah says : “ T h e text o f the Q u r’an as well as its m eaning have been transm itted by very m any persons in every age an d have always been accepted as authentic and genuine w ithout any doubt having been ever raised by anybody. Sim ilarly, M uslims have received the accounts o f the person and actions o f th eir P rophet through distinct sources whose authenticity can be ju d g ed in different ways as, for exam ple, unbroken chain o f n a rra to rs, consistent testimony o f the M uslims, circum stantial evidence, etc. E nshrined in the hearts of
).
A l-Jaw ab ul-Sahih, V o l. I , p . 10
2.
Ib id ., V qI. I , p . 368
3.
Ib id ., V o l. I I , p . 368
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Muslims, the Q u r’an has not to depend for its existence on the w ritten pages alone. If, God forbid, all the copies o f the Q u r’an were to be lost, it could still be reproduced from m em ory but, if the Bible w ere to disappear, there w ould be no continuous reproduction o f its text. T he C hristians have hardly anyone who has learn t the entire Bible by h eart an d w hatever is m em o rised by some is not trustw orthy. T h eir scriptures have been subjected to editing an d interpolation ever since these were handed dow n by the apostles and th at is why the Christians could not preserve the chain o f th eir narrato rs. N or have they evolved the canons for reception an d rejection o f their traditions or the d ictio n ary o f the n arrato rs like the M uslim s.” 1
C orruption o f th e Bible It is generally believed th a t Ib n T aim iyah did not subscribe to the view o f total corruption o f the Biblical text, w hich, he held, was also not the M uslims belief. In his opinion the C hristian an d Jew ish scriptures have been edited by th eir priests and redactors from tim e to tim e w hich has m aterially altered the sense carried by the original text.*
T he M istake o f th e C h ristian s Ib n T aim iy ah m aintained th a t the inability o f the Christians to fully com prehend the language an d message o f the prophets, in w hich figurative descriptions and expressions w ere used, led them to accept T rin ity w hich violates th e prophetic concept o f mono theism . Citing an exam ple in support o f his contention he says, “ T h e w ritings o f th e people possessing revealed scriptures show th at the prophets o f yore- h ad used the w ords ‘fath er’ an d ‘son’ but they m eant G od by the form er an d one n earer to G od by the latter. Nobody has stated th a t any prophet ever used the word ‘son’ for an attribute o f God n o r claim ed th a t such an attrib u te was begotten by G od. T o assert th a t by th e w ord ‘son’ occurring 1. Al-Jawai-ol-Sahih, Vol. II. pp. 12-13 2. Hid., Vol. I , pp. 373-380 and Vol. II, p . 4
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SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT^
1 in the phrase ‘Baptize them in the nam e o f the F ath e r and o f th«| Son and o f the Holy G host’,1Jesus m eant th at he was co-equ^j an d co-eternal w ith the D ivine Essence is to charge him w ith a, b latan t calum ny. Sim ilarly, th e attribute o f God referring to His life was never expressed as Holy Ghost or Holy Spirit. In the term inology used by the prophets holy spirit stood for the thing or being descending w ith D ivine grace ?uid strength on the prophets and pious souls.” 2 In another passage addressed to the Christians he says, “ You would ad m it th a t the w ord ‘son’ has been used for others, too besides Jesus C hrist. You see Jesus Christ speaking o f ‘My F ath er and your F a th e r,” ‘F ath er which is in H eaven,’* and ‘my God and your G o d ’11 and th a t his disciples were ‘all filled with the Holy G host’.6 Likewise, in the T o rah you have one finds God asking Moses : “ T hou shalt say unto P haraoh, T hus saith th e L ord, Israel is my son, even my firstborn : and I say unto thee, Let my son go, th at he m ay serve me : and if thou refuse to let him go, behold, I will slay thy son, even thy firstborn.’* T h e T o rah further s a y s : ‘And all the firstborn in the lan d of Egypt shall die, from the firstborn o f P h araoh th a t sitteth upon his throne, even unto the firstborn o f the m aidservant th at is behind the m ill; and all the firstborn o f b e a sts/8 T hus the T o rah speaks o f entire Bani Israel as the son o f G od and all the people o f Egypt as the son o f P haraoh. It includes even the sons of beasts am ongst the son of P haraoh. In the Book of Psalms God says to D avid : ‘T hou art my Son, this day have I begotten thee. Ask o f m e, and I shall give three.’ ' A gain, the
1.
M a tt, 2 8 : 1 9
2.
A l-Ja w tii-u l-S th ih , V ol. I l l , p p . J81-I82
3. John, 2 0 :1 7 4. 5.
M att, 6 : 1 J o h n , 20 : 17
6.
A c t, 2 : 4
7.
E x. 4 : 22-23
8.
E x . 11 -..5
9.
l>s 2 : 7-8
REFUTATION OF CHRISTIANITY AND SHIAISM
12 3
New T estam ent says that Jesus told his disciples, ‘I go unto the fa th e r ; for my F ather is greater th an I ’1 an d exhorted them to pray thus : 'O u r F ath er which a rt in heaven, H allow ed be thy nam e,........... ...G ive us this day our daily b re a d .’2 In the same way the Holy Ghost did not descend on C hrist alone, there are others as well who were filled w ith the Holy Spirit.” 4 Ibn T aim iyah then adds “ In short, neither in the earlier prophecies nor in the scriptures such as T o rah , Psalms or New Testam ent there is anything to show th a t the D ivine Spirit had transfused into Jesus C hrist or th at he had an indw elling effulgence o f G od’s glory as the C hristians believe. T h ere is nothing in these scriptures to justify Jesus being regarded as the Son o f G od, in an exclusive or unique sense. In reality he was no m ore than w hat the Q,urJan says: ‘T h e Messiah, Jesus son of M ary, was only a Messenger o f A llah, and His w ord which H e conveyed unto M ary, and a spirit from H im .’5 T h e fact is th at the scriptures granted to earlier prophets and th eir pro phecies confirm w hat the Prophet o f Islam told us about them . Each one o f them , indeed, ratifies the other. As for the predic tions quoted by tne C hristians in support o f the supernatural virtue an d pow er o f Jesus C hrist, all these signs an d prophecies can be applied to others besides Jesus Christ. T herefore, to appeal to these oracles for establishing the divinity o f Jesus C hrist is completely u n w arranted. T h e words, such as, the sou, M essiah, descent of or being filled w ith Holy Spirit o r being addressed as the L ord are expressions used in the scriptures for others too and so none o f these expressions prove th at Jesus C hrist possessed the perfections appropriate to the Suprem e Being.” * T h e evangelistic theologians very often take reso rt to the 1. 2.
J o h n 1 4 : 28 M a tt, 6 : 9 - 1 1
3.
A cts 2 : 4
4.
A l-Jaw ab ul-Sahih, V o l. I l l , p p . 185-186
5.
Q.. I V : 171
6.
A l-Jaw ab-ul-Sahih, V c!. I I , p p . 189-190
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mysterious argum ents d erived from the Platonic concepts o f the Logos and the soul o r spirit o f the universe to prove the subtlfe questions covering the n atu re, distinction and equality o f th e th ree divine persons. Ib n T aim iyah refuted all these argu m ents by showiiig, in accordance w ith the principles o f syllogis tic logic an d philosophical concepts, th a t none o f their presum p tions justifies the rem otest implications o f their opinion. Being unable to establish the tru th o f mysterious doctrines which could satisfy a rational m ind, the C hristian apologists try to d raw a veil o f sanctity over th e ir enigm atical b eliefs., They assert th at the doctrine o f T rin ity being em bedded in th eir Scripture, it is incum bent on them to have faith in it, and it is impious to doubt its authenticity, for, these a re abstruse questions o f infinite reality beyond the reach o f lim ited understanding possessed by the hu m an beings. But Ib n T aim iyah points out th a t this argum ent is equally Fallacious. “ T h e C hristian theologians fail to dis tinguish,” observes Ib n T aim iy ah , “ the things w hich reason holds as ridiculous an d contrary to reason or rath e r impossible from those which it cannot com prehend o r cannot pronounce its verdict in reg ard to th e ir n atu re and existence. T h e apostles of G od have really inform ed us only about the m atters falling in th e second category, since, the things belonging to the form er category cannot simply form p a rt o f the message brought by them . These pretenders o f knowledge could not m ake any distinction between th e facts revealed and the incom prehensible mysteries which elude o u r enquiry. T hey decided to compete w ith the polytheists who h a d invented an associate o f G od and a son for H im .” 1 Ib n T aim iyah arg u ed cogently to show th at revelation never contradicts th e facts acceptable to the norm al process of thought. T his also, in his opinion, brought out the basic difference betw een Islam an d C hristianity. Islam , he said, accepted certain facts' o f m ute reality w hich w ere beyond the ken o f senses but not against reason. O n the o ther h and, I. Al-Jawat-ul-Sahih, Vol. II, p. 89
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C hristianity subscribed to th e doctrines which were irrational. T he p h ristia n theologians agreed th a t these w ere reasonless but they also insisted on their acceptance by holding them as revealed facts beyond hum an com prehension.
E arly F ollow ers o f C hristianity In this book Ib n T aim iyah also gave an account o f those sects o f early C hristianity who h ad faith in the U nity of Suprem e Being and revered Jesus as a prophet and servant o f G od b u t which could not flourish due to a variety o f reasons. T he doctrinal subtleties separating different C hristian factions described m inutely by Ib n T aim iyah show how deeply he had studied th a t religion.
P rophecies about the L ast Prophet Ib n T aim iy ah listed all the prophecies o f the O ld and the New Testam ents concerning the advent o f the Last Prophet. H e explained the significance o f the oracles attributed to Isiah, H abakkuk, D aniel an d Jesus w hich could be appealed to foretell the com ing o f th e Prophet o f Islam .1 T o give an exam ple, the prophecy contained in Jo h n 14 : 30 w herein Jesus is reported to have said : “ H ereafter I w ill not talk m uch w ith y o u ; for the prince o f th e w orld com eth, an d h a th nothing in m e” was explained by him to show how it leferred to the Prophet o f Islam . “ T h | w ord prince” , says Ib n T aim iyah, "occurring in th is ' passage is a translation o f H ebrew artiun w hich m eans ‘glorious’, ‘illustrious’, ‘august’ an d ‘high in dignity’.” Dwelling fu rth er upon this passage he adds “ since it is a manifest and accepted fact, everbody would agree th a t M uham m ad was the only Prophet iafter Jesus whose tem poral and spiritual leader ship has been acknowledged by th e w orld. People obeyed him w ith a ll th e ir h eart an d soul. D u rin g his life tim e and after his d eath , in all tim es an d climes, in th e East and the W est his followers have yielded obediently to his com m ands. A llegiance 1.
Al-Jaunt-nt-S*hih, Vol. I ll, p. 265 to Vol. IV,p 20
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is owed to the sovereigns durin g th e ir life-tim e alone for, as the saying goes, authority forgets a dying k in g ; but for religion such an allegiance is valueless. T h e spirit o f reverence and im plicit submission elicited by the Prophets is even above the fear o f chastisem ent and hope ,of rew ard in the H ereafter.” “ Prophet M uham m ad (peace and blessings o f God be upon him ) brought to light the tru e faith o f the prbphets o f yore, confirm ed the message b rought by them and exalted their names. It was On account o f him th a t several nations acknow ledged Moses and Jesus as the prophets o f G od. Even am ongst those who h ad faith 'In the revealed scriptures, there w ere wide differences; they slandered D avid and Solomon an d d id not know m any other prophets like H u d , Salih and ShuaMb.” 1 Signs of Prophethood
In o rd er to assert th e prophethood o f M uham m ad, Ibn T aim iy ah discussed the m iracles worked by the Prophet. H e did not, however, m ention only the m iracles recorded in the T raff ditions an d biographies o f the P io p h et but also dealt extensively w ith the definition and n atu re o f m iracles, and extended their scope, according to the Q u ran ic vocabulary, to include the signs w hich m ake visible and confirm the tru th o f prophethood. In form ing an estim ate o f the character o f the Holy Prophet he m aintained that “ all these, his character and deportm ent, his sayings and his actions constitute a m iracle, as do his canons and his followers, their way o f life and piety. T h e pure-hearted am ong his followers a re the signs a n d wonders in support o f his apostleship.” 2 C oncerning the universality o f M u h am m ad ’s prophethood, he explained the significance and m erits o f the beliefs, doctrines and canons o f Islam , w hich, he claim ed, are com plete and satisfy the principles furnished by reason. T here is nothing founded on the d a ta o f reason w hich has been disallow ed by 1, 2.
Al-Jawat-ul-Sahih, Vol. IV . pp. 86-87 Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 187
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the Prophet o f Islam an d nothing against the dictates o f reason which was Upheld by him . T h e Book revealed to him corrected, completed an d Superseded the earlier scriptures while the Sharjah brought by him incorporated all the guidance provided by the prophets o f yore.1 Ib n T aim iyah brought forth a series o f cogent reasons to prove th a t anyone who believed in the prophethood o f any apostle of God could not deny the prophetic mission o f M uham m ad ; for, w hatever reasons he would adduce for the prophethood o f any one o f these messengers o f G od, they would equally apply to the last Prophet also. Sim ilarly, the denial o f the prophethood o f M u h am m ad , for w hatever reason it m ight be, would lead one to deny the apostleship o f all other prophets.2 Ib n T aim iy ah d id not overlook the argum ent often prefer red by the Christians th a t M uham m ad was a prophet to his countrym en alone. H e devoted m ore than 200 pages o f the first p a r i o f Al-Jawab-ul-Sahlh8 to refute this assertion. H e quoted th e Scriptures to show th a t it was essential for all men to beilieve in the mission of M uham m ad. H e also dw elt upon the grand object o f divine revelation w hich intended to show m ankind, through the apostleship o f M uham m ad, the right path o f salvation and to bring forth all th a t is noble and good in m an.
M inhaj-us-Sunnah Like Al-Jauiab-Al-Sakth, Minhsj-us-Sunnah is an o ther work o f distinctive m erit by Ib n T aim iy ah , w hich he w rote to refute the Shi‘aite schism, then posing a th re a t to the integrity o f orthodox faith. The-book consisting o f four volum es an d covering 1214 pages, was w ritten in feply to Minhaj-ul- KarZhmah o f Ibn-ulM u tah h ir al-H illl who had, in his excessive zeal to prove the divinely Qrdained office o f Irriamat, tried to m ake out the first three
1 Al-Jcwak-tu-Sahih, Vol. IV , pp. 81 -82 2. Hid., Vol I, p. 180 3. Ibid., Vol. I, pp. 28-230
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right-guided Caliphs not m erely hypocrites a n d im posters b u t also the vilest creatures steeped in inequity. T his, accprding,t Ib n T aim iyah, discredited Islam an d m ade the concept o f pro phethood untenable. Despite its polem ical natu re the Minhaj-usSunnah is rem arkable for the sobriety o f its style and the pursuit o f details and accuracy. Vilification o f the Prophet's Companions
Discussing the logical result o f the S h i'aite denigration o f the Prophet’s com panions, Ib n T aim iyah observes’ : “ T he followers o f the Prophet o f Islam constitue the best o f people and the w orthiest in excellence and m erit am ong them w ere those who first em braced Islam . But the picture d raw n by these slanderers shows th a t the earliest M uslims had neither any inkling o f the T ru th n o r th ey followed it faith fu lly ; since, according to the Shicahs, most o f them , particularly the first three Caliphs knowingly opposed the teachings o f the Prophet. All the com panions, they say, followed these tyrants because they did. not possess those intellectual faculties w hich a re required for discernm ent o f the tru e p ath o f Islam . Now, it is not difficult to conceive how lustful an d pow er-hungry, unenlightened and m indless m en the com panions and Caliphs were according to Shic ahs. T hey charge th e C aliphs o f laying a claim to the C aliphate to look after their own interests. Thus, all the followers o f the Prophet w ent astray by forsaking'" the path o f T ru th . I f this view is accepted, the Jew s and the Christians w ould, o f a fact, be better than the Muslims for God bears a testimoney in the Q u r’ an th at “ o f the Moses’ folk there is a com m unity who lead w ith tru th and establish justice there w ith .” * T he Prophet has foretold th at o f m ore th a n seventy factions o f th e Jew s an d Christians, only one would qualify for salvation but if we accept the Shicaite view there would not be a single sect am ong the M uslim s which could be deem ed as the 1. Minhij-us-Sunnah, Val. I, p. 152 2. Q,. V I I : 159
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standard b earer o f T ru th and Justice. I f the best in faith am ong the Muslims were so depraved, w hat can be said o f those coining after th em ? Does it not prove th at the Jews and the Christians are better eve* after the corruption o f th eir scriptures and faith, an d w orthier th a n those about whom God has said : Te are the best community that hath been raised up fo r mankind Ib n T aim iyah quotes Im am S h u 'eb l to show th at even the Jew s and Christians hold th e ir prophets in greater reverence th an the Shic ahs do. H e says, “ Asked to indicate the purest in faith am ong them , the Jew s replied th a t the Elders accom pany ing Moses an d th e ir followers Were the noblest believers. In reply to a sim ilar question the Christians said th a t the disciples of Jesus C hrist were the most pious am ongst them . But when the Shic5hs were required to suggest the most profane and, irreligious am ongst M uslims they pointed out to the companions o f the Prophet o f Islam . A h ! T hey w ere'com m anded to invoke blessings o f G od on these pious Souls but w hat they are doing is to curse and swear a t them .” * Denigration of the Companions
Ib n - T aim iyah' pointed out th a t the predisposing cause responsible for the S h ia h s stan d in g a p a rt from and almost in hostile attitu d e to the rest o f Islam lay in the impassible bitter ness harboured by them (©wards the first th ree Caliphs, in p arti cular, and the m ajority o f P rophet’s com panions, in general. The denigration o f the early' precursors o f Islam by them is really a cloak for their hostility to the P rophet whose life-long labour could not, in th e ir opinion, win over even a handful o f sincere followers. T h e stand taken by th e S h ia h s , says Ib n T aim iyah, also bespeaks o f the inability o f th e Prophet to fore warn the M uslim s about the secret designs o f the hypocrites and the events th at followed im m ediately a fte r his death although he had m a d e predictions about things th a t were to take place 1. Q. 111:110 2.
M inhaj-us-Sunm h, V ol. I , p . 6
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hundreds o f years after him . N ot only th%t, the respect a n d confidence of th e Prophet enjoyed by his em inent com panions shows th a t either the Prophet could not foresee the danger for the future o f Islam or h a d p m a false appearance upon his outw ard behaviour tow ards them . In either case, it would be difficult, to justify his action as behoving the dignity o f a prophet.” “ T h u s” , concluded Ib n T aim iy ah ” 1 only those would vilify the em inent com panions w ho either nourished a secret feeling o f ill-w ill against Islam an d its Prophet, like the originator o f Shicaism an d th e leaders o f th e Batinite m ovem ent, o r, the unenlightened folk p ro d d ed by their selfish desires and ignorance, as generally a re the rank a n d file o f th e Shi‘a schism .” Excellence o f the Companions
Ib n T aim iy ah d id not claim th at the com panions o f the Prophet o f Islam w ere w ithout a spot o r blem ish o r w ere not liable to sin like the apostles o f God. H e, how ever, d id assert th a t being th e m ost pious an d pure o f h eart in the entire com m unity, they w ere ju st, G od-fearing, tru th fu l, sincere and u p rig h t. I f they ever com m itted a sin, they repented and strenuously tried to atone for th e ir m istakes through prayers and fasting and virtuous actions. T h eir virtues and m erits outweighed th e ir faults. E xplaining his v ie w p o in t he says,2 “ W e have already stated th a t we d o not hold th a t there was anybody; impeccable after th e Prophet o f Islam , m uch less his not form ing a w rong opinion in ju ristic m atters. T he w rit o f G od runs for th e m : “ A nd whoso b ringeth th e tru th and believeth therein— such a re th e dutiful. “ T hey shall have w hat they w ill o f their L o rd ’s bounty.. T h a t is th e re w a rd o f th e good : i “ T h a t A llah w ill rem it from them th e w orst o f what! 1. 2.
Minhej-ut-Sunnah, Vol. IV , p. 123 Ibid., Vol. I I I . p. 238
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they d id , and will pay th em for rew ard the best they used to do. ” 1 , Ib n T aim iy ah has succinctly b ro u g h t out the unreasonable ness o f the Shic ahs in reg ard to th e com panions o f the Prophet o f Islam . T o borrow his w o rd s : “ T h e com panions were, regardless o f th e ir hum an shortcomings; the best group o f persons am ong the M uslims by virtue o f th eir faith an d righteousness. T h e ir deficiencies would ap p ear insignificant if we w ere to com pare th e ir m orals an d behaviour w ith th e com portm ent o f the followers o f o th e r faiths. , A ctually th e fault lies w ith those who can. see a black stain on a w hite sheet but are unable to detect the w hite scratch on a black bedspread* T his is, in fact, a great injustice as well as foolishness, for, one can easily find out the m erit and worthiness o f the com panions by com paring them w ith those known for th e ir purity of, faith and m orals am ongst the followers o f o th e r religions. H ow far th e stan d ard set by these persons can be deem ed to be. just i f they visualise a criterion o f righteousness u n attainable by m a n ? I f someone pictures to oneself o f an im peccable Im am o r a religious teacher who, sometimes not even nam ed as an Im Sm , is not liable to err,' a n d dem ands th a t every learn ed m an, religious teacher, ru ler o r king, notw ithstanding his eru d itio n , tem perance and the virtuous deeds perform ed by him , should be a replica o f th at id e a l; whose know ledge shoujd compass all the hidden mysteries of nature, who should be an acm e o f perfection free from all hum an shortcom ings an d w ho should never let his angry passions r i s e ; then, nothing can be done to deliver such a m an from the fantasy o f his m ind. T h ere are, in tru th , m any am ongst them w ho endue th eir Im am s w ith card inal virtues not possessed even by the apostles o f G od.” 2 A t another place he writes8 “ Any one who has studied the history o f various religions w ould know th a t th ere has never
1. Q . X X X IX -.33-35 2. Minhaj-us-Sunnah, Vol. I l l , p. 241 3. Ibid., Vol. I l l , p. 242
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been a group o f persons m ore pious an d devout and m ore m ind ful o f avoiding schism and b reach in religion th a n the com pani ons o f the Prophet. These Were the persons about Whom God has said : ' Ye are the best comm unity th at h ath been tfaised up for m ankind. Ye enjoin rig h t condtict and forbid indecency1; and ye believe in A llah.” 1 ! - •' “ W hatever goodness an d virtues M uslims shall posseis to the end of tim e” , adds Ib n T aim iy ah , “ w hether it be the Faith o r the Q u r’ an, know ledge o r prayers, entry in Paradise or pro tection against H ell, ascendency over non-believers or glorifica tion o f G od, it shall all be th e fruit o f earnest’ efforts m ade by th e com panions o f the"^Prophet Who1preached the religion and fought in the* w ay o f G od. Every m an w ho em braces Islam shall lie u n d e r ail obligation to them till the Doomsday. Even the virtues, the Shi^ahs a n d others have, are the gifts from the com panions, who, in tu rn , w ere inspired by the right-guided Galiphs ; for the latter w ere the'fotm t o f all the blessings w h eth er o f this w orld or th e next.”3 ff i Caliphate of Aba Bakr
Election o f AbU Bakr to the office of caliphate has been the greatest bone o f contention betw een the Shicalis and Sunnis. E xplaining the significance o f th e elective principle regulating the appointm ent o f th e Caliphs, Ibn T aim iyah observes .* “ It is w orthy o f note th a t the caliphate o f AbQ Bakr and ‘U m ar is really a sign o f th e perfection of divinely-appointed prophet h o o d o f M uham m ad (m ay th e peace and blessings o f G od be upon him ). T hey furnish a proof th a t he was not a king b u t an apostle o f G o d ; for th e kings always prefer to pass on the sceptre o f authority to th e ir nearest relations. T o the kings this is an essential step to save th e ir kingdom (from falling into the h a n d s o f bthers). So we also see the rulers and governors aro u n d us acting in a sim ilar m anner. T he Saljukids and the 1. Q,. I l l : 110 Minhajus-Sumuih, Vol. I l l , p. 245
2.
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Sultans o f S y r ia a n d Y em an pass on th e ir kingdom s to their kith an d kin, an d this ,h?is been th e practice followed by the C hristian an d h eath en k in g s as well. T h e kings o f the Franks a n d tho^e belonging to th e progeny o f G henghiz K hSn always ensure th a t the kingship rem ains w ithin th e ir fam ily. T hey are always m indful w hether the successor is a f th eir family and blood o r not. But, d isregarding th is universal practice, the Prophet d id not nom inate his uncle ‘ Abbas o r his cousin £A ll or cAqU o r an o th er relation like R ab ica ihn a l-H a rith ibn ‘Abdul M uttalib o r A bu Sufyan ibn al-H arith ibn cA bdul M uttalib as his successor, an d this shows th a t the P ro p h et was not guided by the regal preqepts an d conventions. Besides th e relatives already nained, th ere w ere ailso l U th m an ibn cA ffan, K h alid ibn Saceed ibn al-cAas, A ban ibn Saceed ibn al-‘Aas an d others belonging to Banu cAbd M u n a f —the m ost respected clan :o f the Q uraish and nearest to the, fam ily o f the Prophet— but none o f them was nom inated to succeed him . T his proves th a t M uham m ad was a prophet and s l a v e , G o d an d not a king. H e never bestowed his favour on anybody m erely on account o f th e nobility of blood or relationship w ith him but conferred his blessings only on grounds o f one’s faitW and piety. T h is was an indication for his followers th a t they shall not endeavour to establish the rule of any clan o r fam ily but uphold the kingdom, o f God on earth . T hey w ere not to follow even those prophets o f yore who h a d been gran ted kingship by G od because M uham m ad was allowed to choose betw een kingship an d th e slavery o f th e L ord and he chose to rem ain a slave and a prophet. T h e caliphate o f A bu Bakr an d ‘U m a r was thus a consummation, o f his teachings. H ad he nom inated someone o f his ow n household as his successor he would have been accused o f accum ulating w ealth and riches for his progeny.” 1 . T h e ShicHhs m ain tain the divine an d indefeasible right o f cAll for succession to th e caliphate on th e d e a th o f the Prophet T hey assert the rig h t o f cAli because he happened to be the 1.
M inh a j-u s-S u n n a h , V o l. I V , p. 126
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cousin an d son-in-law o f the P rophet. They also claim th a t ‘ All w as expressly declared by the Prophet as his successor under divine guidance. Ib n T aim iyah, how ever, points out th a t the “ claim o f cA lt’s succession, based on his nearness o f kindred to the Prophet bears resem blance to the conventions o f the pagan past w hen tho A rabs w ere unduly predisposed in favour o f their ow n clans an d kins.’ Likewise, th e unw arranted veneration of cAll and o th e r m em bers o f th e ’ P rophet’s household by the S h ia h s , as p artak ers o f divine nature, is looked upon by Ibn T aim iy ah as im pairing th e ir dignity rath e r th a n being compli m entary to them . “ T h e excessive veneration o f H usain’s progeny by th e S h ia h s ” , says Ibn Taimiyah.) “ exposes them to ; a b itte r tria l for/they adulate them in a way w hich brings them in to discredit. T h e contentions o f the Shi*8hs about th eir claims to succession o f th e P ro p h et a re also entirely unsupportable. In fact, h a d th e ir biographical accounts by Sunni w riters not been available, w h at the Shicahs relate about them w ould have been m ore o f a condem nation th an a com plitrient to th em .” 1 Al-HiJl! h ad profusely quoted T raditions and Q uranic passages to establish th e m erit an d excellence o f 1A lt and other Im m s o f th e S h ia h s o r to d e n ig ra te ife e first th ree Caliphs. Ib n T aim iy ah subjected each one o f these (quotations to a search ing scrutiny in o i d e r to show th at these b a d ' either been cited out o f context o r m isinterpreted in favour o r against someone according to th e w him s and prejudices o f th e au th o r o f Minhajul-Kramah. T o give one exam ple here, A l-H illl h ad cited the following Q p ra n ic verses : “ H e h a th loosed the two seas. T hey m eet. T h e re is a b a rrie r betw een them . T hey encroach not (one Upon the o th er). VVhich is it^ b f th e fsivours o f yOur L ord, th at y« deny ? T h e re com eth forth from both o f them the pearl 1 ! : a n d cbral-stone.” 3 I . Minhaj-us-Sunnah, Vol. IV , p. 287 *. Hid., Vol. II, p. 125 3 Q,. LV : 19-22
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Al-H illt then proceeded to expound th a t “ the two seas” alluded to ,1All a n d F atim ah , “ the b a rrie r” to the Prophet and “ the.pearl and coral-stone” to H asan and H usain. Ib n T aim iyah exam ined the exegesis o f A l-H illl in some d etail to show th at th e'interp retatio n given by him betrayed agnostic tendencies o f Q arm atians and Batinites who invested the Q u ran ic vocabulary with an enigm atic o r allegorical sense. Ibn T aim iyah then gave num erous reasons to disprove the contention o f Al-Hilll. H e show ed th a t th e abovem entioned verses w ere revealed at M ecca w hile H asan and H usain w ere born at M ad in a. A gain, these verses w ere elucidated fu rth er by another revelation which sa id : “ A nd H e it is W ho h a th given independence to the two seas (though they m e e t) ; one palatable, sweet, a n d other saltish, b itter.” 1 T hus, said Ib n T aim iyah, i f one w ere to identify cAlx an d F atim ah w ith th e “ two seas”, one w ould also have to accept one o f them as saltish an d bitter. Likewise, “ the b a rrie r” , i f taken to m ean the Prophet, would am ount to his disparagem ent, for the b a rrie r is always an obstacle or an agency th a t keeps tw o things a p a rt.2 iStijl jn o re significant is the section in w hich Ib n T aim iyah replied to the charges levelled by A l-H illl against the first three Caliphs. By applying th e sound m ethod o f criticism to the im putations o f A l-H illi a n d supplem enting it w ith accurate an d reliable historical d a ta , he showed how low a prejudiced m ind can stoop to m align one’s supposed enemies. Shicaite Beliefs
• r '-I:' Ib n T aim iyah also devoted a section o f Minhaj-us-Sunnah to the discussion o f the Shi'-aite tenets o f faith w hereby he dem on strated th e hollowness an d contradictions o f th eir beliefs. To give an illum inating illustration, he accuses the §hicShs of having com m itted alm ost the sam e m istake as the C hristians who h ad endued JesuS w ith divine attributes as the ‘Son o f G od’, 1. Q.. X X V : 53 2. Minhaj-us-Sutmah, Vol. IV , pp. 67-68’
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and then depicted him as ‘a meek and helpless preacher.’ “ The Shicahs subscribe to contradictory doctrines” , says Ibn T aim iyah. “ O n the one hand, they m agnify ‘ A ll’s prowess and courage to! such an extent th at he appears to be the chief defender o f the F aith , on whose help even the Prophet had to depend, and who was, in th at task, no less th an a partak er o f .Divinity. But, . afte r Islam becam e strong and pow erful, he grew SO' feeble and hum ble th a t he h ad to take recourse, like a helpless and shaky m an, to smoothing dow n and deying'his religious beliefs in order to save him self from persecution. T h en , there appears to be no other m a n 'm o re spineless and im portant th an cAlI, although th e fact is th a t his conversion to Islam had increased'his courage o f conviction. H ow could a m an supposed to be an ally o f God in establishing Islam and subduing the non-believers fail to bring his valour to his aid especially after em bracing Islam , to vanquish those who w ere denying justice to h im ? His adversaries w ere then fewer in num ber an d lesser in strength than the pagans "Whom he h ad earlier subjugated.” 1 Ib n T aim iy ah deprecated the lack o f interest on the p a rt of Shic ahs in the study o f the Q u r’an and the Sunnah, the perform ance o f prayers arid oth er religious observances and the upkeep of mosques. H e traced the reason for this irreligious behaviour to the Shicaite b e lie fs'w h ic h carry the veneration for their ItnUws so fa r as to raise them to the position of a divine person. C oncerning the theory o f Imamat, particularly the reappearance o f the tw elfth Imam who is believed to have concealed him self in some secret place till th e day o f his m anifestation before the end o f the w orld, Ib n T aim iy ah explained the untenability as well as harrtifiil effects o f th at doctrine. H e dem onstrated through cogent reasoning and irrefutable evidences th at the Shicaite theologians genefally follow the M u£tazilites, although som e o f them have a'so been attached to the school of. Greek philosophers. Some of ihem , like the author o f Minhaj-ul-Kramah, h a d tried to com bine their know ledge o f Greek philosophy 1: M inhaj-us-Sunnah, Vol. IV, p. 56
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and logical syllogism o f the M u'tazilites w ith their Shilaite beliefs an d doctrines to provide a defence for their religion. How ever, for an erudite scholar of both th e religious and secular sciences, th at Ibn T aim iyah was, it was not difficult to refute the Shicaite argum ents, point by point, a n d to thoroughly expose th eir fallacies.
VIII Rejuvenation of Religious Thought in Islam Ib n T aim iy ah was b o rn at a tim e w hen the prevalent sciences, both religious and discursive, and particularly those like exegesis, T raditions, jurisprudence an d the corpus o f law h a d already been developed to an extent th a t the educated persons norm ally specialised in any one subject. Sufficient literatu re, enough to fill in a lib rary , h a d by then been accum u lated on each o f these sciences. T h ere w ere also several scholars o f outstanding intelligence an d ability, who w ere not only deem ed an au th o rity on th e ir subject, but w ere also known for th eir w ide know ledge an d strong retentive m em ory. T h a t this is no m ere speculation is proved by the w ritings o f the doctors like K a m a l u d -d in Ib n A zm ahkanl, T a q i ud-dln 1A ll ibn Subki, Sham s ud-dln az-Z ahabl an d A bul H ajjaj al-M izzi. T h ere w ere, a t th a t tim e, scholars who could have been called a living encyclopaedia for th e ir extensive know ledge. In sum m ing up th e intellectual attainm ents o f th e age, however, a m arked deficiency noted by every h istorian is th a t there was no m aster m ind who could not only ; com pare w ith his predecessors in extensive know ledge b u t could also m ake an estim ation o f their; views, analyse a n d determ ine th eir w orth and bring in his own v erdict in those m atters. I n other w ords, the extensiveness o f know ledge possessed by the then scholars was not m atched by th e depth an d originality o f thought o f the preceding ages. T h u s, the scholars o f the tim e, instead o f investigating afresh the
REJUV EN ATIO N O F RELIGIOUS THOUGHT IN ISLAM
m aterial already existing, w ere content to collect, edit and interpret them in a series o f com m entaries and classified glossaries. Ibn Taim iyah’s Intellectual Endeavour
A fresh intellectual elem ent was ushered by Ib n T aim iyah who, besides, digesting th e existing knowledge o f the tim e, presented it afresh with th e fullness an d critical guarantees behoving a creativ e thinker. • W ith his deep knowledge o f th e Q u r’an an d insight into th e purposes an d underlying objectives o f the Sharicah and the principles o f ju risprudence, Ibn T aim iyah could present w hatever subject he chose to scribe, w ith a m arked authority and comprehensiveness. T h ere is not a single compo sition by him whose range is not so w ide th a t it could not be described as an encyclopaedia o n th e subject—bringing into its compass all the existing knowledge o f th e tim e a n d opening new vistas o f vision. W e have already discussed in some detail two o f his works, nam ely, Al-Jaw&b-ul-Sahih an d M tniaj-us-Sm m k, but there a re still m ore outstanding m onographs on other subjects, such as, Kitib-un-Nabuwat, Ar-Raddo-^aLal Mantaqlyln and Iqiidka^-us-Sirat-il-Mustaqlm, to nam e only a few, w hich com bine comprehensiveness w ith critical thinking and provide food for thought to th eir readers. Exegesis of the Qur’ an
‘
T h e principal object o f Ib n T aim iy ah ’s literary endeavours was exegesis o f th e Q u r’ a n : an interest so predom inant' th a t its influence can easily be seen in his alm ost every work. W henever he quotes any verse from th e Q u r ’an in his w ritings, he does not proceed fu rth er Without giving its interpretation. A ccording to his disciples his com m entaries o f th e Q u r’an ru n into as m any as th irty volum es. U nfortunately, none o f these works survives today except in fragm ents consisting o f th e exegesis o f certain Q uraiiic chapters. H a d these volumes been available today they would have undoubtedly constituted one o f the most valuable collection on the subject displaying his rem arkable critical
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faculty an d acuteness o f th o u g h t. T h e com m entaries o f SSrat^uiIkhlas, Ma'-uwztain and An-Nur along w ith the exegetical excerpts taken from different works by Ib n T aim iy ah , published recently, exhibit his com prehensiveness, m ental g rit, reform ative zeal and th e developed sense o f in terp retin g the Scripture in accordance w ith th e cu rren t needs o f th e tim e. H e also w rote a m onograph on th e principles o f exegesis o f th e Q u r ’ an w hich is perhaps the first dissertation o f its k in d o n this subject. T h a t the surpassing interest o f Ib n T aim iy ah lay in th e science o f exegesis was acknow ledged by his contem poraries w ho on his d eath invited th e people to offer th e fu n eral p ra y e r o f the com m entator o f the Q u r’ an . Traditions
Ib n T aim iy ah has n o t left any book On T rad itio n s o r th eir interp retatio n . In fact, th e rem ark ab le advancem ent m ad e in this field by the seventh an d eig h th centuries after Hijrah, had hard ly left any scope for fu rth e r endeavour in th a t direction but his w ritings on th e principles o f T ra d itio n , bio-data o f the n a rra to rs, canons for th e reception an d rejection o f T rad itio n s, th e ir critical analysis a n d classification o f ju rid ic a l T raditions, scattered in his different w orks constitute his valuable co n trib u tion to the subject. All th is m a te ria l, w hich is quite extensive, if collected in a single volum e, could serve to provide his au th o ritativ e views on th e different issues o f this im portant science. Principles o f Jurisprudence
T h e task o f legal definition an d form ulation o f juristic opinion was an o th er en d eav o u r w hich absorbed Ib n T a im iy a h ’s in tellectual energies. H av in g a tta in e d m asterful proficiency in this field too, his w ritings o n th e subject contain discussions on in tricate legal issues. Ib n T a im iy a h ’s com positions on ju risp ru dence com prise Iqtidfia^-us-Sirat-il-Musttqlm and a volum inous collection o f his ju ristic opinions along w ith some sm aller treatises like Al-QiyUs a n d Minhaj-il-W asul ila-cIlm-il-Usul. T h e w ork relatin g to th e com pilation o f legal precepts o f
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th e different juristic schools h ad alm ost been completed by the tim e o f Ib n T aim iyah. Still, he review ed several issued w ith the fullness o f a critical m ind w hich im parted a fresh dynam ism to the legal system. In expressing his legal opinions, Ib n T aim iy ah ’s constant endeavour was to provide guidance for the changing needs in the light o f the Sharil ah and to b rin g in a closer conform ity between the principles o f legal systems and th e :Q u r ’ an an d the Sunnah. T h e legal opinions as well as the principles governing them , enunciated by Ib n T a im iy a h have been preserved in four volumes U n d e r the title o f Fatawah Sheikh-ul-Islam lb* Ttdmyah.1 Dialectics
Ib n T aim iy ah ’s writings o n dialectics and credal issues constitute m ore than h a lf o f his entire composition. A few o f these a re nam ed a fte r different cities (from which the specific issues w ere referred to him ), such as Sharah Isbahanlyah, Wastiyah, Tadmuriyah, RisHlah-i-Hamwiyah, KtlUniyah, BaghdZdiyah and Atjhariyah. Each one!b f these furnishes evidence o f his p^tietratiitg intellect, logical thinking, com prehensive knowledge and religious fervour. Revival o f Religious Thought
Ib n T aim iy ah ’s literary endeavours, both extensive in scope an d deep in content, w hich com bined the dogm a w ith reason, served to clear aw ay th e cotfweb spun by im ita tive theologians during an age o f stagnation and immobility. T h e field o f his intellectual pursuits is so large th a t it can be coveted Only by a'' long and intensive study. H ere it would suffice to m ention th a t his insistence on adhering to the original teachings o f Islam firm ly established revelation as the sole
1. I t has since been published from Egypt in 1326 A , H . Recently, the collection of his Fatawa including his unpublished juristic opinions has , been brought out in 30 volumes in Saudi Arabia. These volumes really constitute an encyclopaedia on Islamic jurisprudence.
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criterio n o f any theological m ovem ent. H e brought out expli citly th e lim itation o f hu m an reason and the futility o f attaining know ledge o f G od th ro u g h ratio n al and philosophical methods in a way m ore appealing to the critical m inds, than the e a rlie r doctors* A longw ith these, his independent and c ritical attitude tow ards th e earlier authorities an d text-books, and the rejection o f the rigidity o f scholastic m ethod generated a process o f im provem ent by rejuvenating not only religious sciences but also by re-charging th e intellectual and m o ral life o f his tim e w |th renew ed vitality. L ike every fiery spirited reform er, having all the gifts o f intelloctual brilliance, wisdom and courage, he sounded a new note in literature and religious, thought which has ever since provided inspiration to the M uslim w orld. Ibn, T aim iyah stands out as indisputably the greatest thinker and, reform er in Islam whose influence extends to alm ost every reform ative m ovem ent started since the eighth century, an d particularly to those which gained im petus during the tw elfth century o f th e Islam ic era* H is intellectual heritage still continues to appeal and; stir the reform ative zeal o f the thoughtful elem ent ijrj Islam w ho w ant to re-state the truths cif Islam as a self-sufficing ideology based on a revelatory eschatology an d spiritual-m oral view o f life and the world as against the present-day m aterialistic thought-patterns and institutions. T hus, the greatest contribution o f Ib n T aim iyah to the Islam ic thought was to re-assert the supremacy o f the Scripture and the wary o f the prophet, and to dem onstrate how, m the changed circum stances, the whole o f the religious life and tho u g h t could be reconstructed on th a t basis. H e never com prom ised w ith any un-Islam ic thought o r practice which injured faith in th e Oneness o f G od an d the revelatory: basis o f creed an d d ogm a, be it the. popular belief o f the m isguided mystics and masses or the abuse o f intellectual subtlety o f philosophers an d dialecticians or else the dogm atism o f the theologians and ju rists. H e recognised only th e Q jlr’an and the Sunnah as the tWo v alid bases for the reconstruction o f religious thought w hich m eant, on the one h and, rooting out o f all the un-Islam ic
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beliefs and practices and, on the o th er, a positive m onotheistic interpretation o f all ideas and institutions. In setting up th e forgotten ideals and showing the way how these could guide the changing social, intellectual an d m o ral life o f the community, Ib n T aim iyah prepared the ground for a perm anent revivalist m ovem ent in Islam .
SULTAN.UL.MASHAIKH
KHWAJA NIZAM UD DIN AULI^A
‘! S«Itaa-«»l-Ma»hailih
KHWAJA NIZAM UD DIN AUL1YA
I
The Chihstiyah Order in India The sixth century of (he Islamic era (the twelfth century A. D.) was a ptriod of special significance when a new country, rich in natural and human resources, was being gradually added to the realm of Islam. The country was destined to become, in the near future, not only the centre of Islamic missionary endeavour but also of its creative, intellectual and social energies. In the beginning of the sixth centuiythe barbarous Tartar legions had swept over the lands of Islam a n d destroyed, as if by a torrent, great cities, centres of learning and education, m o s q u e s 'and monasteries as well as every semblance of civilized existence in the countries overrun % them. B u k h i r i , Samarkand, Ray, Ham id In , Zanj, Qazwin, Marv, NishftpOr, KhwXrism and then Baghdad, the metropolis of Islam, were reduced to ashes. The Mongol onslaught eclipsod not only the political ascendancy of Islam in all these lands lying in the West Asia but also paved the way for its social and intellectual disintegration. Only India, ruled by a strong, vigorous and zestful Tutkish clan, was then able to fend off the assault of the Mongols in this region. In the Islamic wot Id, only they possessed
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the prowess as well as religious zeal which m ade them a m atch o r perhaps superior to th e ir adversaries. T h e M ongok m a d e repeated assaults b u t were always repulsed. D uring the ; reign o f A la 3 ud-d ln K h ilji alone, they advanced five times against In d ia b u t w ere beaten b a c k : first in 6 % A. H . and then on th e occasion o f th e ir fo u rth and fifth attacks M alik Ghazi T u g h laq fought so bravely an d inflicted such crushing defeats on the Mongol^ th at, in the w ords o f a historian, “ dejected and d isheartened, they gave u p th e ir attem pts to conquer In d ia as a forlorn hope.” 1 W aves after waves o f refugees, m any o f whom were mfen o f culture and religion, w ended their way to the safety o f In d ia from Ira n , T urkistS n an d Ira q which soon m ade D elhi vie w ith G ardova an d B aghdad. Even some o f the sm aller towns an d sub-urbat* fjp tre s riv a lle d ^ R an k s’ to the conver gence o f num erous learn ed personages, such reputed centres o f learning as S h ira z an d Y em an. T h e historians o f the tim e like Z ia3 u d -d ln Barn) an d others haV elisted the nam es o f hundreds o f such persons belonging to ran k a n d nobility, learned doctors, m en o f letters a n d re n o w n e d m y stic s who had m igrated to In d ia ow ing to M ongol depredatiofts. Soon after th eir a rriv a l in In d ia they to@k u p p o st$ o f responsibility u n der the then adm inis tra tio n o r engaged them selves in teaching an d preaching. I t seems, as the annalists rep o rt, th a t In d ia had then inherited the entire intellectual p atrim o n y o f the Islam ic w o rld .2 T hese circum stances contributed n o t only to the develop m ent o f In d ia ’s creativ e genius but also pointed otit its future ro le , th a t it assumed n o t long after, as th e centre o f social arid cu ltu ral, religious a n d intellectual activities m the w orld o f Islam for m any centuries to come. The Builders o f Islam ic India
T h e discovery o f In d ia by th e sons o f Islam w as in no way 1.
Munltihtk-at-Tewerikh, p . 186 and Tarlkh Fltot ShShi, pp. 251, 302 and 323 2. T m '& k m n tS h tk l.p v . 111-113
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less m om entous th a n th e discovery o f A m erica by the West. M uslim adventurers h a d begun to push th e ir way to In d ia jn the first century o f Islam ic era. A fter M uham m ad ibn Q asim T h aq affl h a d captured the land lying betw een Sind and Muhajgi in 93 A. H ., num erous cloisters an d m onasteries o f M uslim saints an d sufis h ad sprung up like heavenly lights in the gloom o f surrounding polytheism and ignorance. But it was really MahmQd o f G azni (d. 421 A. H .) w ho carried th e M uslim arm s with unvarying success to In d ia an d S h a h a b u d -d ln M uham m ad GhorS (d. 602 A .H .) who firm ly planted th e standard of crescent in this country. Likewise, th e H eaven h ad pre ordained the spiritual conquest o f In d ia to th e lot o f the great mystic saint, Sheikh-ul-Islam Mo* In u d -d ln C hishti (d. 627 A. H .). Long before th e M uslim conquest o f In d ia, all the four mystic orders in Islam viz. Qadiriyah, Chishtiyah, Maqshbandiyah an d Suharwardiyak h ad alread y com e into existence. Each o f these has its share in th e regeneration o f Islam in In d ia but G od’s w ill had selected the Chishtiyah o rd e r for providing spiritual nourishm ent to the nascent sapling o f th e faith ia this country—‘T h y L ord bringeth to pass w hat H e w illeth an d chooseth’.1 Ways o f G od a re inscrutable, indeed, but it appears th a t th e Chishtiyah o rd e r, engaged -in enkindling th e flam e o f th e divine love in th e h earts ©f th e people in the adjoining la n d ©f Ira n , was bound by a neighbourly obligation t© In d ia . I t w as but easier as well as incum bent on it to w in o v e r th e in h a b ita o ts o f In d ia w ho faa#e ever been w illing to acknow ledge th e m essage o f love and devotion to the L ord. F o r w hatever reasons the Providence had selected the Chishtiyah o rd e r fo r dissem inating the religion o f Peace in In d ia, one o f th e C hishti Sheikhs, K hw aja A bu M uh am m ad C hishti,2 tu rn e d the direction o f his 1. Q,. X X V III: 68 - ' : ‘ .iA' f..2. KhwSja AbQ Muhammad Chishti (d. 409 or 411 A. H .) was the son and spiritual successor of K hw ija A baA bm ad Chishti who was a disciple of KhwSja Aba Is’hSq ShSmi. He was succeeded by KhwSja N ailr ud-dln f Continued on next page
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efforts tow ards In d ia. I t is related th at the cam paigns o f M ahm dd o f G hazni owed th eir success to his blessings. M a u la n a J a m i w rites in Nufhat-ul-Uns : “ W hen MahmQd had alread y left for Som nath,1 K hw aja Abu M uham m ad received the divine summons to jo in the expedition. Although he was then 70 years o f age, he joined th e cam paign with a retinue o f his followers.2 Khwaja Mo£In ud-din Chishtf
K hw aja Mot ln ud-d in belonged to Sajastan* in Iran . Some o f the older historians including Q Szl M inhaj ud -d in ‘U th m a n Jauzjanl, a contem porary o f K h w aja M ocln ud-dln Chishtl and au th o r o f the Tabqat-i-Ns'srl, asserts th at the K hw Sja accom panied Sultan ShahSb u d -d ln o f G hor, better known to history as M uham m ad G hori, w hen he gave battle to P rith v iraj and defeated him finally a t T a ra in . T he annalists o f the period relate th a t invocation o f divine blessings by the K hw aja was responsible for the spectacular success achieved by M uham m ad G h o ri against his foe.* T h e writings o f the later historians, however, show th at K hw aja M o 'ln u d -d ln h a d arriv ed in In d ia and taken up his AbQ YQsuf after whom the mantle of succession passed on in. this wise to one after an o th e r: KhwSja 'Q utb ud-dln lylaudQd, H Sji Sharif Zandnl, KhwSja UJtbmSn HSrwani and KhwSja Mo(in ud-din Chishti. 1. Sultan Mahniad attacked Somnath in the year 416 A. H . while KhwSja Aba Muhammad Chishli died in 409 or 411 A. H . If the story told by , M au lin a JSm i is correct, the incident should relate to an earlier expedit tion of MahmQd and not to the attack on Somnath. 2. Jtujhat-vl-lnt, p. 207 . 3. The KhwSja is commonly known as Sanjari, which is a corruption of Sajazi denoting an inhabitant of Sajastan which, according to the old geographers, formed p art of the then KhurSsSn, is now divided between Iran and Afghanistan. Its capital was situated a t Zaranj, near ZShidSn where its ruins can still be seen. Its limits once extended up to Ghazni; 4. 7aiq3t-\-MStri I, p. 120, Tirikk Ftrishta, II, p. 57 and Muntakhab-utI a w & fik h y f*. 50
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residence a t A jm er in the in itial period o f M uham m ad G h o rfs In d ia n expeditions extending from 571 A. H . to 602 A. H . A jm er was then the capital o f th e Im perial C h auhan (C hahw ana) K ings o f north ern In d ia as well as a celebrated place o f pilgrimage.* Prithvlraj Chauhan
P rith v lraj (571*588 A. H .) was th e son o f Som eshw ara, the only surviving son o f A noraj an d th e b ro th er o f V igrahrSj, also know n as Bisgldeo. Anorsij is considered to be the founder o f C h au h an K ingdom o f Ajm er. Som eshw ara is said to have w ield ed a n equal auth o rity over both th e C hauhS n court o f A jm er a n d th e T om ar' court o f D elhi. H aving been m a rrie d to the dau g h ter o f th e last T o m ar ru le r o f D elhi, A handpal, his son P rith v lra j claim ed lineage a n d relationship w ith the T o m ar b ran ch o f the RajpOts. Since A n an d p al was issueless, h e had adopted P rith v lraj as his son an d successor. T hus he succeeded, in d u e course, to th e tw o pow erful RajpUt kingdoms o f D elhi and A jm er. Brave an d courageous, he had shown his valour in num erous cam paigns against the surrounding RajpGt kingdom s. H is fam ous abduction o f J a i C h an d ’s d au g h ter from K annauj during th e course o f Soimbar, m ade him th e hero o f P rith v lra j R a is a , a g re a t epic by th e g raphic p en o f C hand Bard ffi w hich is still popular in th e north ern In d ia . H ow ever, it seems history has not forgiven him for his final defeat against M uham m ad G h o rl an d condem ned h im as a n inglorious sovereign despite his valour an d adventurous cam paigns. In th e late 586 A. H . o r 587 A. H ., M uham m ad G horl was defeated by P rith lrS j a t T a ra in 2 (how know n a s T ilondi), 14 miles ;from ThH nesar. In late 588 A. H ., M uham m ad G horl set o u t w ith a n arm y o f one lakh tw en ty thousand select horsem en to avenge 1. Seven miles from Ajmer lies Pushkar, a like of great sanctity, \yhich i* equalled only by th at of Mansarowar. I t is believed th a | here Brahma performed the Tajna and Saraswatl reappeared in five streams. (District Gazetteer of Ajmer, 1966, p. 736). 7 , 2. The name of the place has been given as Tarfiori hy certainhistorians.
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the d efeat. P rith v lra j advanced w ith three lakh horses and; three thousand elephants to m eet the enemy. T h e immense: a rra y o f horses an d foot was m arshalled u n der the foremost princes o f H industan. A g reat fight ensued, the RajpGts fought bravely but, a t last, P rith v lra j was slain w ith the best and bravest o f RajpQts. T his also signalled the end o f independent R a jp u t K ingdom s in In d ia .1 A few years before th e b attle o f T a ra in ended the sovereignty o f the C hauhans in 588 A. H ., as some chroniclers claim , an incident h ad sealed th e fate o f proud an d indepen d ent A jm er. P rith v lrg j is said to have treated unjustly a M uslim (perhaps one o f his courtiers), W hen th e K hw aja interceded on b e h a lf o f the ag g riev ed m an, P rithvlraj contemptuously replied : “ Since the tim e this m an h as come here, he is indulg in g in tall talk never expereinced o r h eard before by anybody.” T h e K h w a ja , on h earing th e r e p ly o f P rith v lra j, calm ly sa id : "W e have handed o v er P ith o raraj, alive and in chains, to M u h am m ad G h o rl.” I t was not long a fte r th is incident th a t th e p ro u d C h au h an was attacked an d defeated by M uham m ad G h o tl.2 The Saint and Preacher
W hatever m ay h av e been the sequence o f events n a rrate d by th e historians, th ere is h ard ly any doubt th a t K hw S ja Mot In u d -d ln had selected A jm er as the centre fo r propagating Islam and rad iatin g the message o f love a n d spirituality, sometimes in betw een th e cam paigns o f M uh am m ad G horl but before the latter h ad established his stronghold in th at political a n d religious centre o f m edieval In d ia. T h e KhwXja’s decision bespeaks o f his courage, determ ination an d unflinching tru st in G od w hich are the hall-m arks o f g reat conquerors and founders o f religions. His determ ined efforts coupled w ith his sincerity, reliance on G od an d ennobling sacrifice for his cause turned the country, steeped in th e darkness o f idolatry for thousands o f 1. Tarikk-i-Hasri, I, p. 468 ; Tarikh-i-Firishla, I, p. 176 2. Siar-td-daliJp, 147 and Maathar-il-KirSm.
'
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TH E CHISHTIYAH O RD ER H* INDIA
15 3
years, into a land o f religious scholars an d saints and m ade it a repository o f religious knowledge an d spiritual attainm ents. I t was because o f him th a t every p a rt o f this g rea t country began to-resound soon w ith 'th e calls o f Ailah-o-Akbar and was filled with the love-songs o f th e Q u r’a n and Hadith to th e envy o f th e entire w orld o f Islam . V erily, the w orld was moved by an illum inated Soul. T h e a u th o r o f Siar-at-Aulia* has correctly sum m ed up th e contribution o f K hw S ja M oin u d -d ln in these w o rd s : “ H industan, to the end o f rts farthest southern lim its, was a land o f pagans a n d polytheists. W hosoever held power m ade the claim : ‘I am the L ord, M ost H ig h / T he inhabitants o f the land m ad e alm ost every object an d being a p artaker o f divinity. Stocks an d stones, trees an d beasts, cow and cowdung w ere the things before w hich they prostrated. ‘ D arkened by th e gloom o f infidelity th e ir hearts h ad been securely sealed. All w ere strangers to th e faith in G od and His ordinances, the L o rd o f th e w orlds an d H is a p o stles; neither anybody knew th e tru e direction o f G od’s religion n o r h ad anyone h eard the call th a t ‘G od is G r e a t/ T h e m om ent K hw aja M o 'In ud-dln set his foot on this tandj th e dreariness d f paganism gave w ay to th e brightness o f Islam . T hanks to his efforts and blessings, the relics o f fetishism Were replaced by th e pulpit, the niche an d the a rch , an d th e lands ringing w ith the sound o f idolatrous cuhs w ere filled w ith th e cries o f Alfch-o-Akbar. W hosoever would be blessed w ith tru e faith in G od in this country an d whosoever shall partake this w ealth till th e D ay o f Reckoning and th e ir progeny as well as all those who will extend the bounds o f tru e faith in this land shall go on increasing th e m erits a n d rew ard? o f Sheikh-ul-Islam M ocin u d-dln H asan S ajazi.” 1 A nother chronicler, G hulftm cA h AzSd w rites in M a ith a ril-K ir& m : “ T h ere is not the least dou b t th a t the spiritual mentors o f Chishtiyah o rd e r have a rig h tfu l claim on In d ia.” * T h e 1. Siar-ul-Aulia'', p. 47 2. Maathar-U-Kirim, p. 17
154
Sa v i o u r s
o f is l a m i c s p i r i t
author o f Siar-ul-Aqtab. sa y s: “ T h e blessed footsteps, o f M ocIn ud-dln dispelled the gloom o f infidelity in the land and led to propagation o f Islam .” 1 D uring th e life tim e o f K hw Sja MocJn ud-dln Chishti the political capital o f the land was transferred frdta A jm er to D elhi. A jm er, consequently, lost m uch o f its prom inence but th e K hw Sja rem ained at A jm er and sent his disciple and spiri tual successor, K hw aja Q u tb ud-dln Bakhtiyar K s k t, to deputise for him at the capi tal. H e gave him self up,- d u ring the rem ainder o f ‘his life, to p ray er and m editation, teaching his disciples to govern th eir conduct according to the principles o f the Shefriah an d preaching th e message o f Islam to others; None o f the num erous m em oirs an d biographies m ention the details o f his m issionary activities except th at his efforts were crow ned w ith success an d a vast m ultitude entered the fold o f Islam on acconnt o f him . In the words o f Abul F adhal “ he took u p his residence a t A jm er w here he spread th e light o f faith an d , because o f his sublime life an d preachings, legions after legions o f people em braced Islam.* Such was, then, the mission o f the K hw Sja to which he devoted him self for fifty years till his death at th e ag e o f ninety years in 627 A. H .3 K hw Sja Q jitb ud-dln Bakhtiyar K a k r had by then established him self firmly a t D elhi w here h e was engaged, like his m entor, in revivifying and illum inating the hearts o f a vast m ultitude o f people. T he then Sultan o f D elhi, Sham s ud-dln Iltutm ish, was also a devotee o f th e K hw Sja whose m oderating influence led th e Sultan to dispense justice w ith an even hand an d strengthen the roots o f Islam in India. K hw aja Bakhtiyar K akI
Born in the tow n o f Aush,* K hw aja B akhtiyar K a k l becam e Li Siar-ul-Aqtab, p.101 2. iin-i~Akbati, Vol. II, p. 270 . ,, 3. The year in which the KhwSja died is disputed by his biographers who have mentioned 627, 632 and 633 A. H. The authors o f Siar-ut-Aqtii and Kazinalul Atfia are agreed ihat the KhwSja died in 633 A. H.. 4. A town near Forghana in the Trans-oxiana region.'
THJE CHISHTIYAH ORD ER IN INDIA
15 5
an orp h an a t the tender age o f. one a n d 'a h a lf years. His m other took, special care for his education an d got him adm itted in a prim ary school a t th e age o f five, w here he received educa tion from M aulanS Abu H afs Aushl. A fter completing his education a t Aush Qjatb ud-dln took the road to Baghdad w here his fate brought him in contact , w ith th at pure-hearted soul who helped him to a tta in th e h ig h e s t form o f spiritual existence and th en rad iate those lum inous qualities in H industan. H e was endow ed the robe o f spiritual-succession o f (the Chishtiyah order" by K hw aja M ocIn ud-dln in th e sacred m osque o f F aq lh cA bul L a ith S am arkandl, in the, presence o f a larg e num ber o f religious doctors an d celebrated saints. H e directed his course to In d ia at the bid d in g o f his m entor an d stayed over a t D elhi, capital o f the nascent Islam ic S tate in th a t country. T h e royal court a t D elhi was, a t th e tim e, filled with, poets, artists an d scholars from m any lands attracted by the S ultan’s generosity, an d h ad also m en o f a rts and learning d raw n from th e realm s over-run by Ghenghiz K h an and his successors. T his new m etropolis of In d ia h ad thus rapidly gathered the cream o f talent from th e entire w orld o f Islam . K hw aja Q p tb u d-din was held in veneration by Sultan Iltutm ish but he persistently refused to have anything to, do with the royal court a n d rejected all offers o f a fief o r a g ran t from the K ing. First in K ilokhri, an d then n e a r the m osque o f M alik cIzz ud-din, he continued to live like a m endicant although S ultan Iltutm ish continued to pay occasional visits to him .1 H e becam e so popular am ong th e masses th a t once when K hw aja M orln ud-din cam e to D elhi to see his disciple, the then Sheikh-ul-Islam N ajm ud-dln SuglirS m ad e a com plaint to the K hw 5ja. ; T hereupon th e K hw aja said to his disciple, “ B a b a Bakhtiyar, so soon have you gained em inence th a t th e servants o f G od have begun com plaining against you ? Leave this place and come to Ajmer, there I will be at your service.” * T h e I, Tarikh Firishta, Vol. II, p. 720 2- Siar-ul-Aulia3, p. 54
156
s a v io u r s o f is l a m ic s p ir it
Sheikh had said w hat could be expected o f a m an w ho h a d attained th e sum m it o f spiritual perfection. H e d id not like his disciple to be th e cause o f anxious concern to anyone, an d not th e least to th e Sheikh-ul-lslam o f th e Islam ic State. H e had also hinted th a t i f th e people a t D elhi w ere n o t aw are t»f the Stature a n d spirituality o f K h w a ja BakhtiySr K sk l, he knew it very well an d could acco rd h im the highest m arks o f respect. K hw Sja Q u tb ud*dfn gave th e reply expected o f him , “ M y L ord, w h at o f sitting in your presence, I h ard ly deserve to stand before y&u.’n T h e m entor asked th e disciple to accom pany h im to Ajmer, and th e disciple nodded his assent w ithout a d em u r. But no sooner had th e tw o com e o u t o f th e city, it daw ned upon the Sheikh th a t th e popularity o f his disciple was by the will o f G od. “ K hw Sja Q u tb ' U d-dln started on his journey to A jm er in the com pany o f his Sheikh’V records a n annalist, “ b a t the news o f his d ep artu re raised a clam our in th e city. T h e whole o f its population along w ith S ultan Iltutm ish cam e out t»f the capital to follow his steps w ailing a n d lam enting over his d ep a rtu re.” * K hw Sja MocIn ud-d ln d id not consider it p ru d en t to plunge in to sorrow such a vast m u ltitude for the sake o f one m an . H e allow ed K hw Sja Q jjtb u d -d ln to re tu rn to D elhi and rem arked: BSbS BakhtiySr, you b e tte r rem ain here. T h a t such a large n um b er o f people a re sorrow -stricken a t your d ep arture, T do not consider it proper to ren d th e ir hearts. Go back, I leave this city in y o u r charge.” * S ultan Iltutm ish thanked the Sheikh for allow ing K h w ija Q u tb u d -d ln to rem ain a t D elhi. Back in D elhi K hw S ja Q u tb ud*dln again took up his austere living and the task o f diffusing the spirit o f hum anity
1. Siar vl-Aviu* p. 54 ?. Hid., p. 54 3. IHd., p. 55. What the KhwSja m eant was th at he should carry on the mission entrusted to h im and continue to invite people o f the Capital to the p ath o f righteousness.
T H E G H B H TIY A H O RD ER W INDIA
m
am ong his followers and devotees. H e never had anything to do with the royal court. As a& earnest seeker o f truth he had renounced all w ordly w ealth an d earthly d e sire s; but the people still flocked to him as i f ‘‘the whole w orld, all the notables o f ran k an d authority deem ed it an honour to pay .respect to h im .” 1 Sultan Sham s-ud-dln Iltutm ish used to c a llu p o n him tw k e a week.* D elhi was then not only th e capital o f the Sultanate, but was also th e em erging stronghold o f Islam , in a countiy recently b rought u n d er its realm , w here m any a .sagacious m ind o f th e then Islam ic w orld h a d g athered. I t was no easy task to provide spiritual guidance to aD an d also to exert a m oderating influence over a n otherw ise autocratic form o f governm ent. A lthough K hw S ja B akhtiyar K a k l d i d n o t live long enough to com plete th e difficut task entrusted to his c a r e ; for he rem ained aliv e only fo u r o r five years after th e d eath o f h is spiritual guide, h e discharged his responsibilityw ith supreme success and also established th e Chishtiyah o rd er in In d ia on a firm footing for all tim es to come. H e was about fifty years o f age when the all-consuming flam e o f th e love o f G od, w hich he h ad kept subdued in his fra il bodily fram e for th e edification o f surrounding hum anity, burst fo rth in ecstatic trances an d transports. H e was often seen in th e state o f to tal absorption and elevation produced by D ivine illum ination o f his h e a rt, titt the day cam e when he h eard in th e cham ber o f Sheikh l A ll Sikizzi3 a singer recking the following couplet. U ng ru d g in g w ho a re in resignation a n d subm ission; A new life they get, ever and anon. H e fell into ecstatic tra n c e ; retu rn ed to his place after som e tim e, b u t rem ained a ttracted to th« sam e condition. H e desired th e sam e couplet to be repeated ag ain an d again until 1. Akhi£r-Ml-Jikj>4r, p. 46 TM kh-i-Frntba, VoL HU*. 71?
2.
3. Abe known *» Sheikh Ali Sftjurf, according to ioue bistariaa*.
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four days passed in the sam e condition. In between, when the tim e for p rayer arriv ed , he would perforin the observance, but would ag ain relapse into th e same state o f ecstasy and rapturous trance as soon as th e couplet was recited before him . O n the fifth nighty in the same condition, he preferred the deeper privacy o f the grave.' T his incident is reported to have hap pened in th e year 633 A .H .2 • W hile returning from 1 Idgnh to his residence, a few days before his death, th e K hw Sja happened to pass through an open ground; H e rem ained standing a t the place for quite some tim e until a com panion accom panying him politely rem inded : “ I t is '■Id today an d a large num ber o f people w ould be aw aiting your re tu rn .” H e replied : “ I find th e odour o f hearts em itting here.” L a te r he called for th e ow ner o f the land and purchased the field for his b u rial place. T his is the place where h isgrave exists today.3 K h w ija Q utub ud-dln h ad conferred the habit o f succession to nine o r ten o f bis disciples, but his chief successor who devot ed him self w hole-heartedly to th e com pletion o f th e task under taken by him was K hw aja F a rid ud-dln G anjshakar. Khwaja Farld-ud-din Ganjshakar
K hw Sja M o'in ud-dln Chishti was indisputably the founder o f Chishtiyah o r d e r in In d ia , but it was prom oted by K h w aja F a rid ud-dsn whose two disciples; K h w ija N iz im ud-dln D ehlavi and Sheikh ‘■Ala5 ud-d5n ‘ All S abir o f K alyar spread it fa r an d wide in the Country. T h e first nam e o f the K hw aja was M as‘ud, the surnam e F a rid ud-dln, but he is com m only known by the appellation o f G anjshakar.4 1. Siar-ul-AuliS>, on the authority KhwSja Ni*Sm ud-din AuliS*. 2. Certain mem oirsgive the year as 634 A. H . 3. Siar-ul-A ulia(p. 55), on the authority of KhwSja NizSm ud-d, p. 160
U F E SKETCH OF
KlIwAJA NIZAM UD-DIN AULIA
191
there w ere several persons who described the Khw'Sja’s bounti ful generosity an d popularity in a m anner calculated to arouse jealously in the K in g ’s heart but he never gave ears to them . T h e S u lta n ’s reg ard for the K hw Sja gradually developed into a respectful submission but he could never m eet the K hw Sja. 1Q ptb ud-din’s Animosity
A fter ‘A la 5 u d -d ln had b reath ed his last, his second son Q u tb u d -d ln M u b arak S h ah ascended the thrbne depriving the rig h tfu l claim ant and heir-apparent K h izr K hSn. Since K hizr K h S n h a d been devoted to the K h w aja, Q u tb ud-dln M ubarak S h sh nursed a feeling o f resentm ent against the K hw aja too w hich developed into hostility w ith the passage o f tim e. Q u tb u d -d in built a new Ja m ci M osque which he nam ed “ M asjid M trl” , a n d 'o rd e re d all the theologians and divines o f D elhi to perform th e F rid ay prayers therein. K hw aja N izam ud-dln, how ever, refused to comply with the royal com m and, replying th a t hfe ’h ad a m osque n ear his house w hich had a greater claim upon him . T his fu rth er enraged th e K ing. T he relations betw een the tw o w ere so strained th a t when the K hw Sja once saluted the K ing, o n com ing across him in the shrine o f Sheikh Z iS 5 ud-d ln RQml, th e latter refrained even from exchanging the greetings. A nother incident, how ever, provided the K ing with an opportunity to declare his foolish intentions w hich he m ight have concealed for long in his bosom. A ccording to the custom followed in those days, all the grandees, officers and res pectable citizens w ere required, on the first day o f every lunar m onth, to present, themselves before the m onarch for salutation an d presentation.O f gifts to him . : T h e K hw Sja, however; never w ent on these occasions but used to send his servant, Iqbal, as his deputy. Feeling slighted by* th e proxy, the K ing ordered th a t none am ongst his chiefs and officers should henceforth visit G hiyathpO r to pay respect to the K h w aja. A m ir K husrtt relates th a t th e king even said : “ W hoever would bring the head o f th e Sheikh, he shall be rew ard ed one thousand Tankas."1 1. The tilver coin of the time.
192
SAVIOURS, OF ISLAMIC S P IR IT
T h e K ing publicly announced his intention : “ I f he does not tu rn up next tim e I w ould k n o w how he comes.” T h e K in g ’s intention perhaps was to have K hw aja N izam ud-dln brought to the court as a prisoner or he m ight have even decided, to get rid o f him once for all. T h e K h w aja was told of the K ing’s resolve. But indifferent to the peril threatening him , the K h w aja rem ained quiet. O ne a fte r one the days "were running out. “ T h e m onth began to d raw to a close” , says M a n a z ir Ahsan G lla n i ,1 “ and with it every w ell-wisher o f the K hw aja began to w orry him self sick. A t last, the new moon was alsq sighted. Now everyone entitled to adm ittance before the K ing shall pre sent him self before the m orach on the com ing day. But the K hw aja is still ad am an t an d has decided not to visit the K ing, w ho, o n his p a rt, is also firm on his declared resolve : ‘I would know how he com es.’ O nly the n ight is to pass for the day, d re a d e d by the citizens o f D elhi, when the two Sultans, one o f th e tem poral w orld and th e other of the spiritual realm shall clash th e ir arm s. T h e fateful night had still not folded up when th e K in g ’s doom was sealed. K h u sru K h a n 3 seized the K ing by th e h a ir, th e tw o grappled each other but KhusrQ K h an succeeded in thrusting a dagger in the abdom en o f the K ing who cam e crashing dow n to the ground. K husru K han severed his head* from th e body and flung it dow n into the courtyard o f
1. Nizom-i-T'alim, Vol. II, p. 230 2. KhusrQ K han, in whom the Sovereign placed implicit confidence, was a low caste convert to Islam. His acceptance o f Islam was merely the cloak under which he concealed his deadly hatred o f the faith and lib determination to conspire against the King in order to gain the throne for himself. 3. The author of Siar-ul-Aulii5 does not give the datfj. when the king was beheaded. Firishta fixes the incident on the fifth of Rab*>-ul-Awwal, 721 A. H. (Vol. I, p. 227) but a t another place he gives the date as 29th ShawwSl (Vol. II, pp. 740-41). But greater reliance can be placed on Amir K husru's Tughlaq A'ctrch which was composed during the reign Of SultSn GhiySth ud-dln Tughlaq. I t states th a t the- incident happened in Jam lda-nl-U khrfi, in the night the new moon was sig h ed (p. 19).
L IF E SKETCH O F KHWAJA. NIZAM UD-DIN AULIA
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th e Im p e ria l Palace o f T housand P illars . ” 1 The M ysterious Repast
. D uring th e period w hen S u ltan Q u tu b u d -d ln h ad forbidden his courtiers to pay a visit to th e K h w aja, spies h a d also been deputed by h im to b rin g .intelligence how th e K h w aja m anaged his im p e ria l k itch en a fte r th e cessation o f a ll gifts a n d presents by th e roy al entourage. Sheikh N a slr u d - d ln , ChitZgh D thli re lates th a t “ w hen the Sheikh was apprised o f th e K in g ’s o rd e r, he directed his atten d an ts to increase th e Quantity o f victuals cooked in his kitchen. A fter a few days th e K in g enq u ired about the m a tte r a n d was to ld th a t the quan tity o f food-stuff h ad since been doubled by th e K h w a ja .” Surprised to h e a r the reply, he rem arked ; “ I w^s m istaken. H e seems to get his sustenance from unknow n sources . ” 2
G hiyath ud*din T u gh laq D u rin g th e br>ef p eriod o f his despotic ru le, K h u u Q K h a n let no opportunity go by p f insulting a n d ridiculing the faith w hich be h ated a t h e a rt. In 721 A .H . G hiy 3 th u d -dln T u g h laq (M alik G hSzI) m arch ed upon th e capital an d established the T u g h laq dynasty a fte r putting th e u su rp er to sword- G hiyath ud-dln was not a scholar but h e showe’d due deference to the Shari1ah an d th e doctors o f teligion. T h e K h w a ja used to have sittings o f m usical recitations w hich h a d then becom e popular in t^ e capital. A c e rta in person n am ed H osam u d -d ln F a rja m , who, h a d been w ith th e K h w aja for quite some tim e b u t h a d rem ained unenlightened despite the pray ers an d penance u n d er
1.
Qajr-i-HazBr Situn, as it was naifted because of the large num ber o f pillars utilized in its construction, was built by CAH* ud-din in 1303 A. D ., oil the place he encamped outside Delhi to give battle to the Mongol invader Targhi. The Qasr m ust have been as grand and beautiful as other buildings o f *AU’ ud-din, but unfortunately its complete destruc tion later on renders it difficult to locate its site with any am ount o f certainty. 1 . Khair-ul'Majdlis, p. 310-11
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SAVIOURS O F ISLAMIC: S P IR IT
taken by h im , was a tru sted councillor o f the K ing. Qaz! J a lS l u d -d ln , th e D eputy C h ief o f State was also hostile to the m ystics. The Q a z l a n d few other theologians prevailed upon H osSm u d -d ln F a ijS m to bring it to th e notice o f th e K in g th a t th e K h w a ja ’s p articip atio n in these m usical rhapsody's, deem ed un law fu l b y I m a m A bu H a n lfa , p ro v ided an excuse to others to indulge in an d prom ote a p ractice p rohibited by th e Shari1ah. T h e K in g being unaw are o f th e legal position lto this re g ard , was am azed to h e a r 1th a t a scholar and divine revered by all co u ld be accused o f an y th in g im perm issible by the SharPah. A n u m b er o f ju ristic opinions d eclarin g m usical recitations unlaw ful w ere produced before th e K in g w ho agreed to convene a council to exam ine th e co rrect legal position in this reg ard . T h e m eeting was convened an d th e K h w a ja invited to it, w hich has been thus described by M ir K h u r d : “ T h e K h w aja was sum m oned to th e Im p erial Palace. H e w$s accom panied by Q a z l M u h l u d -d ln K a sh a n l an d F a k h r u d -d ln Z a rrS d l, both Of w hom w e re eru d ite scholars. Q a z l JalS l ud-dTh opened the proceedings w ith a serm on calling upon the K hw Sja to desist from th e p ractice. T h e w ay he addressed the K hw Sja w as not only unbefitting but he even proceeded to th re a te n h im w ith punishm ent if he still persisted in looking upon it as al law fiil p ractice. In d ig n a n t a t the a rro g a n t rem arks o f Q a z l J a la l u d -d ln , th e K h w aja rem arked : ‘You shall be dism issed from th e office w hich m akes you b ra g your tongue.’ A nd tw elve days th e re a fter th e Q a z l Was dism issed a h d m ade to leave D elh i. In fine, a ll th e scholars, ju rists a n d theologians, an d th e K ing too, anxiously aw aited th e K h w S ja to expound th e correct ju ristic position in re g a rd to th e m a tte r u n d er discussion. H osam ud-dJn F arj 5 m levelled th e charge th a t people w hirled a n d d a n c e d an d m a d e loud excited utterances in th e m usical sittings held by th e K h w a ja * ‘Dont m ake noise. Instead of continuing y our allegations first define m usical recitatio n ,’ d em an d ed th e K h w S ja fro m H osS m u d -d ln . F a rja m a d m itted th a t h e d id not know w hat constituted a m usical recitation but a d d e d that the ju rists held it unlaw ful. ‘T h e n ’, replied th<
LIFE SKETCH OF KHW AJA NIZAM UD-DIN AULIA
195
K h w aja, ‘I need not answ er the charges levelled by a m an who does not know w hat th e issue is.’ H o sam u d -d in F a rja m was thus .put to sham e. T h e K ing gave e a r to th e speech o f the K hw aja an d forb ad e others to speak loudly o r in terru p t him . A m ong tjie scholars present in the m eeting H a m id u d -dln and S h ah ab u d -d in m ostly kept quiet. T h e fo rm er, how ever, deposed th a t th e description o f ^he K h w a ja ’s sittings o f m usical recitations, as given by F a rja m a n d others w ere incorrect as he had him self atten d ed .these sittings as well as those held by other saints,and fria rs......... ......I n the m ean tim e ‘ A lam ud-dln, the grandson o f Sheikh-ul-Islam Bah a 5 u d -d ln Z ak ariya M u lta n f arriv ed . T h e K in g .asked him w h eth er m usical sittings w ere perm issible o r prohibited. H e replied th a t he h a d discussed the m a tte r a t length jn his m onograph o n th e subject. I t was law ful for those who listened to these recitations to w arm the cockles o f th eir h e a rt for sp iritual elevation b u t unlaw ful for those who w anted to g ratify th e ir senses. I n reply to a fu rth e r ques* tion asked by th e K in g he said th a t in B aghdad, R u m 1 and Syria th e mystics atten d ed these recitations b u t nobody ever raised any objection. H e a d d e d th a t th e practice was followed by tbe mystics even d u rin g the tim es o f J u n a id and Shibll. J a la l u d -d ln im plored th e K in g to forbid m usical recitations by a royal decree in o rd e r to uphold the ju ristic view held by the theologians o f H anaB te school. T h ereu p o n th e K h w aja asked the K in g not to issue any edict on th e subject. T h e K ing accepted th e K h w a ja ’s recom m endation an d did not issue any o rd e r .2 ♦ Q a z i Z ia J u d -d ln Barn! writes in Hasrat Jsaman th a t when the K h w a ja retu rn ed from th e m eeting he called for M uhi ud -dln K S sh an i and A m ir K hu sru . Me told them th at the theolo gians an d ju rists of D elhi w ere filled w ith bitterness and envy ; they gave vent to th e ir in d ig n atio n w hen they found an opportu nity b u t it was surprising th a t they gave preference to the 1. Modern Turkey 2. Siar-ul-AuliV (Summarised), pp. 527-32
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ju ristic opinions o f th e , Im am ? over the T rad itio n s o f th e P ro p h et. T h e K h w aja w as grieved to find the theologians rejecting a T ra d itio n m erely, because Im a m ShafecJ h ad T e l j e d upon it w hile th e ir ow n Iih am s h a d disagreed From him . A t last th e K h w aja observed ; h a d n ever seen a scholar who refused to give heed to a n au th en tic T ra d itio n o f the Prophet. I d o not know w hat is going to h appen Ito th e city ? N o city can flourish w here a behaviour so outrageous can be to lerated . No w o n d er i f this city goes to rack an d ru in ! W here the K in g and th e nobles a n d th e com m on folk h e a r the Q ,azls and the l ulama assert:ng th a t they d o n o t follow th e Prophet’s: T rad itio n s, how w ould they continue t o h av e faith in th e m ? 1 fe a r th a t the d isb elief o f th e religious scholars o f this city m ig h t invite the curse o f H eaven in th e shape o f calam ity an d disaster, fam ine a n d p estilence .” 1
D e tr a c tio n o f D ellfi T h e fe a r expressed by K h w a ja N izam u d -d ln was not u n fo u n d ed . Exactly six years a fte r his foreboding, M u h am m ad T u g h la q , the son arid successor o f G hiyath u d -d ln T u g h lak , suddenly issued a d ecree for vacating D elhi an d m ig ratin g to D ev ag iri, ren am ed by h im a s D au la tab a d . H e enforced his o rd e r w ith such a haste a n d u n reaso n in g obstinacy th a t th e cap ital becam e desolate. In a city w here form erly it was difficult to p ro c u re a house, no living being except wild beasts , w ere seen. M u h a m m a d Q a sim B ijapuri w rites in Tarikh Firishta : “ T h e functionaries o f the State d id not allow a single in h a b ita n t p f th e city, h a b itu a te d to its clim ate, to rem ain there. T h ey despatched everybody to D ev ag iri, and D elhi becam e soj d evastated a n d d epopulated th a t no voice except th a t o f th e | jack als, foxes an d o th er w ild beasts was to be h ea rd th e re .” 1 | A ll those theologians an d ju rists w ho h a d arraig n e d them*! selves again st th e K h w a ja in th e Im p e rial Palace h a d to leavqg 1. Siar-ul-Aulid* (Summarised1, pp. 527—32 2. Tarikh FirishtS, V. I, p. 243
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D elhi alongw ith o th e r s ; m any o f them perished in th e course of the long an d strenuous m arch to w ard s D ey ag iri } those who reached th e new cap ital w ere destroyed by fam ine an d pestilence a n d , thus, th e g rim p red ictio n o f th e K h w a ja cam e tru e w ithin a deca.de. ? D aily Routine of the K hw aja
T h e K h w aja used to com e dow n from his a p a rtm e n t for tisha') prayers. A fter p erfo rm in g th e sam e w ith congregation, he w ould re tu rn to his ch am b er ag a in w here h e spent some tim e in the recollection o f G od. T h e re a fte r hg took a little rest before th e atten d an ts h anded over to h im his rosary. T h en nobody excepting A m ir K hu sru was allow ed to see him . A m ir K h u sru used to sit dow n n e a r his cot relatin g the topic o f the day o r o th er m atters. T h e K h w a ja often nodded his head to signify his assent o r asked: “ T u rk , w hat is th e,n ew s.” T h is gave an o pportunity to A m ir 1 to p u t tw o and tw o together and m ake it five. T h e K h w a ja asked about som ething and A m fr Ittfliged the opportunity to relate the w hole story* O ften the K hw aja also p erm itted th e ch ild re n o r relatives to come and join the sitting a t th is hour. Nocturn'al Occupation
A fter A m ir KhUsrQ an d others present at the tim e h ad taken leave to d e p a rt, th e Khyyaja’s personal atten d an t Iq b a l used to b rin g a few jugs fille d ; w ith w ater for perform ing ablution. T h e re a fter th e K hw aja used to bolt the doors from inside an d then nobody knew how he occupied him self to attain 1. The biographies as weJl as the poems of (Ainir K husiu speak volumes of his deep, quiet and enduting affection founded upon his attachm ent and esteem for the K hwaja. The Khwaja’s kindly feeling for his disciple is disclosed by w hat he once said to Amir Khusru : “ I sometimes get tired of myself bu t never with you.’ (Siar-itl-Aiilia3, p. 302). Another time the K hw aja told Amir K h u sru : “ A man asked me to lay my eyes upon him as I look upon you. I kept quiet but I thought of telling him first to prove himself worthy of it.” (Ibid., p. 302}.
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th e p ropinquity o f G od o r tb w hat lofty stations he was raisied by th e D iv in e grace. ' Sahur
W hen th e tim e cam e for Sahur, the atten d a n t used to tap th e d o o r. H e b rought dishes o f different cooked victuals b u t tile K h w aja took but a little o f these and instructed to keep them for th e ch ild ren . K h w a ja cA bdur R ah im , w ho was ch arg ed w ith this duty relates th a t sometimes th e K h w aja ate alm ost nothing a t Sahur. W hen he was requested to take a bit m o re since he h ad eaten very little a t the tim e o f I f tar, he w ould break out into tears an d say : “ H ow m any destitutes and poor w ould be lying h u n g ry on th e stairs an d platform s o f the m osques ? H ow cah I take all th is'w h en they a re in such a great distress.” T h e food b ro u g h t to the K h w S ja for Sahur had vefy often to be taken back untouched by him . In the Day
T hose who saw th e K h w a ja in th e m orning found his eyes re d d ish b y th e night-long vigils b u t his face would be lit up With heavenly grace, as if by an indescribable happiness o f inrie'r bliss, w ith o u t the least trace o f w eariness. N obody could say th a t th e K h w aja w ould have p erfo rm ed fo u r o r five h u n d re d r a ta ls o f p ray er in ad d itio n to th e chantings in praise o f God. Besides th e in w ard illum ination o f his purified soul, the onfy occupation th a t em ployed h im was consolation o f the hearts broken by th e tu rm o ils o f e a rth , th an w hich th ere is no nobler task. The K h w aja could be seen whole day sitting on the prayed m a t o f his spiritual guide absorbed in the ocean of Diving presence. A streiam o f visitors w hich included saints ana scholars as well as persons o f ran k a n d authority continued aU . day . T h e K h w a ja conversed w ith th em bu t he also kept himsefl in w ard ly absorbed in the contem plation o f D ivine p erfection .1 1.
Sia r-u l-A tilia 3,
pp. 125-129
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A fter th e K h w aja h a d perform ed th e m id-day p ray er, th e visitors.; com ing from outside w ere called in. H is kind and com fortable w ords consoled the w earisom e hearts and instructed th e m in th e w ay o f salvation. But nobody, not even the savants and th e saved could d a re to cast th e ir eyes on the rad ia n t countenance o f th e K h w aja. End o f the Journey
T h e K h w a ja w as o v er 80 years o f age when he h ad a prem onition th a t his jo u rn ey ’s end was draw ing n ear. O ne day he told his a tte n d a n ts : “ I saw th e P rophet in th e dream . H e said, “ NizSm , I am anxiously w aiting for yo u ’ . ” 1 D uring his illness, th e K hw S ja gave out w arrants o f vicegerency to several disciples. T hese w ere d rafted by F ak h r udd ln Z a rrS d l a n d Copied by Saiyid H usain K irm SniJ 'O
.
:
■' .
; T o w ard s th e hum anity, a t la rg e , a n d th e M uslim s a n d those w ho w ere in any way; connected to h jm , in partipular^ the K h w S ja h a d such a deep a n d kindly feeling w hich, it wo^tld.not be ex aggeration to say, m easured .-up to affection o f a m o th er fo r h e r ch ild ren . Of, a fact, a ll those w h o are perfect in faith in h e rit th e P ro p h e t’s solicitude a n d c a re f o r ih e hum anity thus p o rtray ed in th e w ords o f G od : , ? ,t h “ T h e re h a th c®0?e im to you a m es»6 Bger J (offe), o f yourselves, unto w hqpi, a u g h t th a t ye a re Qyserbvrdened is ; . grievous, full o f ■ T o be Jcind, gentle an d consid erate w ith others is seally to foUqwim Jhe footsteps o f th e P rophet w ho h a d bpen enjoined th u s by G od ; fe , .■ T “ A nd low er thy w ing (in kiqdness) unto those believers w ho follow th ee.” A kindly affection, deep, ten d er an d constant, going
1. Suar-ul-AuliV, p. 142 2. Q,. I X -.128 3. f t . X X V I: 215
C H A R A C T ER AND ACHIEVEM ENTS
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out to o th er h u m an beings im p arts such a feeling o f oneness and sp iritu al -affinity th a t the pleasure an d pain o f others is directly felt by th e h e a rt o f th e person developing such a ten d e r affection. A m ir H asan ‘A la 1 SajazS relates th at once, in a g ath erin g w hich was being ad dressed by the K h w aja , a few persons w ere sitting in the sun. T h e 'K hw aja stopped his discourse to say, “ B rothers, com e closer so th a t those sitting in th e sun m ay ,g et a p lace in shade. T hey a re sitting in the sun bu t I am getting b u rn t .” 1 * O nce th e K h w a ja quoted some one, perhaps to refer indi rectly to his ow n feelings, who h a d s a id : “ G o d ’s creation takes . I know o f a few disciples
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o f th e Sheikh who h ad been blessed w ith m iraculous pow ers u n d er th e spiritual guidance o f th e Sheikh....... S u ltan ‘ A la ’ u d -d ln a n d his household m em bers w ere devoted to the Sheikh. T h e nobles as w ell as th e com m oners had taken to righteous, ways. T ransgression o f the law like im m ora lity, gam bling, drunkenness an d o th e r vices w ere unheard o f d u rin g the last few years o f cA laJ u d -d ln ’s rule. People h a d begun to equate heinous sins w ith apostasy. No M uslim d a re d to charge interest o r indulge in hoarding. - T h e trad ers h a d given up the h ab it o f barg aining, shortw eighing an d ad u lteratio n . M ost o f the students and disciples an d num erous o th er people who kept com pany w ith th e Sheikh h a d grow n fond o f studying mystical tracts like Qoot-ul-Qulub, IhyaP-ul-Uloom, cAwarif, Kashf-ulMahjub, Sharah T carruf, RisUtah Quskiri, Mirsad ul-cAbad, MaktUbut-i-cAin-ul~Qfldhat, FauiaPd-ul-Fuwad an d Lewalh wa Lawamtk w hich w ere in g reat d em an d in those days. M ost o f th e people sought m ystical treatises from the book sellers. In fine, G od h ad m ade Sheikh-ul-Islam N izam ud-dln a pu re-h earted soul like Sheikh Ju n a id and Sheikh Ba-Yazld o f th e bygone ages.” 1 The Love M art
I t was th e tim e w hen the potent influence exerted by the K h w aja h ad b ro u g h t a healthy change in the life o f the people in every w alk o f life including even th e inm ates o f th e Im p erial Palace o f T housand Pillars. V anity an d self-conceit, m entaldisquietude an d depression o f spirits, the end-products of free living an d self-indulgence h ad given place to the fervour o f lo v e-d iv in e; the w hole atm osphere seem ed to be surcharged w ith the sp iritual love w hich arises from the h arm ony o f souls. M ir K h u rd relates in Siar-ul-Aulia5 : “ T hose w ere th e days w hen everyone soaring to the h ig h er dom ains o f spirituality was d raw n tow ards th e tilting notes, harm onious melodies, 1,
Tarihh Firoz Shahi} pp 46 and 341
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love-exciting tales a n d verses. Sincerity, hum ility, kindness an d solace w ere th e winsom e qualities o f the Sheikhs w hich m ad e everyone bow his head in reverence to th em .” 1 Training o f the Disciples
K h w aja N iz5m u d -d ln h a d taken special cafe to tra in his disciples w ho w ere to diffuse the yearning o f eternal love far a n d wide. T h ro u g h prayers an d litanies, education and edifi cation he guided his spiritual successors on the p ath o f his m ystic o rd er. F or those who possessed th e capability but were n o t le a rn e d he a rra n g e d for th e ir education, reproved those who w ere keen on debates a n d polem ical disputations and p rom pted others w ho preferred penance and prayers to enter collective life and b e a r w ith equanim ity the high-handedness an d oppression o f th e people. H e p a id p a rticu la r attention to each one o f his disciples to p rep are h im for the g reat task o f spreading piety an d sp iritual gifts an d m o ral reform ation o f the people. H e spared no pains n o r allow ed any obstacle to stand in th e way o f th e m ental an d spiritual developm ent o f his disciples. I t has been stated in th e Siar-ul-Aulidc>th at once “ a few o f his disciples, belonging to O u d h , decided to m ake a jo in t request to th e K h w aja to p e rm it th em to have a d eb ate on certain religious o r ju ristic issues. T hese disciples being scholars, p erhaps, w anted a little respite from the continuous prayers an d rem em brance prescribed by th e K h w a ja for them . M a u la n a J a la l u d -d ln was th e ir spokesm an, but w hen they a rriv ed in th e presence o f the K h w a ja , th e reflection o f D ivine grace rad ia tin g from his countenance, m ad e everyone dum bfounded. At last M a u la n a J a la l u d -d ln g ath ered his courage an d asked w hether they could occasionally devote a little tim e in debates am ong them . T h e K h w a ja replied, “ W h a tsh o u ld I say? I have to take an o th er w ork from you !” 2 1.
" 2.
S i a i - u l - A p. 510
Ibid., p. 306
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Saiyid N aslr u d-dln M ahm Q d, who was la te r to becom e the spiritual successor o f th e K hw Sja and whose fam e travelled to the four corners o f the country as Chiragh-i-Dehli (the L am p o f D elh i), intensely desired to lead th e life o f a recluse in a fa r off hill o r w ilderness. H e com m unicated his wish to the K hw aja throu g h A tn ir K h u sru but got the reply : “ T ell him th a t he has to live am ong the people an d to b ear the insolence and illbehav io u r o f th e people and to req u ite it w ith generosity and sacrifice.” 1 N % K hw aja N izam ud-dln was followed by a long line o f em inent suf i successors who acquired great rep u tation for piety an d spread th e Chishtiyah fratern ity all o v er the country. A fter N aslr ud-dln M ah m u d Chiragh-i-Dehli who, like his spiritual m entor, kept his b an n er aloft an d continued to exert a potent influence over the capital for 32 years, one o f his disciples, Saiyid M u h am m ad Gesu D araz (d. 825) established him self at G ulb arg a in D eccan. His oth er noted disciples w ere K am al ud-dln cA U am ah, Sheikh A bul M u q ta d ir K in d i, Sheikh A hm ad T h an esri, S heikh.Jalal u d-dln H usain, also known as MakhdUm Jahanian JahUn Gashl,, w ho becam e g reat leaders o f the Chishtiyah o rd e r. T hey all contributed to th e revival o f Islam in In d ia and infused sp iritu al ferv o u r am o n g th e people. T hey easily w on th e fav o u r o f th e m ultitudes, w hile a num ber o f th e ir sp iritual successors becam e influential guides o f the sovereigns, not only in sp iritual b u t in political affairs as well.
Siar-ul-Aulia*, p .
237
VII Religious and Moral Revival In th e m oral-spiritual guidance o f his disciples, th e K hw Sja was always cautious, discreet an d w atchful. O n e o f K hw Sja N izam u d -d ln ’s disciples,M ucid u d -d ln held a responsible post in th e co u rt o f Sultan ‘A la3 u d-dln K h ilji. Soon A fter pledging devotion to the K hw aja, M ucid u d -d ln resigned his office and becam e a n inm ate o f the K h w aja’s m onastery. An able and com petent officer th a t Mu*Id u d -d ln w as, Sultan ud -d ln keenly felt his absence an d conveyed his displeasure to th e K h w aja th ro u g h one o f his courtiers. “ I t seems th a t the Sheikh w ants to m ake everybody like h im ,” said th e K ing. T h e K h w aja sent the reply, “ N ot like m e, b u t b e tte r th a n m yself.” 1 T h e K h w aja not only guided his disciples to advance on the p ath o f spirituality th ro u g h prayers, litanies an d m editations but also infused in th em an a rd e n t zeal for p reaching and upholding righteousness w ith am azing perseverance. T h e spiritual preceptorship o f the K h w aja m ade his disciples so bold th a t they could d arin gly a n d unhesitatingly put forw ard w h at they consi d ered to be rig h t before th e kings and despotic rulers. O f a tru th , a m an o f G od can never be in tim id ated , cowed o r discourag ed, for, tim id ity is b o rn out o f a desire to avoid o r escape a m a te ria l d etrim en t o r disadvantage. But a m an w ho has alread y expelled all w orldly desires and longings also casts off 1.
Siar-ul-Aulia*, p. 311
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th e em otion excited by a th re a t to his person o r belongings. T h e m ystical yearning for ecstatic illum ination o r th e strivings to a tta in th a t perfect know ledge o f G od w hich is know n by the nam e o f Tawhid or U nity o f G odhead invariably leads to th e explusion o f fear— fear o f everything except G od. T o a m an attain ing th a t stage the dem onstration o f w ealth an d pow er a n d the g ran d an d stately cerem onials o f royalty begin to ap p ear to be no m ore th a n th e c h ild ’s play. N othing in the w orld can then d e te r such a m an from speaking out the tru th in the face o f h au g h ty and despotic em perors. Fearlessness
E very student o f history is aw are o f th e unbounded p rid e a n d p om p o f S u ltan M u h am m ad T u g h laq . O nce th e S uit i n happened to cam p n e a r H an sl. M ukhiisul M ulk N izam u d -d ln N a z a rb a ri was d ep u ted by S u lta n M u h am m ad T u g h la q for inspection o f th e fo rt a t H ansl. W hen th is m an , know n fo r his heartless cruelty, happened to pass by th e house o f Sheikh Q u tb u d-dln M u n aw w ar, one o f th e K h w aja’s disciples and sp iritu al successors, he expressed surprise th a t the Sheikh h a d not com e to p ay his respect to th e K ing. O n re tu rn in g fro m his e rra n d h e b ro u g h t th e m a tte r to th e notice o f th e K ing. T h e S ultan, enraged by th e rep o rt, o rd ered H asan S ar B arahna, a n o th e r m an o f despotic ch aracter, to p ro d u ce the Sheikh before h im H asan com m unicated th e royal sum m ons to the Sheikh and also told him in reply to a query m ad e by th e Sheikh, th a t he h ad no choice b u t to tak e th e Sheikh w ith him . T h e Sheikh thanked God th a t he h a d not to seek th e audience o f the K in g o f his own accord. T hen, com m ittin g th e m em bers o f his household to the c are o f G od, he set o n foot w ith H asan w ith his staff in his han d a n d th e p ray er m a t o n his shoulder. H asan offered a carriag e b u t th e Sheikh p re fe rred to w alk o n foot. W hen he reach ed the cam p o f th e K in g , h e was o rd e re d to proceed to D elhi. O n entering th e royal co u rt a t D elhi, he found th e grandees an d the chiefs, atten d an ts a n d g u ard s a rray ed to th e rig h t a n d left o f th e im p erial throne. T h e Sheikh was accom panied by his son
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N flr u d -d ln w ho got overaw ed by th e pom p a n d pageantry o f th e royal court. T h e Sheikh atonce said loudly to his s o n : “ B aba N flr u d-dln, G reatness a n d M ight belongeth to G od alone.” NBr ud-dln la te r told th a t as soon as h e heard those w ords, his frig h t disappeared an d he felt th a t the K ing and his courtiers w ere as m eek as goats. W hen the K in g saw the Sheikh appro ach in g him , he feigned occupation in archery but as th e S heikh got n e a r him , he got up to shake hands w ith him . T h e Sheikh firm ly grip p ed his h and w ithout exhibiting the least traces o f fear. T h e K in g said : “ I w ent to your neighbour hood, b u t you d id n o t com e to guide m e on the p a th o f rig h te ousness n o r d id you honour m e by your visit.” “ A recluse th a t I a m ,” replied the Sheikh, “ I do not co n sid e r m yself w orthy o f m eeting th e K ings. Betaking m yself to a c o rn e r o f your kingdom I spencfr m y days in praying G od for th e w elfare o f th e K in g a n d the M uslims. I need to be exem pted from all form alities.” Pleased w ith the reply given by the Sheikh, the K in g asked his b ro th e r F iro z Shah to d o w h atev er the Sheikh liked. T h e Sheikh p re fe rred to re tu rn to H a n sl an d was allow ed to do so. L a te r on , th e K in g told his courtiers th a t he h a d m et m any divines but none h ad d a re d to shake h an ds w ith him so firmly as d id Sheikh Q u tb u d-dln M unaw w ar. “ H e gripped my han d so firm ly as if he h ad no speck o f fear in his h e a rt,” observed S ultan M u h am m ad T u g h laq . Before Sheikh Q u tb u d -d ln M u n aw w ar left D elhi thp K in g sent F iro z S hah a n d Z ia 3 u d -d ln B arnI w ith a purse o f one lakh T an k as.1 T h e Sheikh refused to accept th e present saying th a t tw o seers o f rice an d a dang* o f ghee* w ould be enough for a m en d ican t like him . T h e K in g th en o rd e red to let him h av e fifty thousand T ankas. T h e Sheikh refused th a t too. U ltim a tely th e am ount was b ro u g h t dow n to tw o thousand T ankSs, but 1.. Tanka, derived from Turkish vocabulary m e a n t‘W hite’ and was the silver coin o f those days. 2. A unit of weight '
3. Clarified butter
RELIGIOUS AND M ORAL REV IV A L
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w hen th e Sheikh ag ain refused the present, F iroz S hah and Z i8 3 u d -d ln B arn I p rev ailed upon th e Sheikh to accept th e p re sent lest th e K in g should ag ain get annoyed and p u t h im to harm . T h ereu p o n th e Sheikh accepted th e am ount b u t d istri buted it to th e p oor an d needy before leaving D elhi.1 A t th e tim e S ultan M u h am m ad T u g h la q d ec id ed -to tran s fer th e inhabitan tsio fD elh i-te-© eV ag iri, he h a d also conceived th e id e a o f cap tu rh ig T u rk istan a n d K h u rasan to exterm inate th e progeny o f C henghlz K h a n . H e h a d o rd ered th a t all the em in en t doctors o f religion should be invited to deliv er serm ons in o rd e r to arouse th e people for tak in g p a r t in his projected holy w a r. In th is connection a few o f th e K h w a ja ’s em inent disciples, such as M a u la n a F ak h r u d -d ln Z a rra d l, M au lan a Sham s u d -d ln Y ahya an d Sheikh N aslr u d -d ln M ahm O d w ere also asked to ap p e a r before th e K in g . M au latia F a k h r u d -d in Z a rra d l was first b ro u g h t before th e S ultan although he very m uch detested to see th e K in g a n d often used to re m a rk th a t he saw his h ead ro llin g on th e g ro u n d in th e royal court. W h at he m ean t was th a t he w ould in any case speak o u t th e tru th a n d th e - K in g w ould have h im beheaded. H ow ever, w hen M a u la n a F a k h r u d -d ln e n tered th e royal court, one o f th e K in g ’s secretaries a n d a disciple o f th e M au lan a, Q utb u d -dln D a b lr took u p his shoes an d stood behind h im like a servant. T h e K in g s a i d : “ I propose to w ipe out the progeny o f C henghlz K h a n fro m th e surface o f th e e a rth . W ould you help m e in accom plishing this task ? “Insha Allah” ( if G od so w ills), replied th e M aulana. “ B ut y o u r reply bespeaks o f your 4 o q h t.” reto rted the K in g . “ T h is is w h a t one should say ab o u t th e fu tu re ,” the M a u la n a rep lied calm ly. “ A lrig h t, te n d e r m e y our adv ice ” th e K in g said ag ain angrily. “ S ubdue your a n g e r,” was th e reply given by M au la n a 1.
Siar-ul-Aulia*, pp. 253-55
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Z a rra d l. S till m o re en rag ed , th e K in g asked, “ W hich a n g e r? ” “ A nger th a t behoves w ild b easts,” prom ptly replied the M au lan a. T h e tovfering fury th a t swept aw ay th e K ing was now visible fro m his face, b u t he kept quiet. A fter a short w hite he o rd e re d th e servants to b rin g food. T he K in g invited M au lan a Z a rra d l to take food w ith him . T h e tw o shared th e ir m eals fro m th e sam e dish . T h e king presented pieces o f m eat w ith his ow n h a n d s b u t th e M au la n a took very little o f it as if he d id n o t like to h av e food w ith th e K in g . B efore giving a send off to th e M au lan a, th e K in g presented a robe o f honour a n d a p urse to h im . But before M au lan a Z a rra d l could refuse these, Q u tb u d -d ln D a b lr stepped a h e a d a n d took the presents from th e K in g on b e h a lf o f th e M au lan a. A fter th e M au lan a h a d d e p a rte d , th e K in g called for Q u tb u d -d ln D a b lr an d s a i d : “ W h a t a treacherous m a n you a re ! F irst you took up his shoes a n d th e n th e presents. Y ou thus saved h im fro m my sw ord b u t exposed yourself to d a n g e r.” Q u tb u d -d ln D a b lr replied, “ M a u la n a F a k h r u d -d ln Z a rra d l is m y teach er a n d the succes sor o f m y sp iritu al m en to r. I oug h t to have ca rried his shoes on m y h e a d r a th e r th a n in th e a rm p it; w h at to speak o f the present? you m a d e to h i m !” T h e K in g th re a ten ed to have h im p u t to sw ord. L a te r o n w henever th e n am e o f M a u la n a F a k h r u d -d ln Z a r r a d l was m entioned to th e K in g , h e used to r e m a r k : “ Alas, he escaped from m y sw o rd .” 1 Guidance o f Adm inistration
■n i\ T h e precursors o f th e Chishtiyah o rd e r h a d , f r o m th e very beginning, k ep t them selves a lo o f fro m th e ru lin g elite but thejjj w ere never u n m in d fu l o f p ro v id in g necessary guidance to them* W henever they w ere called upon to te n d e r th e ir advice o r w h o i ev er they got a n o p p o rtu n ity to exercise th e ir influence o v er tfil ru lers, they alw ays trie d to show th e m th e p a th o f com passid| 1. Siar-ul-Aulia*, pp. 271-73
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an d h u m an itarian ism . M any am ong th e kings o f In d ia and the governors o f provinces held these sp iritual guides in th e highest reg ard o r w ere often united w ith th em by o a th o f fealty w ith the result th a t they pursued, u n d e r th e benign guidance o f th eir Sheikhs, policies designed to m itig ate th e sufferings o f th e ir sub jects, enforced ju stice an d acted on th e injunctions o f the Sharjah. O nly a few ru lers o f In d ia could co m p are w ith a king so ju st, m ild , kind -h earted a n d respectful o f th e injunctions o f the S h a ffn h as S ultan F iro z Shah T u g h la q . Sham s-i-Siraj eA flf a n d Z ia5 u d -d ln B a ro i speak o f th e achievem ents o f th is good n atu re d Sultan. T h e au th o r 6 f Tilrikh-i-Firishta, A bul Q&sim H in d u Shah, w r ite s : “ H e was a learn ed , ju st, graciobs an d softhearted ru le r. H is subjects as well th e arm ed forces, w ere well-pleased w ith him . D u rin g th e reig n o f this sovereign no ty ra n t could oppress th e w eak.” 1 T h is noted h isto rian h as en u m erated th re e characteristics o f his ru le unm atch ed by th a t o f o th e r rulers o f the age. F iro z S hah never h a d to take recourse to the m ethods o f chastisem ent for his benevolence a n d generosity left no room fo r it. T h e land revenue w as fixed by him acco rd in g to th e paying Capacity o f the people a n d all th e tithes an d taxes unjustly im posed by the form er rulers w ere abolished. H e n ev er en couraged anyone to m ake false reports to h im ab o u t his subjects. A nd, lastly, he appointed G od-fearing a n d sym pathetic governors to ad m in ister the provinces w ho em ulated th e K in g in th e ir k in d tre a tm e n t o f the people.* B ut only a few persons a re a w a re o f th e fa ct th a t S u ltiti F iro z S h s h ow ed his accession to th e th ro n e to K h w aja N aslr u d -dln M ahm Q d Chiragh-i-Dehli.* S ham s-i-Siraj ‘ A fif grap h ically relates h ow F iroz S h ih as cended she throne. H e says : “ Sheikh N aslr u d -d ln accom panied
1. Tirtkh Firishta, Vol. 1, p . 278 2. H U ., Vol. I, p. 271 3. Ibid., p. 259
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S ultan M u h am m ad T u g h la q w hen he w ent to suppress the revolt in T h a th a . T h e S ultan d ie d 1 an d F iroz Shah called a m eeting o f th e nobles an d courtiers. Sheikh N aslr u d-dln, how ever, sent th e w o rd to Firoz Shah w hether he would dispense ju stice to th e people o r he should p ray G od fo r another ru le r fo r th em ? F iroz Shah sent back th e reply : ‘I shall be ju s t a n d kind to th e creatures o f G 6 d .5 T h ereu p o n the Sheikh rep lied ; ‘I f you w ould do w hat you prom ise, then I would request G od A lm ighty to g ra n t you forty y ears.5 A nd the S ultan really ru le d for forty y ears.” 2 S ultan M u h a m m a d Shah B ahm anl (759>-776 A .H .) was acknow ledged as th e ru le r a fte r the d eath o f his fath e r ‘ A la5 u d -d in B ahm an S hah3 by all th e m ystic Sheikhs o f D eccan w ho took o a th o f allegiance to h im b u t Sheikh Z ain-ud-dln (d. 801 A .H .) refused to take th e p ath oh the ground th a t the K in g Was a d ru n k a rd an d indulged in acts d eclared unlaw ful by th e S h a rja h . I n 767 A .H ., w hen th e S u lta n \cam e to D au latab a d , b e d em an d ed th a t Sheikh Z a in u d -d ln should either personally c a ll upon h im o r acknow ledge his suzerainty in w riting. T h e reply given by th e Sheikh was : “ O nce a religious scholar, a Saiyid a n d a n eunuch happened to fall in th e hands o f c e rta in heathens w ho offered to sp are th e ir lives only if they p ro strated before th e ir idols. T h e scholar p ro strated b efore th e idol acting on th e perm ission given by th e Shari1ah to save one’s life in such circum stances. T h e Saiyid too follow ed suit but the eunuch said th a t since he h a d spent his w hole life in transgressing the co m m an d m en ts o f G o d a n d h a d n o hope o f Salvation like the sch o lar o r th e S aiy id , it w ould be b e tte r fo r h im to give his life in th e w ay o f G od. T h u s he p re fe rre d d e a th to pro stratio n be-, fo re idols. I a m also p re tty m u ch like tb a t e u n u c h ; I shall 1. Sul ti n M uham m ad T ughlaq died on 21st M uharram 752 A. H . (Sunday, 20th M arch 1351 A. D .). 2. Sham s-i-Sirij Afif, p. 28 , 3. Firishtc reports th at he died in Rabi'ul-Awwal, 759 b u t according to TSrikh- ul-Mutuk Bahman died in 761 A. H .
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b e a r eyery h ard sh ip b u t w ould n e ith e r call upon you n o r take the o ath o f alleg ian ce." T h e S ultan got enrag ed a n d o rd e re d th e Sheikh to leave th e city atonce. Sheikh Z a in u d -d ln took only his p ra y e r m a t an d set out to th e shrine o f his spiritual guide Sheikh B urhan ud-din. H e sat dow n th ere an d to ld the em issaries o f th e K in g th a t nobody could m ove h im fro m th a t place. F ailin g in his effort, th e K in g sent a m essage to the Sheikh th ro u g h one o f his m inisters w hich said : “ I a m thine, be thou m in e .” Sheikh Z ain u d -d ln replied : “ I f the S u lta n G hazI upholds the laws o f th e Sharfah, closes dow n all w ine shops th ro u g h o u t his dom inion, gives up d rin k in g an d follows in th e footsteps o f his fath er in charg in g th e Q a ’z ls, c Ulama an d th e governors to ensure th a t th e p a th o f righteousness is betaken an d th e ways o f sin forbidden, then he shall not find anybody a b etter frien d and w ell-w isher th a n m e.” T h e tw o couplets Sheikh Z ain u d -d in w rote concluding his letter to th e K in g w ere : So long as the chain o f b reath keeps us living ; N othing shall we do but chaste as m orning. F o r those w ho cast on us a glance b e lig h tin g ; F ro m us a w orld o f good shall they ever be getting. T h e S u ltan was so pleased to find him self addressed as G h azl by th e Sheikh th a t he issued an edict th a t henceforth it should form p a rt o f his royal title. T h e re a fter Sultan M u ham m ad Shah B ahm anl im m ediately retu rn ed to G u lb arg a, p roclaim ed the b a n on sale o f liquor, enforced S h a ifa h as the law o f the lan d an d m ad e energetic efforts to root out theft, b u rg lary and robbery. T h e S u lta n took about six m onths in com pleting his reform s but, in the m eantim e, h e kept corres ponding w ith Sheikh Z ain u d -d ln a n d seeking his advice about the Conduct o f his ad m in istrativ e policy.1 In oth er p arts o f th e country, too, w here th e Sheikhs o f Chishtiyah o rd e r h ad set up th e ir m onasteries, they continued to guide the rulers to keep th em on the straight an d even path 1.
Tarikh Firishta, Vol. I, pp. 560-62
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SAVIOUfeS O F ISLAMIC S P IR IT
ch alk ed o u t by th e SharV-ah. T h e fam ous Chishtiyah m onastery o f P a n d w a h in B engal was a source o f strength for the M uslim K in g d o m in th a t p a rt o f th e country. Professor K h a llq A hm ad N izam i has related , in Tarlkh Masha? ikh-i-Chisi, how the saints o f Chishtiyah o rd e r helped to re-establish M uslim rule in Bengal.1 “ N u r Q u tb —i-cA lam was” w rites P ro .N iz a m i, “ the son o f Sheikh t A la, -ul-H aq. D u rin g th e p erio d he was holding charge o f the m onastery, B engal was passing th ro u g h a political crisis. R a ja K an s, a local Z a m in d a r belonging to B hitoriah in R ajshahi district, u su rp ed th e th ro n e p f th e R a ja, a vassal o f D elhi, and trie d to d riv e aw ay im perial forces. N u r Q utb - i- cA lam estab lished contact w ith S ultan Ib rS h lm S h arq i, as well as m ade efforts th ro u g h S aiyid A sh raf J a h a n g ir S am nanl to persuade the S u ltan to in v ad e Bengal. T h e collection o f letters w ritten by S aiyid A sh ra f J a h a n g ir S am n an l giving the details o f th e then political situation obtaining in Bengal are particularly instruc tive. T h e le tte r w ritten by Saiyid A sh raf J a h a n g ir S am nanl in reply to th e com m unication sent by N u r Q u tb —i-^Alam sheds considerable light upon the efforts m ad e by the su fi saints o f B engal.” 2 H ere w e have given but a few exam ples to illustrate the p a th o f m ysticism tro d d e n hy th e saints o f Chishtiyah o rd er w hich d id not m ean m erely a w ith d raw al from the w orld for penance a n d p ra y e r a n d purification o f th e ir souls but also burdened them w ith th e d u ty o f diffusing righteousness, speaking out the tru th in th e face o f au to craft a n d ty ran t rulers, putting th eir lives a t stake to check grossness an d , above all, keeping the m asses as w ell as the ruling elite on the rig h t p ath. The Preaching o f Islam
F ro m th e very first day the sufi sheikhs o f Chisliyah o rd e r entered In d ia they rem ain ed itin eran t preachers o f Islam . T h e
1.
For fu ller details see Riyaz-us-Salatin {Tarikh Bengalah) by Ghul&m H usain Salim .
2.
Tarikh Masha?ikh-i-Chisht, pp. 201-202
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accessions to Islam th ro u g h K h w aja M ocIn u d d in C hishtl w ere quite num erous. Ju s t how m uch was th e success achieved by him can never be m easured in the absence o f records kept by his contem poraries. I t is, how ever, an established fact th a t the spread o f Islam in In d ia was the fru it o f th e K h w a ja ’s piety and religious zeal. A larg e n u m b er o f people w ere attracted a n d inspired by th e sp iritual pow er an d divinely endow ed popularity enjoyed by th e K h w aja. In d ia has alw ays h ad quite a num b er o f w andering m endicants who h a d developed occult pow ers w ith th e help H ad not the condescending favour o f God been conferred on m an on th e day he was created, he would not have been accosted w ith salutation a t His first m eeting.”3 Many the Confidant o f Divine Secrets
But, why has m an been allow ed to occupy th e most distin guished place o f honour ? T h e reply given by M akhdum to this question i s : “ O f all the beings inhabiting eighteen thousand w orlds created by G od, none was bestowed an am bition higher th a n th a t o f m a n ; no other being was told : ‘I have fashioned him an d breathed into him o f M y s p irit;’* no apostle was raised
1. 2. 3. 4.
50th letter f t . X X X V I: 58 51*t letter Q , X X X V III: 72
320
SAVIOURS O F ULAM IC SPIR IT
------------------------ ---------i - a e from am ongst any other c re a tu re ; n o r a book conferred on o n e : ' !O n o r yet God sent H is salutation on any one o f them . I t was m an alone whose ard en t love m ade the pangs o f separation unbearable for h im a n d th a t is why his heart was allowed to subsist by the,'1 Essence o f D ivine Beauty in this w orld and £ > • ’ 1 perm itted to behold H im in the next. M an has nothing d earer to his h eart th a n the love o f God in this w orld and no other longing th a n fo w j t n ^ H is ra d ia n t countenance unveiled in tlie • 'it /. • • w orld to come. 'Khiaiis the lesson m an has learnt from the Q u ran ic v e rs e : ‘T h e eye turned not aside nor yet was over bold.’1 ” * M an, Superior to Angels
“ I t was assuredly m uch too precious,” writes M akhdam , “ th a t m ad e the angels prostrate before m an—the creature envied by the heavens. H ow soever ignoble and earth-born a m an m ay appear to be, he is so holy an d consecrated in his essential natu re th a t neither the celestial intelligence nor hum an reason is capable o f plum bing b is secrets. W hen the lustre o f his true being radiates, the angels a re bew ildered and the heavens dum foun d ed . H e is m odest an d meek yet others are terror-sm itten w ith his awe. I f thy essence, th e angels w ere to behold ; P rostrating w ould they arriv e a t T h y threshold.” 3 The Cognizant Heart
M akhdOm m aintains th a t the value, excellence and super iority o f m an springs from his heart which is the abode o f invaluable w ealth bestowed on him . In a letter he w rote o f the hum an h e a r t : “ T h e L o rd created the em pyrean and com m itted it to the care o f heavenly h o sts ; fashioned the paradise and appointed
1. Q,. L I I I : 17 ?. 53rd letter 3. 58th letter
DIGNITY OF MAN
321
Rizwfin1 to guard it; m ade the hell and deputed Malik* to k e e p w atch over i t ; but when H e chiselled the h eart of the believer, H e cam e out with the an n o u n cem en t: ‘his heart is between the two fingers o f the M ost M erciful.” 3 H ere is another letter w ritten by M akhdum Yahya M aneri throw ing light on the w orth o f this ad m irab le gift o f God. “ H ad there been anything m ore worthy and precious than the h eart o f m an, then God would have assuredly laid the jew el o f H is gnosis in that. A T rad itio n o f the Prophet speaking of G od’s will says : ‘N either M y heavens can contain M e nor My e arth ; but if anyw here there isro o m for M e, it is the heart o f a believer;’ H eavens a re unable to store up the perfection o f D ivine knowledge and the earth is incapable o f bearing its b u rd e n . T hus, the heart o f the believer can alone bear this heavy charge. A stud could c a rry a m an like Rttstarn but when the sun o f D ivine R ad ian ce shines over a m ountain, th an which there is nothing m ore massive an d Solidly pitched in the earth , ‘it comes crashing dow n’* below. But this very sun o f eternal Beauty shines day in and day out on the heart o f the believer who raps out the cry : “ Is there any m ore to com e1' and greedily seeks . still m ore o f it, to quench his unqcenchable th irst.” 0 T h e B ro k e n -H e a rte d W hatever is broken into pieces becomes valueless, but a dis consolate and broken h eart is th e only exception ; for, it becomes m ore precious in the eyes o f its C reator. M akhdum expounds this tru th in these words : “ A h b rother, breakage renders everything w oithless but a h eart becomes m ore valuable if it is m ore m elancholy and broken. Moses once w hispered : ‘W here should I seek T h ee.’ 1 2 3 4. 5. 6.
Name of the angel guarding the Paradise • Angel guarding the Hell 43rd letter Q . V I I : 143 Q . L :3 0 Q . 38th letter
322
SAVIOURS O F ISLAMIC SPIRMF
‘W ith those.’ cam e th e reply, ‘whose hearts a re ren t for rrrf sake.’ :■:» ";r Realm o f Love
' ■'f
T he most precious w ealth a heart possesses is love—a love th a t encompasses all the spheres and states and whose authority extends over this w orld as m uch as over the next. MakhdOm vividly describes how love signifies thfe highest reach o f m ankind. ' rl “ Love e'nwraps the en tire d u ratio n o f tim e, the past, pre sent and future. I t encircles the first and the last, whence an d whither:. A gnostic has said th at this w orld as well as. the world beyond are for preferring a dem and. I f some one asserts th a t the other w orld is not m eant for dem anding he is abso lutely wrong. C ertainly there would not be fasting a n d prayer in the w orld to come b u t one would beseach G od for things still higher an d nobler. O n the D ay o f Judgem ent the Law will be abrogated, no doubt, but, th e two things—Love for G od and Praise o f God—shall ever rem ain .” 2
1. 6th letter 2. 46th letter
IX Intuitive. Insight : T he letters o f Sheikh S h a ra f ud-d in Y ahya M aneri shed light on some of the m ost in tricate problem s and highest m ani festations o f in tu itiv erelig io u s perception experienced by*highly evolved and elevated, sensitive a n d self-conscious souls; T h e gnostic im agery and mystical tru th s vivid ly d escrib ed a t different places and in different contexts in; these letters b ear an eloquent testim ony to the h igher plane o f consciousness attained by M ak hdum th ro u g h prayer an d ' penance - a n d his researches into the in ner content o f religious experience as also his endeavour to com bine speculative reason w ith th e intuitive experience. These indescribabletruths given form s o f expression by M akhdum so enchant and evoke rapturous joy as a few poetical com posi tions or'elegan tly w ritten tracts can claim to produce; Unity of Manifestation
T he w ritings o f M akhdum contain certain concepts and doctrines w hich a re generally believed to have been articulated a few centuries after him . O ne such m ystical doctrine know n as U nity o f M anifestation ( Wahdat-us-Shahvd), was propagated in th e eleventh century o f th e Islam ic e ra by M ujaddid A lf T h a n I to contradict the then prev alen t concept o f U nity o f Being ( Wahdoiu! WojUd) It is tru e th a t M u ja d d id A lf T h am was par txctlhtice the greatest exponent o f th e doctrine o f the U nity o f M anifestation but one is surprised to see th a t M akhdGm Y ahya
324
SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIR IT
M an erl, too, had clearly delineated the fundam ental position o f this concept about fwo an d a h a lf centuries before it was revived by th e M u jad d id M akhdum has explicitly stated in his letters, in the light o f his personal religious experiences and intuitive knowledge, th a t w hat was commonly known by U nity o f Being o r annihilation o f every created being in the D ivine Essence was really no m ore than a state o f eclipse o f other beings and objects in the presence o f D ivine light exactly in the same way as the dim light of the stars is deprived of its brilliance before the lum inuous lam p o f sun; H e succinctly describes the process by pointing out th at the extinction o f any object is altogether different from its becom ing invisible. H e explains th a t the tenuity and evasiveness o f the im m anentist feeling deludes m any an elevated soul in the ecstatic state of D ivine effulgence unless grace o f G od and guidance o f a n illum inated' teacher give shoulder to lead h im on the right path. “ T h e effulgence o f D iv in e Essence is so m anifested before the traveller o f spirit th a t its rad ian ce blots out every other object an d being from his view. T h e tiny particles o f dust a re p u t out o f sight in th e light o f the sun but it does not m ean th at these particles becom e extinct o r g et absorbed in the sun. W hat it actually m eans is th a t these m inute atom s cover up th eir faces in sham e before th e lum inuous lam p o f heaven. M an never becomes God for God is E xalted, G lorious .and G reat. N or is ever a created being sw allow ed up, incorporated o r united w ith the D ivine Essence. Becoming extinct is quite different from being invisible. A gnostic poet has lent articulation to this tru th in these words. F o r the E tern al O ne nothing is old o r n e w ; All others are insignificant, H e is th at H e is. “ W hen you look into a m irro r, you get absorbed in the reflection o f your own self a n d forget the m irro r : then you do not a v e r th a t the m irro r has becom e extinct o r th a t it has turned into your reflection o r th a t your reflection has m elted into m irro r. T his is the substance o f annihilation in Divine Oneness w hich m anifests itself in a like m anner
N TU ITIV E INSIGHT
325
H e talks funny who speaks o f it, but does not know T o set a lim it between one’s annihilation and H is refulgent glow. “ T his is the tenuous path w here m any have slipped. No trav eller o f spirit can forge ahead unless the grace o f God and the guidance o f an elevated m entor, who h a d him self w aded through the billows’ rage o f this furrow ed sea, help him to find out his w ay.” 1 Transformation of Attributes Alone
H ere it m ight be contended th a t a lam p brought before the sun loses its lustre so completely th a t its existence becomes m erely illu so ry ; for, nothing can be existent and nonexistent both at one and the same tim e. M akhdOm says that such a contention is not correct'because the transform ation undergone by the lam p is o f attrib u te and not o f essence. H e writes in a le tte r: “ Some say th a t when the sun shines the lam p practically loses its entity : the sun is then the only, reality that exists. W hat is th e use o f a lam p, they say, w hich melts into nought, for its entity and light rest on an even-keel. I f anybody con tends th a t th e existence and non-existence a re each o th e r’s a n ti thesis an d the tw o cannot be found at one and the same tim e, then he ought to know th a t we a re talking about the attributes and n o t about the essence. T h e essence does not undergo a change but the attrib u te does. T h e sun .■•hiries over a stream and w arm s its w ater. Its quality is changed but not its n a tu r e ; the rays o f sun act on the attrib u te an d not on the essence. T h ere is no contradiction a t a ll in it.” 2 Upward Ascent of Spirit
T h e spiritual ascent o f those who have attained the pinnacle rem ains, quite often, hidden from th eir com panions and friends. 1.
1sl letler
2.
Ntith le tte r
326
SAVIOURS O F ISLAMIC SPI!
T h e prophets o f G od an d such >o f the illum inated souls w h# have reached th e stage o f A cquaintance, are gifted with courage, endurance and a soaring am bition. They neither w hirl nof shout, n o r yet they work m iracles or lay a claim to it. They always try to conceal th e ir attainm ents from the public gaze. M akhdum writes in a letter th a t th e higher is this upw ard, progress o f spirit, th e less it is noticed by the people around tR* mystic. “ T h e faster the speed, the m ore its movement becomes im perceptible. D on’t you see th a t when the stone o f the wind*, m ill gains speed, it appears th a t th e m ill is not w orking. Some* body asked Ju n a id B a g h d a d !: ‘W hy don’t you stir during the m usical recitatio n s?’ In reply lie recited the verse from th e Q u r ’ an : ‘And (O M an ), th o u shalt see th e m ountains, which thou thinkest a re fixed firm ly, shall float (in the air) even as clouds.’1 Y ou cannot see sw ift speed. W hen it goes ahead a t full speed, it cannot be seen. O ften the zephyr moves so gently th a t nobody notices its speed.” * Control o f Carnal Desires
T h e developm ent o f c h a ra c te r an d spirit, according to some, depends on com plete extinction o f carn al desires. T his, says M akhdOm , is not correct. H e holds th a t th e aim should not be to stam p out the desires o f flesh but to put bridle on them . G h azali too has explained”, in Ihydf-ul-Ulaom, th at the reform a tio n o f a m an does not req u ire com plete suppression o f vices like anger, m alice etc. but in subduing these .natural propensities and hold in g them in leash. M akhdflm ’s treatm ent o f the subject is inspiring an d creates a profound impression on the readers H e w rites in a letter : “ H e is an ignoram us an d d o tard yvho considers th a t th< Shan1oh dem ands sm othering o f th e carn al appetites an d n a tu ra ’ instincts o f m an. H e has not given thought to w hat the Prophei I .. Q . X X V II ;8B 2. 4th letter
IN TU ITIV E INSIGHT
327
said : ‘I am a m an and sometimes I get an g ry .’ Sometimes his indignation becam e ap p aren t on his face. T h a t is why God loves those who ‘con trol their w ra th ’1 and not those who do n o t possess th a t em otion a t all. H ow can th e Sharf'oh dem and extinction o f sexual d esire.w hen th e P rophet contracted nine m arriages. I f some one has lost his sex-urge, he ought to take m edical treatm ent so that this n a tu ra l instinct is restored. F o r the loving care o f one’s fam ily m em bers a n d children, anger over the enemies o f G od in fighting against them and preserva tion and propagation o f one’s race spring from the natural instincts m an possesses, even the apostles o f God have shown eagerness for these. T hy longed to have th e ir line o f progeny unbroken. T h e Sharjah only dem ands th a t these instincts should be kept u nder strict com m and o f the L aw . A h unter needs a steed an d a w ell-trained dog which go a fte r the chase on his bidding. T h e horse, if untrained, will th ro w away the rid er and the wild dog will pounce a t him . It is thus essential th at the horse an d the dog should he w elt-trained for hunting. So a re the instincts o f sex an d anger needed for capturing the rew ards o f H ereafter. But, your aids should be under your c o n tro l; for i f they gain a control over you, your ru in is inevit able. T h a t is why p rayer and penance seek to bring these under one’s com m and.” * The Idol o f Miracles
I t h as been stated elsewhere th a t the w orking o f m iracles by the saints had become so popular durin g the tim e o f M akhdum th a t it h a d come to be regarded as an indisputable evidence o f one’s piety an d sainthood. H ow ever, M akhdum m aintained th a t indulgence o f certain mystics in preternatural acts constituted a veil and signified th e ir interest in objects other th an those leading to Divine propinquity. It was also an idol, in his vjew, which req u ired to be rejected and given up 1. Q.. 111:134 2. Q,. 40th letter
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altogether, if need be, for the health of soul. “ T he working o f m iracles,” writes MakhdOm in letter, “ is nothing short o f idolatiy. T h e unbelievers w orshipping idolk deny the overlordship o f God but no sooner do they give them up and m ake a public announcem ent o f their rejection o f idols:, they turn into His friends. So is the m iraculous pow er wielded by a gnostic : his journey o f spirit gets beclouded and suspended if he is satisfied with w onder w orking ; but, if he gives it up he is elevated an d rew arded w ith nearness. As a gnostic poet has said : T h e ir gaze fixed on the heaven, the pious are ; Sm acking their, lips in the lock-up, the lovers are. His m eicy is for all, noble and laity,.good and bad, Bold and intrepid one has to be, to bear his w rath. “ This is the reason why when God bestows m iraculous powers on an elevated soul, be becomes m ore G od-fearing and hum ble. H e becomes unpretentious, meek and yielding and inculcates a g reater aw e of. G o d .” Ill-disposed Miraculous Powers
“ It is possible,” says M akhdum , “ that the secret truths revealed to certain God-m oved souls through D ivine grace or penetrating intellect or prognostication o f coming events may be denied to some m en o f G od, but that does not signify any defect in the em inence o f spiritual attainm ent o f the latter group. Defect or fault lies in deviation from the rig h t path. T h e secrets revealed to the blessed ones increase th eir faith, strengthen their virtues an d m orals and lead them to glorifica tion o f the L ord. But if such pretern atural powers are enjoyed by a m an who transgresses 1the injunctions o f the SharV-ah, then, in very tru th , they becom e the means o f lead ing him a fa r from the path of virtue. H e is then deluded and befooled for he ■begins to regard others as his inferiors and underlings. At li mes he even forsakes Islam a n d Marts d e n y i n g the lim its set by ]. oth
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God for the perm issible and prohibited, lawful an d unlaw ful. H e begins to consider recollection o f God as the only way o f His glorification and discards the way o f the Prophet, and this ultim ately leads him to infidelity and apostasy .” 1 Social Service
Explaining the m erits o f social service M akhdum writes in a letter : , “ R endering social service is highly meritorious for the seeker after tru th , for, it helps to inculcate those virtues which cannot be produced by any other form o f litany and p ray er. It deadens the love of self, expels pride an d vanity, produces modesty and humbleness, beautifies the m orals, teaches one to follow the p ath q f the Prophet an d th at o f the blessed mystics, elevates the spirit and illum inates his ego from w ithin and without. These are the ennobling gifts o f service. O nce a seer was asked : ‘How m any ways a re there to attain fellowship o f God ?.' ‘As many as the atom s this w orld contains,’ replied he, ‘bijt none m ore straight and easier th a n consoling the broken hearted . : I have attained G od th ro u g h this way an d I bid my followers to do the sam e.’ T h ere are others, too, whose devo tions to God attain a higher virtue because o f their selfless service to th eir fellow beings .” 2 Criterian for Self-purification
T h e criterion for self-purification prescribed by the mystics is sufficiently high. In fact, it is so high that one can never be sure w hether all vestiges o f self-conceit, earthly desires and sexappetite have been completely eradicated from one’s self. O ne can never confidently claim to have reached that stage o f self purification where one’s spiritual ascent takes wing unfettered by his base desires. H ow ever, in M akhdOm ’s view, a m an reaches the desired stage o f self-purification when he gives up 1.
9 6lh le tte r
2.
71 s t l e t t e r
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acting according to his ow n predilections and wishes an d begin* to pursue, in all seriousness, th e p a th chalked out by the Shar1**11 In th e letter quoted h ere M akhdum sets forth jthe essential requisites for self-purification. “ M y bro th er, th e S elf o f m an is deceitful and treacherous^, I t always boasts and brags a n d makes false claims. It always advertises th a t it has p u t a b rid le on its cravings and appetites, b u t it ought to be asked to furnish the proof o f its claim . And th e only evidence sufficing to establish its claim is th a t it does n o t take a step o f its ow n b u t acts according to the injunctions o f the L aw . I t is tru th fu l, i f it acts z&tfully on injunctions o f th e Skorit ah, b u t if it avails o f th e leave or interprets the Law to suit its longings, it is assuredly a blasted slave o f its desires. I f it is a helot o f anger, it is a dog in the g arb o f m a n ; if it is a serf o f its appetite, it is a b e a st; if it is a captive o f its despicable desires, it is a greedy h o g ; if it is enthralled by style and taste, it is effeminate. But the m an who adorns his Self w ith the com pliance o f the Shartah, puts it to test from tim e to tim e, gives the reins o f his desires in th e hands o f the L aw a n d m oulds him self in its cast, then alone can he claim to have gained control over his Self, its propensi ties an d inclinations. T o th a t end only prudent and sagacious m en, enlightened w ith the core o f tru th , bridle th eir Self with the chains o f righteousness a n d -fear o f G od .” 1
1. 96th letter
X Defence of Faith It was undoubtedly a great achievem ent o f Sheikh S h a raf ud -d ln Yahya M a n e rlth a t he guided a large num ber o f people on th e p a th o f G od, purified an d anim ated th e ir spirits, created a longing in their hearts for attain in g th e knowledge o f D ivine Being, lit the flame 6 f love-Divine in them and expounded the intricate an d subtle realities o f intuitive experience in an elegant, m oving and heart-w arm ing diction like other great reform ers and renovators o f th e faith. But this was not all. H e protected the purity o f faith as th e earlier revivalists and defenders had done, against th e antifiom ian tendencies an d pantheistic monism im ported by m isguided sSfl cults w hich eluded every effort to tie them dow n by th e classifications and definitions o f th e Sharf ah. H e also endeavoured to eradicate the influence o f B atinite an d philosophical concepts im bibed and propagated through neo-Platonist pursuits o f religious expe rience. In a country, like In d ia , Where the people d id not have a direct access to the D ivine'revelation an d the T raditions o f the Prophet, th e rapidly grow ing popularity o f th e heterodox belief and practices had sharpened th e conflict between them arid the sound and puritan ical faith o f Islam . M akhdGm’s letters refuted, in a peculiarly vivid an d direct way, this incredible confusion, m ultiplicity, an d often absurdity 6 f ideas. H e fell ba'dk on th e S crip tu re and the Sunnah and rejected all hvfellectual c6 nsthictions and intuitive subtleties which cam e in
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conflict w ith the authorised in terpretation o f the Q u r’ an and the Sunnah. He also balanced and corrected the intuitive im agination and m ystical experience o f his tim e by accommo d atin g these in the fram ew ork o f fundam ental religious attitudes. T h is was m ade possible solely because o f his own spiritual insight gained through personal ecstatic experiences and illum i nations which m ade him not only an exponent o f mysticism but also an authority on the subject whose interpretations and experiences could not be brushed aside by o ther mystics.
P rophethood and Sainthood An erra tic concept prevalent for quite a long tim e am ong th e th en mystics was th a t sainthood occupies a place m ore exalted and sublim e th an prophethood : the saints being always attracted to D ivine perfection severed all relationship w ith the w orld and sentient beings around them w hile the prophets’ mission being to p ro p ag ate an d expound the revealed tru th , the la tte r had , very often, , to rem ain in contact w ith th eir fellow beings. A nd, since, the fellowship o f Got} was a task m ore consecrated than th e fellowship of hum an beings, the saints held, a m ore elevated an d hollowed place than the prophets did. Som e other mystics, how ever, m ade a distinction between the two states o f th e prophets when they w ere absorbed in D ivine propinquity and w hen they w ere busy dissem inating the divine message am ong th eir fellow beings, an d thereby concluded th a t the prophets in th e ir form er occupation enjoyed a higher position than when tlity perform ed the function o f th eir m inistry. Even this view signified an inferior position o f the prophethood and its mission by a lig n in g a m o re exalted status to th e engrossm ent in D ivine Being, the ch ief pursuit o f the saints^ , T hus, how ever interpreted, this blasphemous proposition was derogatory to prophethood and involved im pairm ent o f th a t exalted office besides paving the way to agnostic and irreligious way o f thinking. W ith characteristic vividness and vigour o f his w ritings an d discourses, MakhdOm Y ahya M anerl
DEFENCE OF FAITH
333
set in to give the lie to th e nonconform ist belief o f the mystics and established, through his clear and logical reasoning, th at th e prophethood, in all its states and stages, was infinitely higher th an sainthood. -He dem onstrated th a t the shortest span o f prophetic existence, a single breath o f any prophet,- -was decidedly m ore blessed and sacred th an a whole life-time spent in th e state o f saintliness. T h e argum ents brought forth by M akhdum -to clinch his point were draw n m ore fr6m the higher reaches o f his ecstatic illum inations th an cold an d logical form ulations o f discursive reason. M akhdum writes in reply to a letter w herein Shams ud-dln h a d sought a clarification in re g a rd to the position o f prophethood. “ Sham s ud-dtaj my d ear brothers you ought to know th at there is a consensus o f opinion am ong all the mystics tr.eading the path o f spirituality th at the saints, in all states and stations, are subordinate to the prophets who a re always superior to the saints. W hat is incum bent on th e saints to translate into action is the guidance vouchsafed by th e ’, apostles o f G od. All the prophets are saints, but no saint can claim the honour o f being a prophet. T here is not the least difference o f opinion in this reg a rd am ong th e doctors, o f divinity bearing allegiance to, the w ay«if Ahl-USunnat Wal-Jwriefal. A sect am ong th e renegades* howevef, claim s th a t th e saints surpass the prophets on the ground th a t th e latter, are ever engrossed in effulgence s>f the T ranscendent Being w hile the prophets are busy ever and anon in the pursuit o f their mission of preaching the message o f God to the hum an beings. T hus, they argue that a m an who is totally effaced and lost in beholding the Beauty of the Lord takes precedence over one who seldom engages h is-m in d -in contem plating the presence o f G od. A nother group which venerates the saints and claims to be their followers goes even fu rth er to assert th a t th e saints a re higher-up than the prophets for the reason th a t form er a re in itiated into the divine m ysteries w hereas the latter have access only to the knowledge revealed to them . They infer from it that th e saints are acquainted with
334
SAVIOURS QF ISLAMIC S P IR IT
the secrets nbt known to the prophets. T hey avouch th a t th e saints have intuitive know ledge not possessed by the prophets. T hey d ra w th isin feren ce from the story o f Moses and K h id h r and assert th a t K h id h r was a saint and Moses a prophet* who got revelations from the L ord. T h e la tte r was unable to fathom th e secret o f any mysterious event unless a revelation descended from on H igh. But, K h id h r the saint, endow ed w ith intuitive know ledge could im m ediately plum b the secret o f every mystery in as m uch as Moses h ad to subm it him self as a disciple o f K h id h r. This, they say, clearly proves their point, for, a disciple is'always an u n derling o f th e m entor....... But one should never lose sight o f th e fact th a t all the precursors o f righteous p ath o f religion, o n whom reliance can be placed, have vehem ently protested against such sacrilegious creeds and ideas. T h ey have never accepted this profane dftctririe th a t any saint can ever excel o r even be a m atch to a prophet o f G od. As for the story o f Moses and K h id h r, the latter was granted a m om entary prim acy by virtue o f his intuitive know ledge on a p articu lar occasion w hile MoSes enjoyed an enduring param ountcy an d . as you know, abiding suprem acy cannot be overshadow ed by a passing pre-em inence. T ake M ary, for instance, who was g ran ted a tem porary ascendancy over other women because o f the b irth o f h er child w ithout being touched b y a m an, but this tem porary advantage could not eclipse the p erd u rab le superiority o f ‘ Ayesha and F atim a an d th eir illim it able suprem acy over all wom en for all tim es to come. H ark y e ! m y b rother, the. entire life spent in litanies and prayers, transports and illum inations by all the s a in ts 'o f all times shall com e short o f a step taken by a prophet. W hat the saints endeavour to achieve th ro u g h penance, and devotion, flight o f spirit an d diving into the treasure o f D ivine m ysteries; that know ledge is attain ed by th e prophets straightaw ay. T hey are charged w ith th e responsibilities o f their apostolic m inistry a fte r being illum inated by th e lam p o f sanctity and th a t is the reason w h y th e y are able to aw aken the zeal for fellowship o f God in thousands o f th e ir followers.
DEFENCE OF FA ITH
335
“ H ence, a breath o f the prophets outw eighs the entire life o f saints. T h e saints are able to cast off th e ir hum anly veil and speak o f th e secrets o f spiritual existence only a fte r attaining the highest degree o f sanctity b u f they still rem ain under the shadow o f the weaknesses hum an flesh is heir t o ; but the prophets, on the other h an d , find th e secrets o f nature unveiled before them on th e very first step o f th eir m inistry. T he last lap o f the saints is the starting point o f th e piophets o r, to be tru th fu l, even th e destination o f saints cannot com pare w ith the outstart o f th e prophets. O nce someone asked K hw aja Bayezld al-B istam l: ‘W h at do you say about the life o f the prophets'. ‘H eaven f o r b i d h e replied ‘we can never gain entrance in th eir realm .’ T h e way th e stations an d stages o f sainthood rem ain hidden from th e eyes o f uninitiated masses, the exalted reaches o f prophethood are beyond th e im aginative flight o f the saints. Prophets take to strides w hile saints s tro ll: one rides the skies w hile th e oth er creeps on th e earth . “ In clarity and purity o f spirit, virtue and sanctity the entire bodily fram e o f th e prophets is lik e th e head an d heart o f the saints, intoxicated w ith th e love o f G od. T h ere is thus a great; difference between the m en w ho have found en tran ce to th e place which, for others, is th e goal o f th eir h e art’s yearning.1” Param ouatcy of Sksri‘ sh
A nother indecorous thinking th a t h ad gained popularity am ong certain mystics t>f th e day w as th a t the established religious institution could be brushed aside by them , for, according to them , one needs to follow th e com m andm ents o f th e Shan'-ak up to a certain s ta g e ; but w hen he reaches th e stage o f A cquaintance and attain s the fellowship o f D ivine Essence, he could reject th e dem and for external conform ity to the Shartf-ah. T h e w ide diffusion o f this e rra tic idea h a d given reins to m any illiterate an d m isguided mystics w ho, acting as 1.
2 0 th l e t t e r
336
SAVIOURS O F ISLAMIC SPIRIT)
impious ministers o f evil, were spreading infidelity and irre li giousness am ong the superstitious masses. Even cet ta in educated persons had started citing the Q uranic v erse: ‘A nd worshipthy L ord until there com eth unto thee th e d eath .’ 1 to support this contention. T hey arg u ed th at the Sharfah need be follow* ed in letter an d spirit until one attains the stage o f certitude of; th e transcendental T ru th , but once one reaches th a t stage the chains o f Law fall to pieces for him . MakhdOm Yahya M anerl raised his voice in defence o f th e authentic religious view and dem onstrated th e fallacy o f th e antinom ian practitioners o f sufism. H e set forth argum ents to show th a t w hatever stage o r station m ay be attained by a trav eller o f spirit, he has to follow the rules o f th e Shari1ah to th e end o f his life’s journey, for they are never suspended o r superseded by the elevation o f spirit. ' T h e following quotation from one o f his letters will show th a t MakhdOm severely taxed those who opposed the authority o f \h e established religious institution finding expression in the laws o f th e Shari1ak. “ B rother Shams ud- I b n 1 A bdul H a d l : Al-cU q S d -u d -D u m y ah , M atbfa H ijazI, C airo (1356/1938). ■■■.«' Ib n Abi A sablah (d. 668 A. H . ) : cOyfin-al-AnbS 5 fi T abqSt-il-A tibba, A l-M atb^atul W ahbiyah (1299/ 1882). a-us-Sacad a h , Egypt (1351/1932).
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49. 50.
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Chishti, Sheikh A llah D iy S : Siar u l A q tab , N ew al K ishore Press, Lucknow (1881). M SS, N adw atul U lam a Library* W ajid *Ali Collec tion, No 54i i '< D ehlavl Sheikh cA bdul H a q M u h a d d ith ; A khbar-ttlAkhyar, M atb4a M u jta b a l5, D elhi; (1309 A.H-j) D urvesh Jam S l, Sheikh H am id bin Fazlullah j Siar-ul1 A rifin , D elhi. M SS N adw atul 'U la m a L ib rary , No, 684 F aru q i, Ib rah im Q aw w am F a rh a n g Ib rahm l F ird au si, M akhdDm Shah Sfaua'lb: M anaqib-ul-Asfia, N ur-ul-A faq Press, C alcutta F irishta, Abul Q asim Hindtx Shah : G ulzar Ib rah lm l, also known as T&rlkb F iris h ta , Bombay (1832). G anjshakar, K hw aja F a rid u d -d ln : (discourses), R&hatul-Q ulub : M ujtab ai Press, D elhi, 1309 A .H. Gesti D araz, Saiyid M u h a m m a d : (discourses) JawamM -ulK alim , S.M . A kbar H usaini (ed.) lntaz& ml Press, H yderabad. G h u lam S arw ar, M a u la n S : K h azln atu l Asfia, M atbca T ham ar-i-H in d , Lucknow (1290 A .H 0 Iq b a l, D r. Sir M uham m ad ; A srar-i-K hudl, L ahore. Im am R ab b an l, M u jad id A lf T h S n l : N asim A had F arid i (ed.), M aktQbat Im am R a b b a n l, New al K ishore Press, Lucknow (1906). J a m i, M aulana ‘A bdul R ah m an , N ufhat-ul-U ns, N ew al K ishore Press, Lucknow (1893). Jauzjan l, M inhaj u d-dln ta n Siraj u d -d ln ; T abqat-i-N aslrl, Bibliothec* In d ica Series o f A siatic Society o f Bengal, C alcutta (1864). K allm l, M olvi M uham m ad Q.aslm ( e d .) : M aktubat K alim li-N adw atul M usan n afln , D elhi (1953). M an erl, Sheikh A hm ad S h a ra f ud-dln b in Y a h y a : M aktQbat Seh Sadi, Sheikh Z a in B adr ‘ A rabl (ed.), K utub K h an a Islam , L ah*re. M al adan-ul-M a‘ an i, M atb*a Sharaf-ul-A khb5r, L ahore
348
51.
52. 53. 54.
55. 56. 57.
SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC S P IR IT #
K hw an P u r N ic arnat, M atbca A hm ad I it M ir K h u rd , Syed M u b a ra k cA lv l; Siar-ul-Auliya, D elhi (1302 A iH .) M uham m ad Fazil A k b a ra b a d i: M ukhbir-ul-W aslIn, Lucknow (1265 A .H .) R um i. M au lan a Ja la l u d-dln (d. 672/1273) M athnaw l M olvl M acanaw i, Newal K ishore Press, (1326/1908). SajazI, A m ir ‘ A la 5 H asan, F aw ai’d-ul-Fuw ad, New al K ishore Press, Lucknow. Salim , G hulam H u sa in ; R iaz-us-Salatin, Bibliotheca Indica' Series o f the Asiatic Society o f Bengal, C alcutta, (1890). Sam nanl, A sh ra f Ja h a n g ir : M aktubat A shraf Jah an g ir, M uslim U niversity M anuscript. Siraj-i-t A flf, S h a m s : T a rlk h Firoz S hahl, Asiatic Society o f Bengal, C alcutta. Y am anI, N izam ud-dln, H aji G a r tb ; L a ta i’f A shrafi, N asrat-ul-M atabe, D elhi (1295) A .H .) MSS N adw atul ‘U lam a L ibrary, No. 324 S lrat us-Saraf, Lucknow (1369) MSS N adw at-ul-‘U lam a library, No. 1742 U ^dn
58. 59. i 60. 61. 62.
G llSnl, M a u la n a M an azlr A hsan, H industan m en M uslam anon ka Nizam -i-T*allm , Vol. I I . N iz a m i: K h a h q A h m a d : T arlkh M ashaPkh-i-C hist, N ad w atu l M usannafia, D elhi (1953). Saiyid A hm ad K h an , S i r ; A thar us S anadld, D elhi (1965) Saiyed S ab ah Ud-dln cA bdur R ah m an , Bazm-i-Sufia, D aru l M usannafin, A zam garh. S u h arw ard l, Sheikh Shahab ud-dln, M isbahul H idfiyat (U rd u tran slatio n o f cA w arif-ul-M a*arif), Newal K ishore Press, Lucknow (1291/1875).
E nglish 63.
Abul H asan ‘ A h N a d w l; Saviours o f Islam ic Spirit,
BIBLIOGRAPHY
64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69.
349
Vol. I, Lucknow (1971). A rnold, T .W .; Preaching o f Islam , L ahore. C laud Field : Confessions o f A l-G hazali, L ahore. Dewick and M u rry T . T itu s ; T h e R eligious Q uest o f In d ia , O xford U nivw sity Press (1908). D istrict G azetteer o f A jm er, 1966. Im p erial G azetteer o f In d ia , V ol. X X and X X I, O xford (1908). N icholson, R eynold A . : T h e M ath n aw i o f J a la l ud-dln R fim l, L ondon (1926-27). Secrets o f th e Self, L ah o re (1944).
Chronological Table A.H.
A.D.
93
712
136-158 198-218 208 339 409/411 416 421 428 5.3.8 563
753-774 813-833 824 950 1017/1020 1025 1030 1037 1143 1168
569
1173
571-588 571-602
1175-1192 1175-1205
584
1188
586-87
1190-91
588
1192
595 602
s 1198 ! 1206
Events and Personalities
M uham m ad ibn Q asim T aq affi captured Sind R eig n o f C aliph M ansur R eign o f C aliph A l-M am un Saiyida N aflsa (d.) Abu N asr A l-F arabi (d.) K hw aja A bu M uham m ad C hishtI (d.) S ultan M ah m u d attacked S om nath S ultan M uhmQd o f G hazni (d.) AbO ‘A il S in a (d.) M uham m ad Ja ru lla h Z am akhsharl (d.) K hw S ja Zia? u d -d ln Abul N ajlb ‘ A bdul Q a d ir F irdausi B irth o f K hw aja F a rid ud-dln B akhtiyar K aki R eign o f Prithviraj Chauhati Expeditions o f Shahab ud-dln M u h am m ad G ori against In d ia K h w aja F a rid ud-din meets K hw aja Q u tu b ud-din S hahab ud-dln M uham m ad G hori de feated by P rithviraj P rithviraj defeated by M uh am m ad GhorJ Ib n R ushd (d.) S h a h a b ud-dln M uham m ad G h o ri (d.)
352
SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC -S P IR IT
E\
A.H.
A.D.
606
1209
10 th Ja m a d a ul-tJla
27th K hw aja N ajm ud-dln K u b ra (d.) Septem ber 1213
610 627 632 633
1230 1235 1236
636 638 647 647 650 652 655 657
1239 1240 1249 1249 1252 1254 1257 1259
658 658 661
1260 1260 1263
10 th R abi-ulAwwal, 661
22 nd J a n u a ry 1263
5th 17th M u h a rra m O ctober, 664 1265 672 677 678-689 682
1273 1278 1279-1290 1283
683
1284
id personalities
M ongol’s attack on In d ia repulsed
K hw aja M o 'in ud-dln C hishtl (d.) Ib n A l-Fariz (d.) K hw aja Q u tb ud-dln Bakhtiyar K aki (d.) B irth o f K hw Sja N izam ud-dln Auliya M uhJ u d -d ln Ibn ‘ A rabl (d.) A l-M alik al-Salah AyyQb (d.) cIzz u d -d ln Aibeck ascends the throne H asan ibn M uham m ad As-Saghanl (d.) A bul Barkat M ajd u d -dln ibii T aim iyah (d.) NOr ud-dln cAli ascends the throne S a if u d -d ln K atz deposes Nfir ud-dln ‘ All S a if ud-dln K atz slain R ukn u d-dln Baibers ascends the throne B irth o f Sheikh S h a ra f ud-dln Y ahya M aneri B irth o f Ib n T aim iyah
K hw aja F arid ud-dln (d.)
N aslr ud-dln Tflsi (d.)
Saiyid Qutb ud.dln M adnl (d.) Reign of Al-Malik al-N4sir Qalawoon Shahab ud-dln ‘Abdul Halim Ibn Taimiyah (d.) Ibn Taimiyah’s first speech
353
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE
A.HL
A .D .
684 690
1285 1291
691 692 694 696 697 698 699
1292 1293 1295 1297 1298 1299 1300
E vents and p erso n a lities Sheikh K am al u d -d ln Z ahid (d.) Sheikh Y ahya M aneri, father of M akhdQm ul-M ulk (d.) Sheikh N ajib u d -d ln F irdausi (d.) Ib n T aim iy ah goes for Haj Conversion o f G hazan to Islam M ongol hordes Inv ad e In d ia L an d R eform s by H osam ud-dln L aieer T u m u lt kicked u p against Ib n T aim iyah E gyptian forces com e to a id o f D am ascus
Battle betw een al-M alik al-N asir 24th 27th R abi-ul- D ecem ber, M uh am m ad ibn Q alaw oon and G azan Aw w al 699 1299 3rd R abi-ulT h an i, 699
28th D ecem ber, 1299
D am ascus em issaries m eet G hazan
699
1299
Ib n T aim iy ah joins Aqoosh A l-A fram in his expedition against heretics
700
1300
T a q l ud-din Ib n D aq iq ul-cId meets Ib n T aim iy ah
20 th R am ad h S n , April, 1303 702
2 nd
Second b attle o f Sultan al-M alik alN asir w ith T a rta rs
704
1305
A l-M ujahid Ib ra h im ibn Q a tta n pro duced before Ib n T aim iyah
Z il H ijja, 704
J« iy , 1305
Second sects
25th M u h a rra m , Ju ly , 1305 705 2 nd
expedition
against
heretical
T h ird expedition against heretical sects
27th 9th C om plaint lodged by R a fa 'iy ah s against Ja m a d a -u l N ovem ber, Ib n T aim iyah 1305 U2S 705
SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT
354
A.H.
A.D.
2 1 st 5th R am ad h an M arch, 1306 705 2 2 nd 7th R am a d h a n , A pril, 705 1306 3rd 30th R a m a d h a n , A pril, 1307 706 15th 14th August, S afar, 1307 707 22 nd 23rd Septem ber, R a b i ul1307 Awwal, 707 July, Safar, 1309 709 16th 13th Shat abSn, Jan u ary , 1310 709 8 th 7th Z il Q a cad a , A pril, 1310 709 16th 4th N ovem ber, R ajab , 1311 711 1312 712
February, Shaw w l, 1313 712 7th 5th M ay, R abi-ulA w w al, 718 1318
Events and personalities
Ib n T aim iy ah summoned to Egypt
Ib n T aim iyah reached Egypt
Ib n T aim iyah offered to be released from ja il Q azI B adr ud-dln J a m a 'a h meets Ibn T aim iy ah in ja il A m ir H osam ud-dln M ohanna ibn ‘Isa 5 takes out Ib n T aim iyah from jail
Ib n T aim iy ah ’s internm ent in A lexandria N aslr ibn Q_alawoon captured D amascus
Baibers A l-Jashanghir executed
Ib n T aim iyah m anhandled by riff-raffs
R oyal edicts issued on the advice o f Ib n T aim iyah R eports o f T a rta r invasion Ib n T aim iyah forbidden to give juristic opinion on divorce
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE
A.H.
A.O.
355
Events and personalities
10th 9th Ib n T aim iy ah released from preventive M u h a rra m , F eb ru ary , detention721 1321 721
1321
Q u tu b U d -d ln M ub arak S h ah killed by KhusrO K h S n
721-24 721-26
1321-24 1321-26
C onstruction o f M akhdflm ’s m onastery Ib n T aim iy ah devotes his tim e to teaching
20 th
Z ilhijia, 724
8 th W arrants o f vicegerency D ecem ber, K hw aja Nifcam ud-din 1324
725
1323
S ultan M uham m ad T u g h laq ascends the throne
18th R a b i ulA khir, 725
3rd A p ril, 1325
K hw aja N ieam u d -d ln (d.)
signed
by
7th 9th Shal a b a n , J u iy» 726 1326
Ibn T a im iy a h placed und er detention
9 th Ja m a d a ul-A khra, 728
2 1 st
W riting m aterial tak en aw ay from Ib n T aim iyah
22 nd ZilQ a*ada, 728
28th Ib n T aim iy ah (d.) Septem ber, 1328
734 752 759-776 767
1333 1351 1358-1375 1366
780
1378
A pril, 1328
Ibn Saiyid-in-N Ss (d.) Sultan M o h am m ad T u g h la q ( d ) Sultan M uh am m ad Shuh B ahm anl Sultan M u h am m ad S h 5 h B ahm anl entered D au latab ad Saiyid ‘ All H a m a d a n l’s arriv al in K ashm ir
SAVIOURS O F ISLAMIC SPIR IT
356
A.H .
A.D.
E vents and pewwm aliti**
10 th Shaw w al . Ju n e, 782 1380
Sheikh S a ra f ud-dln Y ah y a M an eri (d.)
786 786 791 801 808 809 820 825 849 874 986 1003 1034 1047 1052
1384 1384 1389 1399 1406 1406 1417 1422 1445 146? 1578 1595 1624 1637 1642
1085 1161
1673 1747
A m ir Syed ‘ All H am adanI (d.) M aulSnS F a rid u d -d ln 1 A lam (d.) Q a z I cA bdul M u q ta d ir K in d i (d.) Sheikh Z ara u d-dln (d.) Ib n K haldfln (d.) M au lan a K hw Sjgl o f D elhi (d.) Sheikh A hm ad o f T han esar (d.) Saiyid M uham m ad GesQ D araz (d.) Sheikh S hahab ud-dln bin *Uma*-(d*) M u h am m ad ib n Q u tb (d.) M uham m ad T a h ir Patni (d.) Sheikh YaqQb S h a ra fl (d.) Sheikh A hm ad S rahindi (d.) M a u la n a ja m a l ul-A ulia C hishti (d.) Sheikh ‘ A bdul H a q M u h ad d ith D ehlavi (d.) Shah P lr M uham m ad o f Lucknow (d.) M u lla N izam u d -d ln (d.)
6 th
Glossary of the Arabic and Persian Terms
A hl-i-Suonat W at Jam afat —A te rm generally applied to a sect o f M uslim s who acknow ledge, in ad d itio n to th e Q u r ’an, the Sunnah o r p a th o f the Prophet to be th e correct version o f Islam . T h e Sunnis i. e. one o f th e p ath , em brace by fa r the g re ater portion o f th e Islam ic w orld. T hey believe th e f ir s t fo u r C aliphs to have been rig h tfu l successors o f the P rophet an d belong to one o f th e four schools o f jurisprudence founded by Im Sm AbO H an ifa, i m i a i ash-Shafe*!, Im am M alik o r Im S m A hm ad ib n H anbal. See Sunnis. A llali-O -A k liar —Lit. ‘G od is g re a t.’ A n ejaculation w hich is called Takbir. Ito c c u rs fre q u e n tly in th e litui^fcal form o f w orship an d Mauds f o r th e d eclaratio n o f God-s absolute overlordship over th e w orld. A sh 'arite —A sect form ed by A bul H asan *All ibn Ism aftt al-Ashca rI, b o rn 206 A. H . (873-74 A. D .) A shlar it es h o ld th a t th e attributes o f G od a re d istinct from His essence, yet in subh a w ay as to forbid any com parison betw een G od and H is creations. A sh'arites trav erse th e m ain positions o f the M uctazilites, denying th a t tn a n c a n b y his reason atone, rise to the know ledge o f good a n d evil. T h ey ad o p t th e m iddle course betw een th e M u*tazilites an d th e H anbalites. U nlike the form er they n eith er accept th e claim o f reason to be com pletely free to d iscern m etaphysical realities and deliver its verdict ab o u t th e content a n d n a tu re , attrib u tes a n d Character istics o f th e Suprem e R eality n o r do they agree w ith the H anbalites w ho reject th e claim o f reason to have any say in expounding th e revealed T ru th .
358
SAVIOURS O F ISLAMIC S P IR IT
*A sr—T h e tim e for obligatory prayer offered m idw ay when, th e sun has begun to decline an d sunset. A s s a s s i n s —C orru p tio n o f hailshijah o r haslsh-eater. A sect o f the Batinites who undertook to kill treacherously their enemies. A y a h —Lit. “ a sign o r m iracle.” T he term is also used for one o f the sm aller p ortions o f the ch apter o f the Q u r’an o r a verse. B a ci t —O a th o f allegiance taken by ihe people for rem ain ing faithful to th e h ead o f a M uslim State o r any o th er person acknow ledged as spiritu al guide. , , B a tin ite (or Balinxyah). Lit. ‘inner, esoteric.’ They m aintained th a t only a symbolic interpretation w ith gradual initiatio n by an illum inated teacher could reveal the real m eaning o f the Q u r’an . T h e w ord, they claim ed, was like a veil, h iding the deep occult m eaning never attainable to those clinging to literal explanation* Being a Shica ite theological school o f thought, they also upheld the doctrine o f «/» where he is supposed to receive a n inspiration o r illum ination o f the tru e nature o f G odhead, th at is to a rriv e at th e ‘T ru th ’. H lflbat-n llalt —Lit. the ‘P arty o f A llah’ ‘M —A com m on nam e fo r Id-ul-Pitr, the festival o f fastbreaking a t th e end o f th e m onth o f R am ad h an an d Id-ul~Adha o r the feast o f sacrifice celebrated on the tenth day o f Zil-H ijja. I f t ir —Lit. ‘B reaking’ o f fast in the evening after sunset. Ijm ca —Lit. ‘Collecting’ o r ‘assem bling’. In Islam ic jurisp ru d en ce Ijmla expresses the unanim ous consent o r con sensus o f the m en o f learning an d piety over any ju ristic issue. Im am — Lit. ‘O ne w ho leads’ i. e. a norm al guide o r a m odel. I t com m only denotes in tlie Sunnite creed the lead er o f the congregation in p ray er who should be conversant with the ritu a l. T h e term is also applied to one learned a n d pious and capable o f m aking logical deductions on a legal o r theological question. In the Shi* a h d octrine, how ever, the te rm covers an entirely different notion. T o them the /mam is th e faultless an d infallible lead er, an offspring o f ‘ All, to whoxii spiritual leader ship is supposed to have been passed o n from the Prophet th ro u g h his son-in-law and th e fourth C aliph eAli. I m i m a t —T h e office o f Iniam. Im am Bara —A b u ild in g in w hich the festival o f Muharram is celebrated by th e Shi‘ ahs to com m em orate the m artyrdom o f H usain, son o f C aliph ‘ All. cI « h a ’—T he tim e for th e last o f the daily obligatory prayers, p erform ed w hen the nig h t has closed in.
GLOSSARY O F T H E A RA BIC AND PERSIAN TERMS
361
I s h r a q —A voluntary p ray er perform ed w hen th e sun has w ell risen. Ism acilite s —o r Ismaciliyah. Also called seveners (Sabaijah), they form ed the group o f extrem ist Shicahs originating from a schism w hich took place in th e Shica h com m unity tow ards th e end o f th e eighth century about th e question o f the succession o f the seventh Imam Ism a 'll. T h e sixth fmSm, J a ca far al-Sadiq, h ad disinheritd Ism acll in favour o f his younger son M usa al-K azim but a faction o f th e S h ia h s rem ained faithful to Ism a 'll. L ater, the Ism a(llites proved th e ir vitality u n d e r such different aspects as th e terrorism o f Q arm atians sectaries, the caliphate o f th e F&timides, th e B rethren o f Purity and the once so d re a d e d Assassins (also see Batinites). Jih ad —L it. a n effort o r striving. A religious w ar w ith those unbelievers who attack the M uslim s o r a re inim ical to them . I t is a n incum bent religious duty, established in the Q u r‘an a n d th e T rad itio n s as a div in e institution, an d enjoined specially for th e defence o f a M uslim land an d repelling evil from th e M uslims. J iz y a h —T h e capitation tax Realized from th e non*Musllm subjects in lieu o f protection afforded to them by a M uslim State. Such non-M uslim subjects, called sim m is, a re exem pted from m ilitary duty in defence o f th e realm b u t enjoy full citizenship rights like other M uslim s, w ho, besides paying Z flkat, not levied on non-M uslim s, are also liable to be d rafted for dative service. K M lafat N am ah —T h e w a rra n t o f vicegerency conferred by a s$fl saint on his disciple w ho is thus allow ed to preach an d a d m it others in th e m ystical o rd e r o f his m entor. K h w S r lj—A sect w hich denied th e authority o f the C aliphs a n d believed th a t commission o f a m ajo r sin condem ned one to eternal torm ent in th e H ell. T h ey seceded from th e arm ed forces o f C aliph ‘A ll after th e w ar o f Siffln m 13 A. H . as a protest against th e appointm ent o f arb itrato rs to decide th e issue o f caliph ate betw een ‘ All and M u‘ aw iyah. M a d a m — An educational institution, specially for
362
SAVIOURS OF ISI.AM1C SPIRI;|
teaching o f religious sciences. M aghrib —Lit. west. T h e tim e for obligatory prayer offered ju s t after the sunset. M a x n lu k —Lit. ‘Slave’, the designation o f the im ported T u rk slaves serving in, the arm y. Mcarifat —M cori f ah o r D ivine gnosis is a stage in the mystic journey o f spirit w herein the sufl, after-occupying him self w ith contem plation and investigations concerning the nature, attrib u te and works o f G od, attains the ‘knowledge’ o f these. Maulana —Lit. ‘a lord o r m aster’. A term generally used for a learned m an. M n’azzin —O ne who gives the call to prayer. M ustaufi-ni-Mamalik —T he A ccountant G eneral o f the realm . M u'tazilites —o r Mu'-lazdah. Lit. ‘T he Separatists’. A school o f thought founded by W asil ibn ‘A ta5, who separated from the school o f H asan al-Basrl. T h e chief tenets o f the school w ere : ( 1 ) T hey rejected all eternal attributes, o f God saying th a t eternity is the proper or form al attribute o f His essence; th a t God knows by His essence, and not by His know ledge ; th a t to affirm these attn b u tes ijs the sam e thing as to m ake m ore eternals th a n one ; an d th at the U nity o f God is inconsistent jwith such an opinion. (2) T hey believed the word o f G od (Q u r’an) to have been created, and w hatever vwas created was also an accident, and liable to perish. (3) T hey held th a t if any M uslim is guilty o f grievous sin, and dies w ith out repentence, he will be eternally dam ned. (4) T hey also denied th e vision o f God i n Paradise by the corporeal eyevand rejected all comparisons or, sim ilitudes applied to God. . D uring th e re ig n ^o f.th e ‘A bbasid C aliphs al-]^I|iji,un (8138 33),. al-M uct ^ i m ^833-842} nl-W ath\q (842-847) the M uctazilah were in high favour. , Naqsbbandiyab— T h e jn y s tic pr.der founded by K hw aja P ir M uham m ad iNaqsht^nci (d. 719/1319). T hey usually perform ^ikr-i-K a ft or sil.eist devotions by. way o f the rem em b rance o f God.
GLOSSARY O F T H E ARABIC AND PERSIAN TERMS
363
N iz a m iy a li—T h e o rd e r o f mysticism followed by the disciples and,follow ers p f Khv^sya N izam ud-din A ulia9. N u s a y r l s - Also Nusajri. A sect o f the Shilahs founded by Ib n N usair (d. 873 A. D.)> a follower and em issary o f the eleventh Shicaite Im am al-H asan al-£Askari. T hey lived in J a b l N usairiyah an d num bered about 2,50,000. P i r —Lit. ‘A n eld er’. T h e term denotes a spiritual leader. Q ,a d ir iy a h —T h e Qjtdiriyah o rd e r o f mysticism sprang up from the celebrated Saiyid A bdul Q a d ir Jil&nl (1 0 5 8 -llli) w hose shrine is in B aghdad. Q ,a r i—O ne who reads the Q jir’an correctly and is acquainted with the science o f pronouncing the w ords o f the scripture faultlessly. Q a ? i —Sometimes w ritten as C adi. A Ju d g e o r adm inis tra to r o f law appointed by the ru le r o f a M uslim State. Q ib ia h —T h e direction in w hich M uslim s offer prayer. Q iy a g —T h e analogical reasoning o f the learned w ith re g ard to the teaching o f the Q u r ’an, Had'ith an d IjnuP. T he essential conditions f o r such an analogical reasoning a re th a t ( 1 ) the precept or practice upon w hich it is founded should be o f com m on an d not o f special application, ( 2 ) the cause o f the injunction should be known and understood, (3) the decision m ust be based upon either th e Q ur^an, th e Hadltk, or th e IjndP an d (4) th e decision arriv ed a t m ust not be contrary to anything expressly enjoined elsewhere ip the Q u r’an and the Hadith. R a f iz f —Lit, ‘A forsaker’. Synonymous w ith Rafizfth. A term used for a body o f soldiers, belonging to a sect o f Sliicahs, w ho jo in ed Z aid , the son o f lA ll ibn H usain. T hey dem anded th a t Zaid. should abuse AbQ B akr a n d 'U m a r , the first tw o Caliphs, but on his refusal to d o so, they left him to th e m ercy o f H ajjaj ibn Yusuf. Z aid fought bravely w ith the handful p f his rem aining com panions who all fell a g a in s t. the vastly superior enemy. R a k ca t — (PI. Rakcah). A u n it o f p ray er consisting o f one genuflection an d tw o prostrations.
364
SAVIOURS O F ISLAMIC SPIR IT
R a fi'iy a h — A mystic o rd e r founded by S aiyid'A hm ad b in 4All bin Y ahya ar-R afa1! al-H asnl A bdul * AbbSs (512*578 A H ./1 118*1182 A. D .) in Ira q . A uthor o f a num ber o f books, Saiyid A hm ad ar-R afa1! is reported to have one hundred eighty thousand disciples. T h e dom inant feature o f the o rd er was em phasis on service o f hum anity, self effacement, gracious b ehaviour an d severe m oral an d spiritual discipline. L ater on, how ever, an extrem ist group o f his followers took to w onder w orking an d developed antinom ian tendencies. S a b cI n i y a h —A pantheistic sect o f sufis who believed th at everything is G od, and o f the same essence. Sadr-i-Jabuni—T h e officer charged w ith the responsibility o f enforcing Islam ic rules and regulations and disbursing stipends to M uslim divines, scholars an d m en o f piety. Sahihaio —Consists o f the two books o f T raditions consi d ered to be th e most correct books. J. Bunhari o f M uham m ad Ism a 'il al B ukhati (d. 256 A.H.).' 2. Muslim o f M uslim ibn al-H ajjaj (d. 261 A. H .) . S a h Q r—T h e m eal w hich is taken before daw n while keeping fast. S h a f e 'it e s —followers o f one o f the four juristic schools o f orthodox Islam . T h e founder o f this school was Im am M uham m ad ibn Id ris as Shafe*!, who Was b o m at A sqalon in Palestine (95/714). *The Shafe^ites are found In South In d ia and Egypt. S h a r 'i a h — Lit ‘T h e w ay’. T h e law, including *b6 th the teachings o f th e O u tra n an d the T raditions o f the Prophet. It has been .defined as ‘the “way o r ro ad in the religion o f M u h am m ad , w hich G od has established for the guidance o f H is people, both for th e w orship o f God and for the duties o f life'. S h e ik h —A title accorded to the venerable doctors o f religion. It is used in addressing theological scholars and divines who have acq u ired a certain spiritual prom inence, w ithout necessarily hold in g a religious office.
GLOSSARY O P T H E ARABIC AND PERSIAN TERMS
365
S h e i k h 's l - I d a m ^ 'T h c highest ecclesiastical office under a M uslim State. S h ica h —Lit. ‘Split’ an d also ‘follow ers’. A general desig nation covering various sects o f M uslim s not following the conform ist o r orthodox faith. T h e schism whose origin goes back to th e early years o f Islam h a d its beginning in, the rivalry for th e caliphate between th e U m m ayyad an d A lid clans a fte r caliph ‘A ll’s death an d M u‘aw iy ah ’s accession to the C aliphate. T h e A lid party m ain tain ed th a t this highest office o f Islam was a prerogative o f th e P rophet’s house. T hey also m ain tain ed th a t ‘All was th e first legitim ate /w aw o r successor o f th e P rophet a n d th erefore rejected th e first th ree successors o f th e P rophet. T h e belief in this reg ard later developed into a faith th a t th e Prophet’s God-w illed sp iritu al a n d secular guidance h a d passed from him to ‘A ll w ho, h im self a n in carn atio n o f the D ivine Spirit, h a d bequeathed his mission to a sequence o f h ereditary Imams o f his progeny. O n this soil was set up a theological fram ew ork w hich left am p le room for th e most varied opinions, some o f w hich h a rd on th e borderline o f Islam . S h ir k — Lit. A scribing p lurality to th e D eity o r associat ing partn ers to G od. I t consists o f ascribing divine knowledge to others; th a n G o d ; ascribing divine powers to others th an G o d ; offering w orship to created b ein g s; and, the perform an ce o f cerem onies w hich im ply reliance on others th a n G od. S ik ak -vs-S ittak —T h e following a re th e Sihah Sittah, or ‘six. correct’ books o fT ra d itio n s, received by Sunni Muslims. (1) Al-Bukhari, o f M uham m ad Ism ail al-Bukari (d. 256
A .H .). (2) Muslim, o f M uslim ibn al-H ajjaj (d. 261 A. H .). (3) Al-Tiim izi, o f AbQ ‘Is5 M uham m ad al-T irm izl (d. 279
A .H .). (4) Ata Di*Sd, o f Aba D i’ud as-SajistSnl (d. 275 A. H .). (5) An-Ni&P, o f Abu ‘Abdur Rahm&n an-NisSiJ (d. 303 A. H .).
366
SAVIOURS
o r 1SLAMI0 SPIRIT
( 6 ) Ibn M&jah, o f A bu AbdullSh M uham m ad Ib n M ija h (d. 273 A. H .). S a fi—O ne who professes the mystic principles for attaining the gttbsis o f G od. T h e principal occupation a ■ f*(A *s m editation on the U nity o f G od, the rem em brance o f G od’S nam es and the progressive advancem ent m spiritual life to a tta in propinquity o f God. Suharwardiyah —A p o p u lar o rd e r o f mysticism founded by Sheikh Shahab ud-dln S u h arw ard I o f B aghdad (d. 602/ 1205). S n n n a h —As opposed to th e Q u r’an which is a d irect reve lation from G od, the Prophet also received w hat is regarded as an unrtad revelation w hich enabled him to give authoritative declarations on religious m atters. T he A rabic w ord used for these T raditions is Hadith an d Sunn/th fa saying o r a custom ). T h e Prophet gave very special instructions respecting the faithful transm ission o f his sayings. G radually, how ever, spurious T raditions also gained currency for which a n elaborate canon o f subjective and historical criticism was evolved fo r the acceptance o r rejection o f th e T raditions. T h e Sunnali represents an authentic interpretation b f the Q u r’an , a valuable Source o f law an d an infallible g u id e for the overw helm ing m ajority o f the M uslims-in every situation o f th eir spiritual and secular life as opposed to Bid1ah (innovation) in religion. S u n n i— Lit. ‘O ne o f the p ath ’. A term generally applied to a ll M uslims who consider the Sunnah o f the Prophet, m ani fested by his sayings, acts or tacit approval and transm itted by the com panions o f th e Prophet, as the infallible guide o f the faith fu l and an authentic interp retatio n o f the Q u r’ an. T h e 1-Sunnis em brace by fa r the g reater portion o f the M uslim w orld. i, T a h a jju d —A voluntary p rayer o(ft*red after m idnight. T a l i q —T h e sentence o f divorce^ T h e Islam ic law o f divorce or release from th e m arriag e tie is founded upon express injunctions contained in the Q u r’an, as well as, the
O I.OSSARY O F T H E A R A B IC A N D P E R S IA N TER M S
367
T raditions and exhaustively treated in the works on ju ris prudence. T a r a w i h —T he p lu ra l o f Tatwlh i . tfe. rest. T he prayers, o f usually tw enty rakcats, recited at nig h t d uring the m onth of R am ad h an ; so called because the congregation sit down and rest after every fourth rakcai. T a u h i d —A term used to express the U nity o f the God head, which is the great fundam ental basis o f Islam . T he teaching o f th e Q u r’an and th e Prophet as to the n atu re o f God, H is U nity, without any associate o r p artn er, His absolute Power and th e oth er essential attributes o f an E tern al and A lm ighty Being is the most im portant p a rt o f the Islam ic faith. T ariq at— ‘A p ath ’. T h e Tanqah 01 spiritual path which is usually known as lasawwuf o r mysticism, is the inner and esoteric dim ension o f Islam and like th e Sharlfah has its roots in the Q u r’an and prophetic practice. Being the actual nature o f spiritual path, the traveller on the p ath o f Tarlqat seeks to em ulate the life o f the Prophet who is th e prototype o f spiritua lity and thus realises the m eaning o f unity or Tauhid in its fullness. cU la m a — P lu ral o f Aalim. O ne who knows, learned 5 a scholar. In the plural form the w ord is used as the title o f the learned doctors in Islam ic theology and law. ‘U r s —A term used for the cerem onies observed at the anniversary o f the d eath o f any celebrated saint. Walayet —Lit. Sainthood or state o f spiritual elevation. W a ll—(Pluarl Aulia’), T h e term is applied to a saint o r holy m an who has attained a high state o f sanctity by virtue of his divine illum ination and pious life. Yoga —H indu system o f philosophic m editation and asceti cism designed to effect the reunion o f th e devotee’s soul w ith the universal spirit. Yogi — O ne who practises yoga. Z im m i — A m em ber o f th e Ahl-uz-^ummah a non-M uslim subject o f a M uslim G overnm ent, belonging to the Jew ish, C hristian or Sabean creed, w ho, for th e paym ent o f poll or
368
SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC S P IR IT
capitation-tax, enjoys security o f his person, p ro perty and religious observance in a M uslim country w ithout bearing the responsibility o f defending the realm . Z nhr—T h e tim e for afternoon obligatory prayer.
INDEX *■ A ban ibn S a'eed ibn al-cAas, 133 ‘A b b ls, 85, 133 * A bdul Aziz, S hsh, 298 'A b d u l H a i, M aulSnS Syed, 264, 266 Abul H a jja j A l-M izzI, 60, 138 •Abdul H am id al K Stib, 297 cA bdul H a q M uhaddith Dchlavi, S heikh, 221, 'A b d u l H a ian A l-A ih'axi, Im Sm , 26 'A bdullSh az-2£arafee, 59 ' 'A bdullSh ibn M uhib, 59 'A bdullSh ibn U bai, 305 'A bdullSh, S h a ra f u d -d ln , 60 A bui L aith'S am arkand i, Faqih, 155 'A bdul Q S dir Jila n i, Sheikh, 45 •A bdur R ahim , K h w ija , 197 'A b d u r Rahm fin, Z ain ud-din, 43, 56, 59, 60 Abu A hm ad C hishti, K hw Sja, 149 AbO 'A li SinS, 95, 96, 103, 104, 105, 106 Aba fA m ar, 77, 78 AbO Bakr, H azrat, 132, 133 AbQ Bakr K harrS ta (Qaww Sl), 168 A b a Baqr B aqillani, Q iz i, 26 AbQ H a ft Aushi, M aulSnS, 155 A bo H a n ifa , Im lm , 194, 212 A bu HayySn T aw hidi, 297 AbQ Is’hSq a s-S tb i, 297 AbU I*’hSq Sham i, Khw Sja, 149 A bul BarakSt BaghdSdi, 95 A bul F adhal, 154,298 Aba M uham m ad C hishti, K h w ija , 149, 150 A bul M u q ta d ir K in d i, Sheikh, 237, 250
Aftul Q iiim H a riri, 2 ? / AbulQfisim H indu S hsh, 243 AbQ Sa ud-dln *Ali S tb ir, Sheikh, 158; 1C?, 165 *AMP u d-dln Babm an S h fh , Sue Sham*-i-SirSj A tlf •Ala* ud -d ln J iu rl, Sheikh, 264 fAlS* ud-dln K h iljl, 148,186, 189, *90, 1 9 1 ,1 9 3 ,2 1 6 ,2 3 3 , 235, 238 ‘AH’ u d -d in , Sheikh-ul-Islam , 233 ‘Ala* ud-din UsDli, MaulSnS, 167 -ul-Haq, 246, 294 'A lexandaria, 46, 47, 48 (A li Asgliar, M a u lS n l, 251 •Ali, H a zra t, 35, 63, 77, 89, I33f, 136 'A lim ullah, Q i z i, 251 'A ll Sikizzi, Sheikh, 157 'A llam a G azru n i, 250 A lpharabius, See Al-FarSbi Am erica, 149 A inelhf, 251 A m ir B u lli1, 32 A m ir H a jl, 216 A m ir H asan fAla* S ajazl, 170, 185, 188,204, 207,217,227 A m ir HosSm ud-din M a h a n a ibh *Is5, 44 A m ir K husru, 180, 183, 184, 191, 192 195, 197, 216, 221 A m ir Q airb ek , 215 A m ir S aif u d -d in JaghSn, 28 A m ir Saiyid (Ali H a m a d in i, 263 Am ir T u za u n , 29 A nandpU , 151 A n a l ibn M ilik , 9 A ndluji, SSy'id, 93 A n o raj, 151 tAqc?id-i-SharaJil 295 ‘Aqil, 133 Aqoosh al-A fram J a m il u d-din, 33, 34 •A rabi, M uhi ud-din ib n , 41, 42 Aristotle, 18, 93f, 98, 102, 103, 111, 115
lAVlOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIR IT
Arjawish, S3 Arkiin, 125 Arrah. 269 A shraf J a h in g lr Sam nSni, Saiyid 246, 251, 293, 294 •Asqalfini, Ib n H ajar, 67 Asrar-i-Ktmdt, 2 fl 'A ta J ullah, K h w aja. 205 A tliar us-San5did, 183, 170 Aurangabad, 249^
Aurangzeb, *Alamgir, 298 Aush, 154 Auza % 52 Averroes, See Ibn Rushd Avicenna, See AbQ fA!i S i n t tAwSrif, 235 tAwdrif-nt-Macarif, 173, 174. 262 'Ayesha, 334 AyyUb, Al-Malik al-Saleh, 11 AyyObi, Sultan Salah ud-fiin, 23 Ayyfib Najm ucWin, 11 Az6d, Ghulam *Ali, 153 ‘AzSzil, 304 A zh n tiya h , 141
Baba Farid al-D in, 24fl Badr ud-din Is’h iq , M aulanS , 164, 172, 174,217 Badr ud-dln, K haw *ja, 264, 265, 266 Badr u d-din, M a u la n t, 161, 182 Badr u d-dln Sulsim Sn, Sheikh, 165 J Baghdad, 10, 13, 39, 59, 141,147,155,
195
: " ' ' . " ' ‘I
B aha al-H aqq, 248 Bahi* ud-dln ibn az-2aki a s-S h ife ^ , Q a z i, 25 B aha9 ud d in M a u ltn S , 263 B aha’ u d -d in Z akariya M ultani, Sheikh. 108, 195, 201, 265 Baha* u d-dln Z akarya, 162 Bahr-ul-Ma*Sm, 295
(, ^
Baiber«-AI-Malik al-Zahir 1, 12, 13, 15 Baibers, Rukn ud-dln, 11 Bait ul-Muqaddas, 50,282, 306 Al-Bakrl, Sheikh 'A ll Ibn YfaqBb, 81 BakhtiySr Kaki, K hw ija Qjjtubud-din. I54f, 163, 182, 264, 265 Balakb, 273, 285 Al-Balasi, Muhammad al>Khabb£z, 38 Bal*am Ba'nr, 304, 309 Balban, GhiySth ud-din, 161, 168, 183, 188,249,259 Banr An-Nadhlr, 40 Band »Abd M unaf, 133 Barni, Zia* ud-dfh, 148 Batinites, 5-6 Bayariah, 190 Ba-Yazid, Sheikh, 235 Bayeztd ai-Bist£ml, 335 At-BazzKr, Sjraj ud-din Aba Hafk, 67, 71,72 Behiah, 269 Benaras, 251 Bengal, 222, 246, 249, 258, 259,285, 294 Bibi Fatimah, 165 Bibi NastQrah, 165 Bibi Sharifah, >65 AI Hidayah wan-Niyayah, 12 Bihar, 257, 258, 270, 272, 294, 301 BiqillSni, Abu Bakr, 94 Bil M ufid, See ibn Noaman, AbO 'Abdullah Muhammad Bisgldeo, 151 ~ BishniJah, 183 Brahamputra, 259 Brahma, 151 BO *Ali Q alandar, 261 Budaun, 166, 180 Buddah, 269, 270 Bughra Khan, 183 BukhSrS, 147
BukhSri, 55 /'r l [ B urhin ud-dln •1-Maiginitnf, »70 " v B urhin ud-dtn 169 Burhan ud-dln, Sheikh, 245 ■
m : ..
Cairo, 12, 47, 53, f t , 89* 90 C anasta, 308 Chand BardSi, 131 Chauift, 306, 301 Chenghi* Khan, 16, 29, 39, 133, 155. 241 China, 60 Cordova, 148 Cunningham, General, 269 Cyprus, 5, 39
Dacca, 259 Damascui, 10,14, 19, 20, 21, 29* 31f, 39,46, 47, 49, 50, 55, 59, 77, 17* Daniel, 125 DStS Ganj Baksh, Tom b of, 89 Daulatahad, 196, 244,250 David, the prophet, 24, 103, 122, 126 Deccan, 264 Delhi, 148, 151, 154f, 159, 160, 166, 168, 170f, 177f, 87, 191f, 201, 211, 216, 217, 223, 237, 239, 240, 241, 246, 249,250, 259, 260, 261,264, 265, 271, 281,294 Devagtri, 196, 197, 241 Dialectic*, 3, 5 DrOzes, 6
Edeoa, 19 Egypt, I t , 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 20,23, 26, 29, 32, 34f, 42f, 62,65, 71, 73, 77, 78, 122, 141, 312 Etah, 183
SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC STOUT
372
Euclid, 93 10,V2
Ezra, 73, 120 '
**v
Fa H ian, 269 l’akhr ud-dTn ZarrlHf MaulfinS, 194. 199,222*241, 242,271 Falasafalul lkhtaq fil Islam wo Silmluha bil Fatsafalil IghripSk, 66 A1 FarSbi, AbQ Nasr, 95, 103, 105 Farghane, 154 Farhang Ibrahimi, 257 Farid ud-dln ‘Slam, MauISnS, 267 „ Farid ud-dln *Attar, KhwSja, 263,
267
,c .
:{.
Farid ud-d!n Ganjshakar, KhwSja, I58f, 168, 170, 172f, 177, 178, 182, 202,,211, 218f,' 230, 232, 247, 248 FSrOqi, Ibrahim, QawwSm, 257 Fsih ud-din, 203 , Fatiwah Ibn Taimiyah, 52 Falawnh Shtikh-ul-Islam ibn Taimiyah. p 141 Faliiwah Titarkhiniyah, 267 Falimah, Hazrat, 135, 334, FawSHd-i-Rukni, 294 FawaHd Muridin, 295 Faw&id-ui-Fawid, J69f, 174, 175. 177, 179, 180,182, 186,m 207, 211, 212,217, 222, 224f,235 At-Fih, 57 Fihrist ibn Nadim, 94 FirangT Mahal, 251 Firdausi, KhwSja N ajlb ud-dln, 266f Firdausi, ShSh Shtfaib, 259, 264, 265, 267,275,278 Firdausi, Sheikh N ajib ud-dln, 261 Firdausi, Sheikh Rukn ud-din, 264, 266 Firoz S hih Sharqi, S ulttn , 285
Firoz S h ih TUghJaq, 240f, 267, 272 281 Al-Fttrq&n, 41 FusTis ii-flekam, 41 , FiUihai-i-AfaWyah, 41 Fuzatl ibn (Ay4dh, 304
- ■'■■■■ O Galen., 93 Ganj-i-LSyafna, 295 Ganjshakar, See Farid-ud-din Ganjshakar Gaza, 42 Gaznavi, Sheikh Badr ud-din, )63 Gaznavi, MahraQd, 149,150 Gazfin, 29, 30, 31 32 Al-GhazSH. Imam AbQ H b n id , 66. 95, 97, 107, 111, 209, 210,297, 326 Ghazni, 150,159 GhiyithpBr. 180, 182f, J9 I, 704,234, 248 GhiySth ud-din Mansur Shirizi, M ir, 250 GhiySth ud-din Tughlaq, SultSn, 19? 193, 196,221, 222,271,285 Ghor, 150 G hori, ShahSb ud-din Muliammad, , 1491,257,258 Ghost, Holy, 118, 119, 22, 123 GhulSm Husain SaRm, 246 Gospel, 119, 120 Greece, 93,101, 103,110 Gulbarga, 237, 249,251
H Habaldcuk, 125 H abib ud-din, Sheikh, 258 HajjSj ibn YOsuf, 53 , H ajw airi, Syed *Ali, 89 HalSkfl, 39, 96 Haldl-i-Suttan-ul-Mash&ikh, 163 Haleb, 10, 21, 29,39
373
HamSdSn, 147 •’ :'s ■ ;, ;a Hamah, 29 ’ ' ■ f Hamid ud-din Nagauri, Q azi, 159,195r
■■ 2T2 - ■ * Hamid ud-din, Sheikh, 281 Hamilton, Dr, Uuchnan, 269 HSnsi, 159, 160, 177, 182, 239, 240,271 Hauz Qatlaglt K han, 182 1 . H aftan. 10, 19, 20 Hasari. I^hclij 216 Hasan, ImSm, 77, 135 Hasan Sar Uarahiia, 339 Ha.mil Hamah, 195, 232 S' H auran, 34 Hejan, 13 '• -• •■■■!• Al-He-kaui, 45 ,. AI-Hifli, ibn-ul-Mutahhir, 127,134, 135 Hims, 30 * Al-Hindi, Sheikh' Safi ud-din, 7:1 -: Hindustan, See India ; si. • ; Hippocrates, a ■ < Hisar, 20,4 , . H iueu Tsiang,-269 ! _< HosSm ud-din Far jam , 193, 194,105 Had, 126 • Humaidi, Imam, 22 a Huinaun, 183 HunninaU, 312 . Husain, ImSm,89» 135, 258
"'"7 i
"
Iblis, 308, 337 Ibn ‘AbbSs, 82 l b n ‘Abd ud-DSyam al-M aqdisi, 22 Ibn'A bdul H id i, 22 i Ibn al-Athir, 60 Ibn al-Faridh, 45 Ibn al-Jawzi, 297 Ibn 'Aqeel, 107 Ibn ‘AsSkir, 60 Ibn ‘Ata* ullah Iskandari. Sheikh, 45
I»w K athir, II , U . W, 41, 43, 47f, 53* 54, 56, 60. IbaK haH tkfc 5? ,, f i Ibn M illk, S7-. , Ibn Mukhluf,
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