Saviours Of Islamic Spirit

S„ Abul Hasan Ali Nadwi

Saviours Off Islamic Spirit ¥ol. I

C a lip h *Umar ilbis

Tba*a Mlssix

IftasiajKi a^Bassrl

X m a a r a . J i M m a d 5Ibis IHCaralhal Imam JLbul H a ia n ai-Hshai?i Imam Bbu Hamid al-Ghazali

S h e i k h ‘A b d u l Q a d i v J i l a a l Hafiz Ibst ai-J awxi Sultan S alah ud-din ‘Ayyubt Btieiteh M-Isiam 4Xm ud-din MaMana J aia l nd-din Hum!

SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT VOLUME 1

By A b u l H asan A ll N ad w t

RenderedintoEnglishby M ohluddin A h m a d

of

•Box119, l^cknow-7. (bidM

Aft Right Reserved tn favour of

Academy of

Islamic Research and Publications P O Box 119 Lucknow-7 (India)

•

Series No. 48

Editions 1st Edition Urdu (Azamgarh), 1955 3rd Edition Urdu (Lucknow), 1976 1st Edition Arabic (Dam ascus), 1960 2nd Edition Arabic (D am ascus), 1965 3rd Edition Arabic (Kuwait), 1969 1st Edition English (Lucknow), 1971 2nd Edition English (Lucknow) 1976

Price Rs« 40-00

Printed by G. W Lawrle & Co • Lucknow*

acknow ledgem ents

The first part of the Tarikh-t«Dacwat~o-cAzeenuit was originally published in 1955 by Darul Musannefln, Azamgarh. Thereafter a revised enlarged edition was brought out in 1969 by the Academy of Islamic Research and Publications, Lucknow. In the meantime its Arabic version entitled RifUl ulrFtkr wad-D&wahfilIslam was brought out thrice from Damascus and Kuwait in 1960, 1965 and 1969. In January 1970 the author asked me to render the work m English so that the splendid intellectual heritage of Islam and the heroic efforts made by our savants, saints and warriors for the revival of the true Faith throughout the ages, could be made known to a wider circle in the language of today. In attempting this translation I have tried to follow the original text, as far as possible, but have departed from a literal rendering, wherever necessary, and have added a number of footnotes alongwith the bibliography, glossary, etc However, as the author has been kind enough to go through the manuscript, the Translation can be treated as a faithful rendering having the approval of the author. I have the greatest pleasure in acknowledging my gratitude to Mir. Abrar Ahmad Khan who took the trouble of going through the manuscript and giving some very helpful suggestions. Like* , wise, I have greatly benefited from the labour put in by Mr. Muhammad Ghayas TJddin in checking the original references which was really a difficult and tiresome job* My thanks are also due to Mr. S. Maqbool Ahmad, Mr. Wall Ullah and a few other Mends who ungrudgingly extended their help in the prepa­ ration of the manuscript, printing, etc. L ucknow :

October, 197J

MomurrDiN A h m a d

TRANSLITERATION The dashes to mark the long vowels. 1 as in Tar9> 0 as in 'loose*; I as in ‘mean1have been retained, leaving other conventional signs Two more signs, c and * representing the Arabic atn and hamza have also been retained The sounds of k and di used in the Encyclopaedia of Islam have been replaced by q and j respec­ tively, which are now in common use Where the two conso­ nants—ch3 dh, gh§kh, sit, and Jfr—have been used, these are to be sounded together, as, for example, di in 'church1, sk in ‘ship1 and th in ‘think'. The sound of gk resembles gz as in ‘exact*, that of kh is like ch in Scottish loch or the German ach and dh gives the sound th in ‘father* Wherever the two consonants are desired to give their own sounds separately, an apostrophe has been inserted in between as, for example, in Ad*ham^ Is’haq, etc. However, where any Arabic word is m common use in English (as, Cadi) or its pronunciation is known to the English-speaking people (as, Ghazali) no signs have been used

CONTENTS

Prefoce

Prologue I —’CUmar Srn cAbdnl cAziz Reformist Endea\ours of the Fust Century (15) Rdiguna Tea­ chers of the Ummayyad Penod (16) Political Revolution (17) Accession of fUroar ibn cAbdul 'Aziz (18) Character of’cUmar XI (19) Solicitude for Moral Reformation (23) Compilation of Traditions (25) Defender of the Faith (25) Propagation of Islam (33) Financial Reforms (34)

II —Hasan al-Basri Atrophy of Faith and Moral Decadcnce (37) Endeavour to Com­ bat the Evil (38) Capabilities of Hasan al-Basn (39) Sermons of Hasan al-Basn (41) Fearlessness (45) Hypocrites (46) Indication of Hypocrites (47) Death of Hasan al-Basn (49) Revolts against Tyranny (50)*

III —Traditionists and Jurists o f Islam The tAbbasids (52) Some Prcrbw s of Baghdad (53) The Two Urgent Problems (55) Compilation of Hadith (Traditions) (57) Assiduity of the Traditionists (57) Dictionary of Biography (58) Trustaorthzaess of the Traditionists (59) Retentive Memory of the Traditionists (60) Popular Enthusiasm (61) Sthah Sittah (62) Compilation ofJurisprudence (63) The Four Jurists of Islam (64) Disciples of the Four Jurists (65) Advantages of the Fiqah (65)

IV —Ahmad

ibn Hanbal

Metaphysics (67) Mu'tazitaism (68) Ahmad ibn W bri (69) Dis­ pute regarding the Nature of the Qur’Sn (78) Calamity befalls

Ahmid (00) Ahmid’s Account of His Sufferings 0 ]) Firmness of \hm id ibn Hanbal (84^ Achieiements of \hmad ibn Hanbal (Eft)

V —Abul Hasan atA sltS u i

87

The Cnsis of cIttz6) (87) The Man demanded b\ the T^ith (88) Abul Hasm cA1i ?l*Ashcari (88) Missionan Zcil of a!* \sh*ari (90J Achievements of il>Ash(tn (90) The Middle course of al* \shcan (92) Al-Asb'iri’s vtorls (96} Profound Knowledge **nd Piety (97) AbQ MinsUr 'il-MaiuridT (97) Later \shrante* (98)

VI—Decline o f Dialect' *is

101

Philosophic nnd Esotenc schools (101) Popularm of Philosophy (102) Arab Philosophers (102) Brethren of Pun t\ (103) Mu'tazilitesand Philosophers (104) Batinites (105) Esotenc and Exoteric Interpretations of the Scripture (106) The Traitors of Islam (108)

P7/—Al-Ghazali

112

Al-Ghazah's Intellectual Ohms (113) From Seclusion to Public Life (120) Achievements of iI-Ghazah (123) Encounter with Philosophx (124) Effects of the Incoherence of Philosophers (127) Attack on Bitimtes (127) Al-Ghazali's Evaluation of Social Conditions (228) IhvS^ ^UlGn td~Dln (128) Al-Ghasah's Oritic|iie of the 5octet\ (130) Tlie Religious Preceptoi* (13!) Critique of the Rulers *ind Kings (139) Other classes of Muslim Snciet* (145) Purpose of the Ih>55 (149) Ethical Fhito«oph\ of il-GInzah (150) Yenmmg lor Honour (151) ‘Ontnjue of tin Self (158) Critics of the IhyV (163) AUGhazali and Dialectics (164) A1 GIn7ali’s i cfn^*il to return to Baghdad (167) De^tli or al-Ghazah (169) Tuo Outstanding Qualities of -il-Ghazali (170) Impict or aUGhaxali (174) Riformers aftei i]*Glnaab (174) Tlie Two of Baghdad (176)

V III- Sheikh 'Abdul Q,Sdir Jilani PopuHi Enthusiasm (178) Moral Excellence (178) Reassurance to the Dejectcd (180) r« idling and Missionary Actnities (181) Cer­ titude of Knowledge (182) Tiust in God (183) Lo\e of Huma­ nity (185) Ihr lim es of c\bdul QSdir (185) Sermons of *Abdul Q/idtr (187) Omty or tlu Du me Being (187) Refuge of the Biuken-heirted (191) Worldly Pleasures (193) Critique of tlu. Kings (193) Conctiu roi * Moral Rcrtitude (19s) Reforms anti

177

Renovation (196) Influence of *Abdnl QSdir (199) 'Abdul QSdtr (200).

*f

•Ibn al-Jawzi

203

Early Life (203) Zeal for the Traditions (204) Penmanship of Ibn aljawzi (204) His Piety (205) Character of Ibn al«Jawzi (206) Encyclopaedic Knowledge (207) Popular Enthusiasm (210) Literary Endeavours (211) Ciitique of Scholars and Admmistrarors (211) Said al-Khatir (217) Dialogue with the Self (220) Bio­ graphical Studies (223) Biographical Writings (225) Study of History (225) Historical Wrumgs (227) Oratory of Ibn a]« Jawzi (227)

X —Nur ud-din Zangi and Salah. ud-dln Ayyubi

229

The Crusaders (229) Atabeck Qmid un-dfn Zangi (231) Al-Mahk al-*Adil Niir ud-dm Zangi (232) Character of Nfir ud-dln (233) Unflinching Faith (236) Salah ud-dln Ayyf&bi (237) Transforma­ tion of hss life (238) Zeal for JehSd (239) Battle of Hittm (240) Religious Ardour of the Sultan (241) Conquest of Jerusalem (242) Benevolence of Salah ud-dln (243) The Third Crusade (245) Negotiations for Peace (245) Death of Salah ud-dln (247) The Saintly Sultan (249) Character of Salah ud-dln (251) Courage and Fortitude (253) Salah ud-din—A Scholar (255) Collapse of theFattxmdes (256).

^/"^Sheiknl-lslam cIzz ud-dln ibn Abdul Salam

262

Erudition ofvorse and he died the next day* on Friday* the 12tli of Rab^-uI-Awwal, 241 a h 4 Dispute regarding the Nature o f the Qixr^an s

Gahph al-Mamun applied himself vigorously to the task of spread mg the doctrine of the Muctazilites about the nature of the 1 Tarjsnatal lxiZn pp 63/64. 2 J M . p 77. 3 J h i p 77. 4 TenUt-t-Kefir. Vol II, Part I, p 6 ; r«nU -& ct7r ,p 244 ; and TenrariHmw w + m

Bfl*T

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AHMAD IBN HANBAL

79

Qur’an, who held it to be a creature rather than an eternal word of God In MamBn’s judgment, any deviation from this doctrine was worse than treason, and therefore, he issued a detailed mandate to the Governor of Baghdad m 218 a h severely criti­ cising the dogmatism of the populace, particularly traditionists. He described them as noisy and turbulent sectarians lacking in true faith, unreliable witnesses and reactionaries of the Ummak He ordered that all those officials who did not subsciibe to the tenets expounded by him should be dismissed under intimation to him1 The royal edict was issued four months prior to the death of Mamun Its copies were despatched to the governors of all dominions who were instructed to summon the leading doctors and jurists, under the employ of the State, and to test them m the fundamentals of the doctrine and to dismiss those who did not accept the Mcutazilue viewpoint Thereafter MamGn issued another order to the Governor of Baghdad asking him to present before him seven reputed tradi­ tionists of the city who were opposed to the doctrine4 When they came, MamGn questioned them about his dogma regarding the crfeation of the Qur’Sn Bach one of them, either from conviction or as a matter of expediency, expressed his agreement with the views of the Cahph and was allowed to go back. They were also asked to express their views m public meetings convened for the purpose but the masses remained unaffected, holding the orthodox view A few days before his death, Mamttn issued a third rescript to; Is’haq ibn Ibrahim, expounding the doctrine m still greater detail, and enlarging its scope to test all the doctors of religion along with the officials of the State He made it compulsory for everyone to subscribe to the tenet Is’haq convened a meeting of all the reputed doctors, asked their views about the royal dogma and reported back their answers to the Caliph. Mamtin was m 1 Tabu j Vol X pp 284/93 and Ibn T&ifOt pp 181/86 2 Ibn Taifttr, p 183

AHMAD IBN HANBAL

81

taken a. vow that he would not execute him but have him most severely scourged and confined m a dungeon where the Sun never arose Ahmad, however, did not yield and ultimately he was brought before Muctasim The Caliph ordeied Ahmad to be given thirtyfour lashes A fresh executioner was brought after every two strokes but Ahmad said after getting each whip *“I will accept if you can bring anything from the QurcSn or the Sunnah m your support” Ahmad’s Account of H is Sufferings :

Ahmad ibn Hanbal has himself given an account of his sufferings in these words * “When 1 reached the place known as Bab-ul-Bustin, a horse was brought before me and I was asked to get upon it Nobody helped me m mounting the horseback and with heavy chains fastened to my legs, I had to make many attempts I just managed somehow to save myself from falling down m these attempts When I reached the castle of Muctasun, I was thrown in a small room which was then bolted There was no lamp in the room and after midnight when 1 stretched my hands to touch the dust for purification before the prayers I intended to offer, I found a tumbler full of water and a basin I performed ablution and offered the prayers On the next day a page took me before the Caliph The Chief Justice, Ibn Abi Duwad, and a number of his courtieis along with Abu cAbdur Rahman al~Shafec&were present there Just before I was presented before the Caliph, two persons had been beheaded I asked Abu cAbdur Rahman al-Shafecl if he remembered hat ImSm ai-Shafecl had said about Masah.1 Ibn Abi Dmvad remarked on this * ‘Look here ! This man is to be beheaded and he is making enquiries about the canons’ In the meantime Mu'tasim asked me to come I Ritual purification with dust m place or water, when the latter is not available or n harmful for health, for offering prayer*

84

SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIMT

why do you want to get nd of your life. God knows that I have a great regard for you'.1 A h * TTmSJ* __ — ....a L a L . I*—__ Si_ _ r i__ _ _ « v/ucj piiuacu me wifcume nanuie 01 ms sword a n d exclaimed: ‘You want to carry all before you1 Another man remarked, ‘Don’t you se e that the Amlr-ulMomiriln is S ta n d in g before you9, while a third ejaculated, ‘Oh, Amir-ul-Momtriln, you a re k e e p in g fa s t a n d standing in A e itn ^ t iam aa a U a J im a wiw puu atau moiAii icptaLcuiy Iuvaumiuu urn iu acknowledge his dogma but every time, I repeated my earlier reply at which he flared up and ordered to sioutge me harder till I became unconscious When 1 regained consciousncss, I found that I had been unchained Snm f>nno nrnfipnt thi>m w w * a w J # * w H w a v v

w

flnlrl m n flin t M A H *

T Tiaifl Iiann M W M I

^

nulli>rl

down on my face and then trampled upon However, I do not know what they had done to me” J

Ahmad ibn Hanbal was thereafter sent back to his house He spent 28 months in imprisonment and got 34 lashes Ibrahim ibn X J t

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* 1 _______ __. J

. __ _______________ ___ I__

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u m gu aru s iu w iu ise cu stod y nnuittu waa ncjjb,

says that he had not seen anyone more courageous and brave than Ahmad, for he treated his guards no more than insects Another person, Mohammad ibn Ismacll, says that he had heard from certain eye-witnesses who said that Ahmad ibn Hanbal was e----m u v0V M TV f l *V e ni^ aifiW m i nlir aVilV l v t h0V aA t VA n a fft r f r n l r i t lU d e n n r t l f f r l—--------l t n TU flke a n flV elephant cry out An eye-witness of Ahmad’s scourging says that since the latter was keeping fast on the day, he said to him “The Shan^ah permits you to acknowledge the tenet of the Caliph in order to save your life But Ahmad did not pay any attention to me When he became too thirsty, he asked for some water A 1 The chroniclers of the umc report that Mu'tosim wanted lo set Ahmad free, bui Ibn Abi DuwSd exhorted him and said that if the Caliph forgave Ahmad i his acuon will be construed as going back on the policy laid auw» by his brother 2 Sumnuirj'ed front Tflritmuitiil Imam, pp 41-49

I a h m a d ib n h a n b a l

8

5

tumbler of ic&*cooled water was brought which he took in his hand but returned.1’1 One of the sons of Ahmad relates that his father had the marks of scourging on his body when he died- Abul cAbbas ar*Raqqi describes how certain people who wanted to save Ahmad of his sufferings, went to the prison where he was confined and recited the Tradition which allowed one placed m similar circumstances to save his life Ahmad replied, “But what do you say of the Tradition handed down by KhabbEb which says that there were people of the old who were sawed into two but they did not renounce their faith”. Those people got disappointed with the reply of Ahmad for they knew that he would go through every trial and tribulation for the sake of his faith Achievements of Ahmad ibn. Hanbal ;

The undaunted courage and steadfastness of Ahmad ibn Hanbal gave a death-blow to a sacrilege which had exposed the faith to a great danger. AH those who had expressed their agreement, either from fear or expediency, with the views of the Caliphate, were exposed. All such savants were despised and held in contempt despite their erudition and learning On the other hand, Ahmad ibn Hanbal was received by the people with the most honourable marks of distinction, and affection for him became a mark and symbol of the orthodox school of Islam One of his compatriots, Ibn Qtitaibah says: “When you find anybody setting his affections on Ahmad ibn Hanbal, you should know that he is a follower of the Sunncth ”a Another doctor, Ahmad ibn Ibrahim ad^Dauraat held that “Be suspicious of the Faith of one whom you find irreverent to Ahmad” 3 1 Tflrjimwjuf /mom, p U2 2 Ib id , p 16 S Tmfh~i-ftttt*kdad Vol IV p 420

CHAPTER V

ABUL HASAN AL.ASHAR1 Tlie Crisis of cI tis S I :

The Muctazilites suffered a severe set-back after the death of MuHssun and Wathiq> both of whom were ardent supporters of their school Mut&wakkil9the tenth cAbbasid Caliph, succeeded his brother Wathiq m 232 a . h . He was agains* the Muctazilites and keen for the restoration of the true faith He declared as heretic the allegedly freethinking Mu'tazilites, expelled them from public offices and interdicted discussions on dogmatic questions by them. Yet, hlu&l had taken roots m the circles of the learned and the philosophers, all over the Islamic world Although the doctrine in regard to the creation of the Qur3Sn had died-out, the Mu'tazihte thought still exercised considerable influence. The Muctazilites continued to be vigorous owing to the eminent exponents of HttzHl who were well-versed in literature, dialectics, jurisprudence and other sciences, and held high offices under the State They gamed ascendancy by the middle of the third century a h when it was commonly held that they possessed rationalistic tendencies, yjere progressive thinkers and seekers after the Truth* This became the prevailing taste which was taken after by the youngmen, students and others who wanted to cut a figure. The Hanbalite school could not produce another savant of Ahmad ibn Hanbal’s erudition while the traditionists and the teachers of orthodox school came to regard secular sciences as undesirable intruders into the domain of religion. The ignorance of orthodox theologians in dialectics and other secular sciences began to be regarded as their weakness with the result that the SkzHI acquired a predominance such as it frad never gained before or after that period. It is true that all those Ascctidnticy of

ABUL HASAH AL-ASHAM

89

Aba cAli al-JubbaDi was a successful teacher and writer but not a good debator while Abul Hasan cAIi al-Ashcan was celebrated both for his wit and eloquence. During the debates on the doctnnes of al-Jubba’x used to ask him to contend with the opponents of his school Thus he soon earned a name for his mastxy over the science of disputation and was recognised as a teacher of the Muctazilite school of thought1 It was expected that he would succeed his god-father and mentor and prove a still more vigorous and eminent exponent of die MuHazilite doctrines* God had, however, willed otherwise. Notwithstanding the fact that al-Ashcari had spent his life in the advocacy of the MuHazilite school whose leadership was about to fall in his lap, Providence had selected him to vindicate the Sunnah. He began to see through the intellectual sophistry of the Mu^azihte school, its quibblings and hairsplitting* and ulti­ mately realised that the specious reasoning of the rationalists was nothing more than an intricate yet well argued spell of words, ideas and thoughts but really inconsequential in so far as the search for Truth was concerned. It dawned upon him that the source of truth lay only m revelation; the way of the teachers of tftfe old and companions of the Prophet was the only Right Path, and that there was no reason why intellect should not submit to it Thus getting disenchanted from the Mucta2ilite doctrines at the age of forty, he developed an intense dislike for the so-called rationalist school. He did not come out of his house for fifteen days. \jtl the sixteenth day he went from his house to the principal mosque of the city. It was Fnday and al-Ashcan elbowed his way through the thronging crowd of the faithful. Going straight to the pulpit and ascending its steps he started to proclaim: “Many of you know me. I want to tell those who do not know me that I am Abul Hasan cAli al-Ashcari. I was a Muctaaulite and believed in their doctrines. Now I seek repentance from God and turn away from my earlier 1.

117

90

SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT

beliefs, henceforth, I shall endeavour to refute the doctrines of the Muctazihtes and lay bare their mistakes and weaknesses991 And from that day on al-Ashcari devoted himself whole* heartedly to the repudiation of the Muctazilites and began propounding the tenets of the orthodox school With his profound knowledge, penetrating intellects eloquence, mastry over dialecties and a facile pen, he was able to over-shadow his disputants and uphold the doctrines of the conformist school. M issionary Zeal of al«Ashca r i:

For he considered it an obligation and a mission enjoined by God Almighty, al-Ashcan performed the task he had taken upon himself with an untiring zeal He used to attend the meetings of the Mu'tazihtes and search out rationalists to set at rest then doubts about the doctrines of the orthodox school If anyone raised the objection as to why he met the sceptics and dissenters, who ought to be shunned, he would reply that he could not do otherwise He explained that the Mu'tazihtes were all well-placed in life, held the offices of administrators, judges, and cfher venerable positions, and, therefore, they could not be expected to come to him If he too were to sit with folded hands, how would they come to know the Truth, and also that there was someone who could defend the faith with reason and arguments 3 Achievements o f al-AshSiri:

Al-AshSri was a pastmaster of debates and polemics He had an aptitude and facility which he used with consumate skill in contending for the religion No one was better qualified than he for the task as m his knowledge of secular sciences like logic and dialectics he excelled all the Muctazdite doctors and could rebut their otyections like a teacher answering the questions of

1 7a6r«n, pp 39-40 and Ibn KhallikSn, Vol II, pp 446*447 2 TalFeejii p 116

ABUL HASAH AL-ASHARI

91

his students One of his disciples, Abu cAbdullah ibn Khaflf has left an account of his first meeting with al-Ashcari in these words: “I came from Shiraz to Basra Being too keen to meet al~Ashcan, I enquired of his address I went to his place at a time when he was attending a debate A band of the Muctazihtes was then blurting out questions one after anothei Aftei they had all finished their haranguing, al-Ashcan began lits speech He took the objections raised by each, one by one, and bet al lesi all of then doubts When al-Ashcan lose from the meeting, I followed him. He asked, ‘What do you want?1 I replied, ‘I want to see how many eyes, eais and tongues have you got * He smiled on hearing my answer5,1 The same nairaior adds (CI could*nt see why you kept quiet m the beginning9 said 1, ‘and allowed the Muctazihte& to present their objections It behoved you to dclivci (mutes and meet their objection' theicin, instead of asking them to speak out first * AI~Aslicau icplicd, *1 do not considci it lawful even to zepcat their doclimes and beliefs, but once some­ one lias expressed these, it becomes an obligation for ihe i ighteous to refute then tenets9991 Abul Hasan cAli al-AshSiri was the lounder of Islamic scholasticism (kalam) All the dialecticians of the later ages have acknowledged al-Ashcau’&God-gifted intelligence and sagacity, discernment and profundity Cadi Abu Baki Baqillam was known to his compatnots by the name of Lisan-ul~Unimdh (Tongue of the Nation), on account of his eloquence and penmanship Once, when somebody remaiked that his writings appear to excel those of al-Ashcan, Baqillam replied that he considered it an honour to be able to understand al-Ashcan9s works1

1 T # rd i, p 95 2 ibtd , pp *>1-96 3 Ibid p 12b

ABUL HASAN AL-A5HARI

93

way unauthorised by God Almighty* Their interpretation is neither supported by reason nor by the Traditions handed down from the Prophet, his companions or their successors.9’1 Thereafter, throwing light on the canons of his own school of thought, he says * “We have a faith in the Qur’sn and the Traditions and, therefore, hold the opinion that these have to be followed ungrudgingly. What has been handed down by the companions, their successors and traditionists has to be accepted completely and with unquestioning submission, for this is the way of Ahmad ibn Hanbal (may God bless him and give him a goodly reward by raising him to higher and sublime regions). We shun those who do not follow the path of Ahmad, for, he was the ImUm3 pious and erudite, whom God Almighty enabled to show the path of righteousness and efface the deviations and innovations, doubts of the sceptics and interpretations of the misguided. May God glorify the adorable and venerable /mam.”2 The achievement of al-Ashcari, however, did not consist merely of his defence of the orthodox school, for the Hanbalites and other traditionists had already been seized with the task The most valuable accomplishment of al~Ashcan was the formula­ tion of principles which enabled the tenets of the orthodox school to be accepted in the light of reason, i. e. on the basis of logical arguments. He examined the doctrines of the Muctazilites and other sects in accordance with the principles of logic and the philosophical terminology evolved by these sects, and brought out their mistakes so as to uphold the beliefs and tenets of the orthodox school. Al-Ashcan earned the displeasure of the Muctazilites and other misguided sects, natural and inevitable as it was; but he was also criticised by those rigid Hanbalites and traditionists who ^ KMoIhxI-UaRoA, p 5 2 JTffirSKf lbanakyp. 8

94

SAVIOURS OP ISLAMIC SPIRIT

considered it a sin to discuss the issues raised by the rationalists or to use the philosophical terms for elucidating the tenets of the faith in the light of reason Al-Ashcari maintained that the ultimate source of faith and the key to metaphysical realities were revelation and the teachings of the Prophet rather than human reason, speculation or Grecian mythology. At the same timev he disagreed with the rigid dogmatism of the conformists who thought it prudent to keep quiet about the issues raised by the misguided sects simply because the Traditions handed down from the Prophet did noi mention their terminology. Al-Ashcari held the view that this attitude would be reckoned as a weakness of the orthodox school and would ultimately be harmful to it Al-Ashcari abo main­ tained that the attitude of the rigid dogmatists would enable the Muctazilites and other misguided sects, through their apparent endeavour to reconcile faith with reason and religion with philosophy, to attract the young and intelligent who were not content to be driven in a common groove. He agreed with the orthodox view that revelation and prophethood were the only sources to be depended upon in so far as the faith was concerned-^ a view diametrically opposed to the Mu*taz ilites and the philosphers—but it was not only lawful but absolutely necessary or even obligatory to take recourse to the logical deduction and prevalent philosophical terminology for evincing the religious tenets. He maintained that it was not at all necessary to avoid the issues pertaining to perception or intellect, which were ultimately grounded in human experience but had unnecessarily been made a part of religious doctrines by the rationalists, in order to prove or disprove the latter with the help of a clever play upon words At the same tim e, he considered it essenti al for the expounders of religion to face those issues and refute the claims of die Muctazilite«J and other philosophers with the help of logic and reason. He did not subscribe to the view that the Prophet of Islam made no mention of the issues raised by the rationalists of later times, either on account of his ignorance or because the Prophet did not consider it lawful to do so It was so simply owing to

ABUL HASAN AL-AbHA&I

95

the fact that these questions and the rationalistic modes of thought had not come into existence during the life time of the Prophet. Al-Ashcan maintained that like the new problems of sacred and secular laws which were brought to the fore by exigencies of changing times, new questions m the realm of faith and metaphysics were also being raised Therefore, like the jurispru­ dents who had grappled with the legal problems and solved them through analogical deduction and amplification of canon-laws, the doctors of religion and the scholastics were duty-bound to explain and elucidate the canons or faith in regard to these new questions* Al-Ashcan wrote atieatise entided IslehsUn-ul-Khaudh jil-kalUm to explain his view-point m this regard. Thus, ignoring the approbation or opposition of the either sect, ai-Ashcan went ahead with the task of defending religion according to his own light This undoubtedly required gieat courage and intelligence, and, as it were, al-Ashcan proved himself equal to the task. With his lectures and writings he was able to stem the rising tide of the 1 ationalism, ciHz&l and philosophy, and save many souls from being swept away by die wave of scepticism He inculcated faith and enthusiasm* zeal and self-confidence among the followers of orthodox school through his well-aigued and forceful vindication of the faith Al-Ashcan’s defence was, however, not the least apologetic On the contrary, he was able to eradicate the inferiority complex that had unconsciously seized the followers of the orthodox creed, and was insidiously undermining their self-confidencc Al-Ashcan soon turned the tables on the Muctazilites who, far from main­ taining the force of their onslaught on the orthodox school, found it difficult to withstand the offensive of al-Ashcan which was made with the full \\ eight of an unshakable conviction Abfi Bakr ibn as-Sairfi says that the Muctazdite$ had caused a crisis for Islam but God brought forth Abul Hasan cAli al-Ashcan to take up the cudgels against them. He was able to overcome them with his intelligence and dialectics He, thciefore, soon came to be regarded as one of the foremost expounders and reno\ators of the auhi while ceuam persons like Abu Bakr Ismaclli hold him as *

96

SAVIOURS o r ISLAMIC SPIRIT

second only to Ahmad ibn Hanbal lot lus endeavours to uphold and defend the true Faith 1 Al-Ashcari’s W orks:

AI-Ashcari defended the oi thodox school not merely with lus sei mens, debates and polemics, but also wrote valuable treatises to expose the weaknesses of heretical sects Al~Zahabi reports that the commentary on the Qur’an written by al-Ashcan ran into thirty volumes Al~Ashcan is said to have written some 250 to 300 works; a laige numbci of which ti avcrses the main positions of the Mu'ta/ihtes ox othei non-conformist sects and heictical creeds * One or the voluminous books wiitten by al-Ashcau is Kttab-ul~Fusfil9 compt ising twelve volumes, which confutes the docti mes of a number of sects including so-called lationahsts, atheists and natuiahsts as well as other cieeds like those of the Hindus, Jews, Christians and Magians 1 Ibn Khallikan has also mentioned some of his othei woiks entitled htlab al-LomcZ9 KilUb al-Adujaz, Id/uPkul* Burhan.# Al-Tabccen zAn Usual td-Dln*w and Kit3b us-Sfiarah w&tTqfsil Besides these woiks on dialectics, al-Aslicari wrote several books like hilab «/-Qiy3j. htldb ul'ljhhUd and hhabar*ul11’S/hi/ on other i ehgious sciences He wrote a ti act to 1cfute the docti me of the negation ofTiaditions icportcd through moie than onesouicc, which was expounded by Ibn ui-Rawandi In one of lus books entitled al^Amad al-Ashcari has given a list of (?8 books wi uten bv# him till 920 \ n i e tom years before his death A iiumbui ol these woik% mu mioteii or twelve volumes The books uiutenby him duung his JasL f o u r years areahoby no means inconsidetablc His Maqalilbttl-lslanufln shows that al-Ashcan was not merely a dialectician but also a lehahle chronicler of diJTcient faiths In this book he has iccoidcd the docti mes of a number oJ setts with a sense of i esponsilnhty

1 2 Ibid 3 ib td

p 53 p Mb i> 128

ABUL HASAN AL-ASHASU

97

behoving an eminent historian, {or, his explanation of their dogmas agrees with the exposition of these faiths by their own followers.1 Profound Knowledge and Piety i

Al-Ashcan was not simply a prolific writer but one profound in knowledge also Like all other mentors of the old he wq$ unrivalled m moral and spiritual excellence too. A jurist, Ahmad ibn cAli, says that he had been with al-Ashcan for twenty years but he did not see anyone more reverent and godly, shy and modest in his worldly affairs but, at the same time, zestful where the performance of religious dudes was concerned.* Abul Husain al-Harwi, a dialectician, relates that for years together al-Ashcan spent whole nights in vigils and performed morning prayers with the ablution taken at the nightfall** The personal servant of al-Ashcari, Bindar ibn al~Husam, is on record that the only source of livelihood of al-Ashcan consisted of a fief with an income of seventeen dirhams per day, which he had inherited from his grandfather Bilal ibn Abi Burdah ibn Abi M&sS al-Ashcari.4 Al-Ashcari died in 324 A* h was buried in Baghdad*8 An announcement was made over has funeral that the ‘‘Defender of the Traditions” had passed away. Aba Mansur al-M aturldt:

During the same period another theologian, Abti MansUr al-Maturldl (d. 332 a h ) emeiged in Samarkand to defend the

1 Wensiak in his book “ Muslim Greed11 (p 88) and Orethnerin his intro­ duction to Afaqalal uf-Zrtarmym, have acknowledged this fact, (Al-Asfrart, P 64) 2 p 141. 3 J6uf,p 141 4 p 142 and Urn KhsdhkSn, Vol II, p 447 5 Ibn Khallifcfin,Vol II, p 447

SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT

98

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faith against the attacks of the heretical sects1 Owing to the continuous wrangling with the Muftazilites, al-Ashcari had become a bit extremist in some of his views which were stretched further by his followers. Al-Maturidl*s thought is, however* marked by its moderation He rejected all such accretions to the Ashcarite thought which had become a part of it in due course of u u ic y a i m M

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A number of reputed savants of profound knowledge ana 1 Thu the period \then as a reacuon to the MQCtazilitcs attack on ortIiodo\ creed, several sa\ ants >\ ere gning attention to e\ oluuon of an Islamic scholastism for the defence of Islam TahKwi (d 331 A H ) n Egjpt and il-Maturidi (d 332 A H ) m Samarkand took up the defence of religion but m due course of time both these schools of thought ere absorbed in the Ashcarite school 2 SheiLh Muhammad 'Abdahn uhohas gono into t h e matter in greater detail say* that the disputed a n a n m not more than thirty (Ihi T ^n ffd t b) Mohammad Abu Zuhra p 184).

ABUL HASAN AL-ASHARI

99

unequalled agility of mind were produced by the Ashcai ite school. They contributed to the development of the school and exerted an immense influence on the minds of the intellectuals and the educated youth with the result that the orthodox school was enabled agam to gam supremacy in. the Islamic world. In the fourth century of the Muslim era were bom such luminanes as Cadi AbU Bakr Baqillani (p 403 a k .) and Abu Is*haq Isfrai’m (d 418 a h ) and after them came Abtl Is’haq Shirazi (d 476 a .h ) and ImSm ul-Harmayn Abul Macali cAbd al-Malik al-Juwaim (d. 478 a h ) in the fifth century who were held in high esteem owing to their profound knowledge. AbU Is’haq Shirazi was the Rector of the Nizamiah University at Baghdad. He was sent by Caliph Muqtadi-bTllah as his ambassadar to the Court of the Saljukid king Malik Shah He was held in such a high esteem by the populace that m whichever town he happened to pass dunng his journey from Baghdad to Nishapur, the entire population came out to greet him, people showered over him whatever valuables they could afford and took the dust underneath his feet out of reverence When Shirazi arrived at Nishapur, the entire population came out of the city to greet him and Imam ulHarmayn carried the saddle-cloth of Shirazi on his shoulder as a porter's burden while escorting him Imam ul-Hannayn took a pride ever thereafter on the honour of being able to serve ShirSy?1 Imam ul-Hamayn was accorded the highest place of respect by Nizam ul-Mulk, the Prime Minister of the Saljuqid King Alap Arslan. He held the charge of Preacher of the principal mosque of Nishapur, Director of the Religious trusts and Rector of the s Nizlmiyah University at Nishapur, Ibn Khallikan writes of him : “For thirty years he remained without a peer in the fields of learning and piety He was the chief mentor < preacher, exempler and a man of God f An annalist has related an incident which shows the respect / accorded to Imam ul-Harmayn. Once Malik Shah, the Sa^ukid i

f 1 Tabqat ul-Sfcq/teiA, Vol III, pp. 91-92 i2 Ibn KhalhUn, Vol II, p 342

100

SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT

King announced the appearance of the new moon at tlie end of Ramadhan Imam ul*Harmayn, not satisfied with the evidence produced in this regard, got another announcement made which said • “Abul MaHili (name of Imam ul-Harmayn) is satisfied that the month of Ramadhan will continue till tomorrow. All those who want to act on his decision should keep fast tomonow also IS When the king questioned Imam ul-Harmajn about his announcement he said. “I am bound to obey tlie King in matters Jailing m the sphere of the State but m questions pertaining to religion, the king ought to have asked for my decision, since under tlie ShancaA, a religious decree carries as much authority as the edict of the king. And the matters pertain­ ing to fast and eiirf are ecclesiastical issues with which the king has nothing to do.” The king had at last to get another declaration made saying that his earlier announcement was wrong and that the people should therefore follow the decision of Imam ul-Harmayn 1 When Imam ul-Harmayn died m 478 a h , the markets of Nishapur were closed, the pulpit of the principal mosque wa* dismantled and four hundred or lus disciples destroyed then pens and ink-pots as a mark of respect to him. The inhabitants ot Nishapur received condolences and expressed their grfcl on the demise of Imam ul-Haimayn with one another ibr full one %car Nizam ul-Mulk TQsi, tlie P!rime Minister of the then stiongot Islamic kingdom of Sa\]ukids was himself an Ashcarite He ga' e great impetus to the Ashcante school by providing it with the official backing The two renowned educational institutions, 11 Nizfimiyah Universities of Nishapur and Baghdad pro> ed to be ■* turning point in the Ashcarite bid for victory ovei other intcllectun movements m the then Islamic world. 1 Albhq-ijAlSlij pp 115-119 2

Ibn Khaliikfin, Vol II, p 243

CHAPTER VI

DECLINE OF DIALECTICS Philosophic and Esoteric {Schools :

Although the AshSuites had gamed ascendancy over other schools of thought by capturing the educational institutions* religious and intellectual circles, they began to lose their grip in due course of tune. A man of al-Ashcari*s dominating stature, of original and agile mind had overcome the Muctazihte school and re-established the supremacy of the SkmPak and the Tradi­ tions. His achievement can be attributed to his principles of scholasticism as much as to his own qualities of mind and heart, intelligence and learning. His school could continue to have its hold over the people by giving birth to similar illuminating personalities but unfortunately his followers, specially after the fifth century, developed a sense of complacency and were content simply with transmitting what they had learnt from their mentors They lost all originality which made them generally retrogressive. And those who were not content with treading the beaten path introduced philosophic concepts and terms into dialectics. They were enamoured by the philosophical method of reasoning although it neither piovided any conclusive evidence to prove the issues they debated nor it employed an approach so natural and direct as die QjirSwi did. The method employed was, by its v#ry nature, inconclusive and made their doctrines liable to be refuted** Thus, the dialecticians who borrowed the philosophical terminology, concepts and approach did neither render any help to the orthodox school whom they claimed to represent, nor could they gain the respect of the rationalists and philosophers 1 For a detailed discussion on the subject set Iba TaymiyaVs Ar~Radd ol-Mantaqtjiln

SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SFIRTI

102

Popularity o f Philosophy s

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decuhb of dialectics

103

(d. 428 a . h.J, as were not to be found amongst the Greeks themselves In piety and moral excellence, knowledge and wisdom they assigned such an infallible place to Aristotle w hich cannot perhaps be claimed even for the Primal Cause. It was really a misfortune of the Islamic world that the major portion of its Hellenistic inheritance comprised the works of Aristotle who, being a free thinker, differed from rather than agreed with the prophetic teachings. It was another misfortune that amongst the Arab philosophers, none was conversant with the languages in ip u n h iln e n n l works were originally written. They had, therefore, to depend on the translations and commentaries which were either incorrect or presented m a different colour by their translators and inteipreters Aristotle had thus come to wield such an influence over th^ Arab philosophers that they made hss system the basis of their philosophical speculations without any evaluation or criticism of his thought Brethren of Purity *

By the end of the fourth century a . h , the speculations of Greek and Hellenistic philosophers had generally been adopted by the rationalist schools amongst the Muslims It became a craze for every educated youngman who wanted to pose as an intellec­ tual and a progressive elite. IkkwUn us*Sqfa or Brethren of Purity, a kind of sectret fraternity like Freemasons, had come into existence in the second half of the fourth century with its seat in Basra. It was an eclectic, philosophical-cum-scientific school of thought which strove to reconcile religious and ethical doctrines with the standpoint of Greek philosophy. The charter of their aims and objects ran thus: “The Shancah of Islam has been polluted by ignorance and perversion of the truth, and it can now be purified only through philosophy, for, the latter comprises religious tenets and knowledge, wisdom and analogical methods of rea­ soning Now, only a synthesis of Greek philosophy and the Shancch of the Prophet can achieve the desired objectives ” * 1 Lutfi JumCah, p 253

104

SAVIOURS OF XSLAUtC SPIRIT

The members of the Society had instructions not to vraste tliAir tima qn>3 imAivtt* rtn qrai) |IV rumnne fiir VIIWI flmt* iM VifiJ • VI4 MljMA ««U II0 AW* U w < iy u

but to seek sympathisers amongst the vouth who were prone to accept new ideas3 The HharSn summed up the philosophical and scientific learning of the time in an encyclopaedic collection of 55 Epistles5. (/I&ftu/ Tkhi Sr w-Su/fi) dealing with every branch of science, scch as physics mathematics, metaphysics* philosophy, etc. The Mutabilities and other rationalists who \\ ere sympathetic to the ideas formulated in these treatises gave widest circulation to these Epistles which found their way into the system of Hfepano* Arabic philosophy too within a hundred years.* The M atSudlites and Philosophers s In their effort to rationalise the tenets of fiiih and to find oat a confirmation of metaphysical doctrines such as the nature and attributes of God and the divine origin of the QurSn with the aid of hunnn reason which w*as regarded bv them as infpQible* the Muctabilites hid consciou«lv or uneonsdondv done a sreat disservice to Mam. Nevertheless, they were religious persons ^nu

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DECLINE OF DIALECTICS

105

Philosophy was, however, quite different from In. so far as philosophy claims to be an infallible source through which one can attain the knowledge of God in the fulness of His essence, it is a rival of revelation; it builds up a system of thought and approach which is opposed to the faith and tenets of a revealed religion Obviously, therefore, as the philosophy caught the imagination of the people, the respect for religion and the prophets dwindled in their estimation. Not simply the faith, in revelation but the ethical norms and injunctions laid down by it for the practical conduct of life began to be viewed from an entirdy different angle. Philosophy gave birth to a section among the Muslims who were openly antagonistic to religion and took pride in rejecting the Islamic dogma There were also philosophers who were not courageous enough to forsake Islam openly. They were content with paying a lip service to it but they had actually lost all faith in the religion. Batinites;

Philosophy also gave birth to a new schism in Islam which was even more fatal to the spirit of religion and the teachings of the Prophet than the philosophy itself. These were Batinites or the adherents of a theological school of thought so named after Bfitin (inner, esoteric), whose precursors and exponents were mostly drawn from the people who had lost their national kingdoms tc the irresistible arms of Islam. They could not hope "to regain iheir lost power and prestige in any open contest against the might of the Muslim people. There were also self-indulgent people or those desirous of commanding a position of power sitid influence but who found the injunctions laid down by Islam for the piacti* cal conduct of life as obstacles in their way. All these persons gathered under the banner of the Batinites for they knew that they could neither gain a victory over Islam in the battlefield nor invite Muslims to renounce their faith. They were aware that- any attempt to follow cither of these two courses would fire a frenzy or enthusiasm amongst the Muslims for the defence of Islam The’/ chose therefore an entirely new path to checkmate Islam

105

SAYIOrSS OP 1SIAMXC SPPOT

The Scripture has dearly laid down the tenets cFbdief«ac code of conduct, if only "because these are meant to be understoad and acted upon by eveiy human bang : And lie nss^ sad e n sssr #sr sesc scith xhr Icrp^gr t f hisfolk, ihct he ra fti tEfifcr (the mejssre) rZrcrjfc1-Jim, (IVJfcra: The meaning of this verse is manifestly dear* The Prophet of Islam too had explained the import of divine revelations and lived up to these precepts 50 that his follroers might sot Tenain in any doubt. The vocabulary of the Q u r^ i and its meanings have thus been handed down, from ihe Srcohei, without arv■* breaL, and have ever afterwards been recognised and ampSed by everyone as authentic and genuine, and to which no one raised any objection. The terms* prophethood (Bshcccr) and apasSeship (mJ&f), angels (r'&W'foj, requital {ruicz£}^ Paradise lja x a )s HeQ {Dozekh\ the law [sbaPch)* obligatory (fird k \ necessan (aZpJX la^vful (Wc/), unlawful (f^ercn\ poor-due (cfteO* prayer [sfiS/J, fast {rozch)? pilgrimage fagj) and similar other word* convex a concise and definite purport of the doctrines, rites, ceremonies and teachings of Islam In truth and reality* these teachings and artides of iaith have been handed down without any divexgence whatsoever and so has been the vocabulary and tenaindcgr e\olved to signify the former* The two have become so inter­ dependent that one cannot suffer any mutation without a vraa&m m the other. Whenever the words *pn>phet\ *apostle\ *mes$engsr% 'prayer1, or *poor-dues are used, these denote the same exposition as taught by the Prophet and understood by his companions and successors: ill of whom acted upon these in a parnczQar manner and Transm itted the import of these words which have been handed iown by one generation to another- The Biiinites hnevr that fire 'nterdependence of Q uranic vocabulary and its meanings fora ,he I f to *he exposition of the doctrines of Muslim Tahh; th»e ro^w ute th? rr;vnv\gs of intellectual and practical life of {? connecting th e later generations "with the fountainhe&d tC

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Divine guidance which lay m the past If they could only drive a wedge between the past and the present, asunder the connecting link by lendeting the import of Qur^antc vocabulary ambiguous and oraculai, undefined and obscure, then the Unimak could be made to give credence to any innovation or deviation* agnos­ ticism or infidelity These elements, thci efoi e, began a vigorous campaign to popularise a new type of Qur’amc exegesis and the SunnaA’s inter­ pretation which invested the vocabulary used therein with a hidden 01 mystic sense apai t from their open or manifest meanings. It was claimed that the allegouc or enigmatic sense, beyond the lange of ordinal y undei standing and accessible only to the initiate, guided unto a purci knowledge than did the meanings of the Qur*Enic terms understood commonly by the scholars The masses clinging to the literal sense could never attain the hidden but true content of the revelation They maintained that the detailed titual enjoined by the Shancak was a cold formality meant for safeguaidmg the spnitual existence of the laity In other words, the Qur’amc terminology, like a veil, hid the deep and occult meaning,1 but when an initiate attains the purer and sublimer knowledge he is set free from the legal obligations of the Shancah * They basrd then claim on this verse of the Q urtin . and he wilt rettm them of their burden and the fetters that they used to wear {A l-fcrtf . 157) After accepting the docti me or obvious and hidden meanings m principle, it presented no difficulty to explain away the meaning of the terms like ‘prophet*, ‘revelation’, ‘angels*, or 1 Tctbls* Ibfist p 102

2 The Batimtc* also bebetcd m the Mispcroion of ihe obligations enjoined b> ihe Shm^h San idna Idris, a Batinuc exponent sa>s “Allah conferred prophethood on Isma'i! *ho abrogated the Sharfiek of the Prophet Muhammad' Similar %tow* held bv Mmy tid-din-illah Tatum, have also been i cportrd

103

SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SHSUT

^Hereafter* is whatever manner one desired.

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c*Prophet is a person illuminated by the Haly Spirit of the Divine Being. Gabriel is not an angel but an allegorical name ibr ;Divine grace............Sjequital signifies coming bade o f a thing towards its origin. Pollution coosstsof giving oat a secret; bathing, renewal of a pledge; fornication, transmission of the secret and occult knowledge to one not initiated ; purity, disavowal of all tenets save the Batiznte cult; ablution, acquirement of knowledge from an illuminated teacher; prayer, a call to obey the leader; poor-due, gradual initiation of the fefthfitl to the bidden knowledge; last, taking precaution to guard the secret; and Agf, seeking the knowledge of true wisdom which is an end unto itself- The knowledge of the occult is Heaven; literal sense, the H ell; and KSabah, the person of the apostle. cAli is the gate of K^ahah while the Koah’s flood described in the Qjxr^an m a m 2 . deluge of knowledge in T\hich the were drowned. The bonfire of Xanarood alludes to his wrath and not fire; Abraham was asked not 20 ofier his son far sacrifice but to obtain a pledge from him ; the literalists are Gog and Magogs and the staff of Moses really means the argument and proof furnished by him.*** T lie T raitors o f Islam s

The Batinite ’dew in regard to the latent and deeper appli­ cation of God’s ‘word or the Prophet's teachings and repudiation of the manifest sense always been successfully adopted by the traitors and hypocrites. The so-called deeper sense, inter-woven with mystical and philosophical ideas borrowed from a variety of sources* can be made equally adaptable to the requirement of a learned elite as Viell as the uncritical mind in order to undermine 2, / iUbzevxated iro a

(itjittefl by Miuhznunsd 2 o H*s*a

s5-JDzi22a3YarcSidia 707A. H-J, pp 16-23.

DECLINE OF DIALECTICS

109

the intellectual, moral, social and religious structure of the Muslim society. It can be employed to secure a split within the body-politic of Islam as, indeed, all the later rebels against the prophethood of Muhammad have taken advantage of this heretical view. All those impostors who have subsequently elevated themselves to the position of a lake prophethood, have first rendered ambiguous the terminology employed by the QwPan and the Sunnah The two cases in point are Babyism of Iran and Qadianism1 of India. The so-called hidden or mystic interpretation of Quranic vocabulary, an example of which has been given above, could have been hardly acceptable to a person not devoid of commonI. The QadiSnfe loo, like the Batinites, have denied the commonly understood

meaning? of such terms as the 'seal of prophethood/ 'Maslh and hfe second coming, 'miracles’, DajjSi, etc The Qpr’Snic vocabulary has been retained but the import of these terms has been drastically nfraigw*! as could be seen from the writing* of Mirza Ghiihnt Ahmad and the commentary of the Q,ur *3n by Muhammad 1Rlr

say . We beheife, and will not be tested with ajflictton ? Lo 9 We tested those who were befoie you, Thus Allah knowetk those who are smeeret and knoweth those whofeign.1 And God has addieased Ins Pi ophct tints although he was the most exalted amongst His bondsmen Messengers indeed have been dented before thee and tkey were pattenl under the dental and the persecution Ull Our succom reached them There ts none to altei the d

Al-Ghazalr, pp. 48*49.

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brought out the distinguishing features and differences between secular and religious sciences; invited the attention of the affluent and ruling classes towards their shortcomings^ criticised, the unjust laws and rules promulgated by the state; and exhorted them to give up their im-lslamic ways, customs and usages. It was thus the first detailed sociological study in Islam which brought out courageously and poignantly the social and moral ills of the society and suggested measures for its reform and trans­ formation into a healthy community. The Religious Preceptors s

Al-Ghazah held the religious doctors, the ^Ulma^ responsible for the all round religious and moral degeneration of the Muslim peoples To him, religious doctors were the salt of the earth; if they went astray, nothing could keep the people on the right path. An Arab poet has expressed the same idea m these words. “O 1 teachers of Faith, you are the salt of the earth. If the salt gets contaminated, what is there to purify it again,”1 Complaining that the prevailing widespread vices were accountable to the negligence of religious teachers, al-Ghazali writes; “The third reason, which really constitutes an incurable disease, is that the patients there are but no physicians are available for their treatment. cVlma are the physicians but these days they are themselves confined to the sick-­ bed and unable to cure others **2 The same reason has been attributed by al-Ghazah for the waywardness of the rulers and kings. He writes: In short, the debasement of the people proceeds from the corruption of their rulers, who get perverted on of the demoralization of the doctors of religion. Had 1 Ujj>8>,Vol I,p 54 2 /ttf.V o l I,p 54

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with the current developments m other branches of learning, had lost its vigour by the end of the fourth century The Ashcarites of the time had taken to the path of rigid dogmatism insisting on the acceptance of not simply their tenets and beliefs but also the canons devised by al-Ashcari and AbB-Bakr Baqilliiu without the shghtest modification or improvement They considered it here­ tical to employ a logical syllogism not used by the earlier teachers of their school for the defence of religion Al-Ghazali pressed his knowledge of philosophy for upholding the religious beliefs and dogmas and, indeed, devised entirely new canons for rational exposition of these matters which were more effective than the arguments of the Ashcantes In regard to the matters like divine attributes, prophethood, miracles, religious practices, punishments and rewards in the Hereafter, and the Day of Requital he brought forth entirely new arguments, more convincing to a rational mind, than those employed by his predecessors He did, in fact, lay the foundations of a scientific scholastic system, thus infusing a new Jjlood in the old Ashcante school The modified doctrines of the Ashcarite school eventually became, thanks to al-Ghazali, the most popular system of scholasticism in the entire Islamic world, but, since al-Ghazah held divergent views from al-Ashcan and other eminent scholars of that school on several issues, many ardent followers of the Ashcante school looked down upon al-Ghazah9s thought with misgivings and disfavour Some of the Ashcanle zealots even accused al-Ghazah of breaking away from the orthodox faith and adoptmg heretical tenets After the com­ pilation of the Ikjfd?9 the Ashcante scholars became so critical of al-Ghazah that one of his friends wrote a. letter to invite his atten­ tion towards the matter Al-Ghazali explained the position m some detail in a booklet with the title Faisal at-Tafarraqa Bam alrlslam wal-Zandaqa He writes m it "Dear brother, a group of people envious of me is busy in censuring my writings, for, in their opinion I have expounded views contrary to those held by the teachei s of the old, or the founders of the scholastic school They think that even the slightest deviation fiom the orthodox Ash5nnte

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Personal experience and a comprehensive insight into the speculative as well as religious sciences led al-Ghazah to the conclusion that scholasticism has only a limited utility which may sometimes be even harmful in particular cases He ultimately came to regard dialectics as a medicine which should not be administered to the healthy people who needed only adequate nourishment through their food. And* this could be provided amply by the Qur^an. He maintained that the Qur’an contained a superior logic as its arguments are quite satisfying to the people possessing common-sense. In his last book entitled IljUm ul^AwUm canr,Ihn tl-kalUm (The Restrainmg of the commonalty from the Science of Dialectics) al-Ghazali observes. “The Q uranic arguments are like food which provide nourishment to everyone while the logical system built up by the dialecticians is similar to a medicine which can be administered profitably to a few only, and may even have harmful effects for others not requiring it Or, else, the Q uranic reasoning resembles water which can be taken both by a weak child and a robust youth while dialectical argumentation is like a nch food which provides nourish­ ment to the latter but is indigestible and even harmful for children *u Continuing further on the evil effects of dialectics, he writes ■ “The indiscriminate practice of dialectics by its votaries provides an irrefutable argument against that science Since the tim e it --------| was — nnnularised. _ ----- --------j ----------------—j if — has • " « crivpn b * ” * " riw tn w man«r

evils which were not to be found during the times of the Prophet’s companions.”2 Al«Ghaza]i*s refusal to return to Baghdad t «« v iiu a u

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and resume the chief professorship at the Nizamiah University. Fakhr ul-Mulk was assassinated in the beginning of 500 ah by a Batmite emissary and al-Ghazah abandoned the profession of teaching shortly thereafter He returned to his native town Tfls, and founded a small institution for the teaching of his local disciples and the cultivation of a religious life The then Saljuq Sultan appointed Ahmad, the elder son or Nizanft ul-Mulk, as his Vazier in 500 a h , who again made a request to al-Ghazali to resume his post at the Nizamiah University, Baghdad, which had only been provisionally filled in As a matter of fact, there was nobody in the entire world of Islam who could rcplacc al-Gha7ah The Nizamiah University at Baghdad was the prrmiei institution of those days and occupied a pride of place in the educational and religious academics of the cAbb&sids Everyone felt the loss suffered by the NizSmiah on account of al-Ghazali"s retirement and was anxious for his return to teaching m Baghdad Qwam ud-dln Nizam ul-Mulk, who was the Grand Vazier of the Safyuq King wrote a personal letter to al-Ghazali expressing the desire of the then cAbbasid Cahph that he should return to Baghdad In this letter he wrote “I solicited the orders of the Caliph in this matter but these were not granted until Sadr ud-dm1 took it upon him­ self that the wishes of the Caliph shall be communicated by him peisonally to K ftw aja-tljait Zalil ^ d ln y Hujjat-ul-Islam, Fartd uz-zamHn,2 AbQ Hamid Muhammad ibn Muhammad al-Ghazah, who is peerless and up to whom everyone looks for guidance In ordei to impress that all the courtiers and the chief* of the Caliphate were anxiously awaiting the return of al-Ghazah, all the high officials of the Cahph*s court signed the letter In yet another letter Ahmad wrote to al-Ghazah “Although scholars 1 Sadar ud-din Muhammad the grandson of a Nirfm iil-Mulk, was the Saljuq Prince Sanjar, in whcwe dominion laj Tfis native lfrwn al-Ghazah 2 Titles conferred on al-Ghazal 3 p 27

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would go to the place whereupon you happen to be present for acquiring knowledge from you, it appears reasonable that you should choose for your residence a place which is not only the metropolis of the Islamic world but is also easdy accessible from all parts of the empire And such a place is obviously Baghdad.” In reply to the royal edicts and the letters from his well* wishers al-Ghazali sent a lengthy reply giving the reasons for not returning to his teaching profession in Baghdad. He pleaded that one and a half hundred students who were receiving education under him m Tfis, would find it extremely difficult to go all the way to Baghdad with him His family which was not with him earlier m Baghdad would have to face unnecessary hardship if he again migrated from Tus He also said that in Baghdad it would not be possible for him to remain unconcerned with the polemics and debates which had become the prevailing taste of the court life, while he had taken a vow at the MuqUm-i-Ihrahim that he would never enter into such futile controversies Other reasons given by al-Ghazali were that he did not like to visit the Caliph nor accept any remuneration from the Caliphate, but it would be difficult for him to do without either of these in Baghdad as he did not possess any landed property m the capital which could support lus family The cAbb3sid Caliph as well as the Saljuq King tried their best to persuade al-Ghazali to return to Baghdad but he refused to comply with their requests1 D eath o f al-G h azali:

Al-Ghazah spent the rest of his life ul further studies like a student He had not been able to pay as much attention to the Traditions as he had to the religious and secular sciences He, therefore, tried to make up the leeway by studying the Salith of Bulhnfl and Muslin? under a reputed traditiomst of the ume, Hafiz cAmr ibn Abi al-Hasan al-RawSsi. He even obtained ihe diploma of having studied the two books under al-Ra\v2si As tho 1 U-Gkazah, p 27 2 The twn authentic collections «f the Traditions

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annalists report, lie spent most of his time during this period m the study of the Traditions One of his biographeis, Ibn cAsakir « C k lll U 9

“Dut mg the last days of his life, nl-Gharnh addicssed himself whole-heartedly to the study of the Traditions During this period he preferred the company of religious scholars, and studied the Sakih of BukhUn and Muslim, which are deemed to be the most authentic collection* of the Sunnah Al-Ghazali wiotu another booL on legal theory, known as al-Mustasfa, just a year or so before his death This work of al-Ghazah is still considered as one of the three outstanding con­ tributions on the subject; the othci two being af-Mtftamad of Abul Husain al-Basn and al-BurhtSn of Imam-ul-Haimayn Aruhftzsli died at TiCbian on the 14th of Jam«idi al-Ukhnt$ 505 a zi at the age of 55 years Ibn al-Jawa/i has given a graphic description of al-GhazaliN death* as told bv Ahmad alGhazali who was an eye-witness of lus brother’s remarkable death “It was Monday He got up in the morning, made his ablutions and performed the dawn piayers, he then asked to bring his shroud, taking it he kissed and laid it on hi* eyes with the words, *1 submit to the command of my Mastei’, then he stretched out lus feet, facing the Qtbic (the direction of K5aba) When people saw him he had already passed away.’*2 Two Outstanding Q ualities o f al-Ghazali s

Immaculate sincerity and indomitable courage are the two most impressive qualities of al-Ghazali which have been acknow­ ledged bv all—friends as well as his foes His wTilings breathe an almost tragic urgency of his message. Ibn Taymiyah differs from al-Ghazali on many issues but he has absolutely no doubt *1 Tab1fen, p 296

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about the sincerity of al-Ghazali’s purpose1 The reason behind effectiveness as well as immense popularity gained by aVGhazali’s works was his earnestness and selfless devotion for the Truth which made him abandon the most coveted post at the NizSxnidh University* led him to spend a decade in seclusion anu contem­ plation and, finally, gave him the courage to turn down the invitations of emperors and resist the temptations of riches, honour ____ X _1____ TT_ L . . i i L a * JitiH «Ah Ibn Yfisuf Tashfin summoned him to his court where he was asked to explain the reasons for criticising the King Undaunted by the pomp and glory of the ro>al court he replied, “ Is not uine sold freely in this town 9 Do not people misappropriate the income of the trusts meant for the orphan 7,1 The king \tas so impressed b> his spccch that he burst into teats Muhammad gradually gathered an enormous following round him and before long formed an extensive kingdom with the help of a Berber tribe Masamdah (Tabqat al-Shaft*pah, Vol IV, pp 71-74)

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al-Ghazali, to overthrow cAli ibn YUsuf in order to set up a truly Islamic State m Spain Although al-Ghazali agreed with him, he asked Muhammad about the means as well as the help he hoped Lo muster m his venture. Having satisfied himself about the project, al-Ghazali allowed Muhammad to proceed with his undertaking In regard to al-Ghazah’s blessings for the enterprise of Muhammad, Ibn Khaldfin says *As people are genet ally aware, he (Muhammad) met al-Ghazali and consulted him about his venture Al-Ghazali approved of his suggestion since Islam had grown weak in the whole world and there was no king who could unite the entnc Ummah for up­ holding the causc nr Islam However, al-Gha?ali first enquired Muhammad about the means he had for organising the uprising and bringing it to a successful end’. The kingdom established by Muhammad ibn cAbdtilIah ibn Tiimnii, known as al-Muwahidlti) lasted foi a pietty long time The icign of cAh ibn Yusul Tashfln, which was notorious for its widespread tyianny, had given encouragement to the laxitv of morals among all the classes of society Abduction and rape of women belonging to respectable families by the king’s legionaries had become a common feature of the day The royal family, descending from a i cc cntly converted Berbci ti ihc called Mulassamm, followed a curious custom Their men always wore a veil while their women moved about uni estramed and unveiled Muhammad ibn Tumart, after achieving powei, did not himself ascend the throne but chose a capable and learned young man by the name of cAbdul Momin who succeeded the last Mitlanamin king T ashfin, son ofcAh ibn Tsfshfln in 540 a, h cAbdul Momin and his defendants mled ovei the empire of Monoco strictly in accordance with the wishes of Muhammad ibn Tfimari and al-Ghazali Ibn Khaldun has gi\en an account of the rule by al-Muwaludin m these words During their rule were held in high esteem

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and all the affairs of the State were decided in consultation with them Justicc was made available to the weak and the poor, tyrannical officials were severely punished, ruffians were held m leash, mosques were constructed in royal palaces, the frontier posts were fortified and streng­ thened and fresh conquests were made9m Im pact o f al-G hazali i In intellectual and spiritual attainments, brilliance of his mind and the totality of knowledge he had mastered, there have been only a few personalities comparable to al-Ghazah His epoch-making writings were the harbinger of a vigorous intellec­ tual movement and a source of inspiration to the subsequent generations Al-Ghazali did In fact left such a deep imprint on the pages of Islamic history that his impact on the subsequent Islamic thought has always been acknowledged both by his admirers and critics His writings are still held m high esteem and profitably studied by those who yearn for purification of the R eform ers a fte r al-Ghazali s Despite al-Ghazali’s successful encounter with the scepticism of philosophers which had threatened an spiritual chaos in Islam, the moral and smntual disintegration --- of the “ masses bv r the end of A V the fifth century had become so widespread that it required a A nm ilA M jju ^ u ia i

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acquisition of material success and pursuit of wealth* power and honour as its ultimate end* Iranian and Hellenestic cultural influences had, on the one hand* made inroads into the Muslim society while, on the other, paganism of the pre-Islamic Jahtliyah, was again reasserting itself. The ostentatious, conceited and dissolute manners of the elite, grandees and retinues of the emperors had became a model for the commonalty. Unmindful of the humble and poor who led a discontented and frustrated life, those who had the money to squander were busy in their own pursuits of pleasure. The affluent were gradually losing all the good qualities like humanity, generosity and benevolence while the poorer classes were incurring the loss of qualities like patience and contentment, confidence and self-respect Torn between a moral crisis, on the one hand, and social injustice, on the other, the Muslim society was threatened with disintegration What this critical situation demanded was an invigorating call inviting the people back to the faith, cutting asunder the pulls of worldly temptadons and benefits, rekindling the desire for salvation and blessedness, achievement of the true knowledge of God and incul­ cating an ardent desire to submit oneself to His command. It was necessary for it that the true meaning of Tawhld, the Unity of God Almighty, along with an awareness of the fleeting nature of the earthly pleasures and the inefficacy of the powei and riches were driven home to the people The fifth century after Htjrak, on the other hand, also saw a diffusion of arts and sciences in the world of Islam. We find during this period some of the greatest intellectual leaders brought forth by Islam—AbG Is’haq Shlrazi (d. 476 a h ) and al-Ghazali (d 505 A. h») in the field of religious sciences, Abul Wafa ibn cAqeel (d 513 A. k ) and cAbdul Qahir al-JurjSni (d. 471 a . h.) in juris* prudence and literature, AbftZakarya Tebrezi:(d 502 a h ) in grammar and lexicography and Abul Qasim al-Harlrl (d, 516 a h ) in literature Each one of these was a pioneer in his own field fc«d every one of them remained unrivalled for centuries to come. During such a period of intellectual awakening no religious mentor could have hoped to achieve any success unless he was

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himself well-versed in all the prevalent sciences It was essential that the person should be as much acclaimed for his literary distinction and brilliance of mind as for his moral and spiritual excellence This was, indeed, necessary if he was not to be brushed aside contemptuously by the learned and dites as an illiterate fanatic Thus, these were the qualities demanded of a man who could fill the hearts of the people with faith and knowledge, cure them of their scepticism, provide solace to the spiritually distressed and fire them with a burning desire for moral and spiritual uplift. The Two Saints o f Baghdadi:

God Almighty brought forth two outstanding personages during this period who devoted their life for the religious and spiritual revivification of the Muslims These were cAbdul QSdir Jllasu and cAbdur RahmSn ibn al-Jawzi The fields of their activities were different but both of them deeply impressed the life of thf Muslims m their fwnfls It was also a blessing from God that both of them had Baghdad, the metropolis of the then Islamic world, as their centre, and were endowed with a long life to accomplish the task to which they had addressed themselves. And, it is also a matter of pnde for the Hanbalite school of jurisprudence that both of these luminaries belonged to that very school

CHAPTER VIII

SHEIKH ABDUL QADIR JILAN1 cAbdul Qadir was born m Gilan1 in 470 a h. He was an Arab by descent, being the tenth descendent of Hasan ibn 'Ah, but belonged to Iran by migration of his ancestors He came to Baghdad in 488 a h at the age of 18 years It was perhaps not merely fortuitous that he arrived at Baghdad to acquire education almost at the same time when another reputed teacher, al-Ghazah, was leaving the city in search of truth a Although inclined to penance and cultivation of religious observances from sui early age, he addressed himself whole-heartedly to acquire education under the most reputed teachers of the time such as Abul Waf3 IbncAqeel, Muhammad ibn Hasan al-Baqillam and AbU Zakariya Tebrezi. Thereafter, he turned to mysticism and was guided in its tenets and practices by Sheikh Abul Khair Hammad ibn Muslim al-DabbSs3 and Cadi Abu Saceed Makhrami,* and was allowed by the latter to initiate others in the mystic order of his mentor 1 Gilan or Jilan and also known as Vailam, is a north-western province of Iran, south of the Caspian Sea and north of the Elburz chain It u hounded in the east b> Tabrtstan or Mazandran, and its northern hxnit is marked by the junctm e of the Kui and the Araxes, its political boundary toith Russia is marked by Astara stream It is one of the most beauuful artas m Iran (E I S Vol II, p 170 ) 2 Ibn Katfiir, Vol XII* p 149 3 ShcPirGni writes that most of the ni) sties belonging to Baghdad were his disciples He died in 525 A H (Tiabqal uUKubra, Vol I, p 134) 4 His name mas Mubarak ibnc Vlt ibn Husain As reported by Ibn K athli, he was a Irad11tonist and mvslie belonging lo the school of Ahmad ibn Hanbal He died in 5U A H

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his congregations At the same time, he claimed such an attention and deference from the people attending his lectures that even the kings would have envied it Sheikh Muwaflaq ud-dln ibn Qudamah, author of the al-Mughmy recoids that he had not seen a man more revered fbi his piety and religious learning than *Abdul Qadjr The king) his chief and ministers attended his sermons along with the rank and file and used to sit in a corner without any fanfare. Scholars and jurists rubbed shouldeis with the students. The enthusiastic devotion of the people coming to his lectures can be well imagined by the fact that often as many as 400 inkpots weie counted, which were brought in to takedown W

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Notwithstanding tlie implicit icvei ence thenshed forcAbdul Q sdir by the people, he was always modest, humble and unpre­ tentious Ho often left his woi K to attend to the needs of a child, a destitute or a slave girl Ncxci evading the company of the poor he even washed then clothcs 01 peifoimed similar other personal sei vices for them, yet he never stood up in the honour of any person of the tank or the elite 1 If the Caliph ever paid a visit to him, the chiomclers of his time icpoit, he deliberately went inside his house so that he might not have to stand up to JWMU. +I«/ tl>Ui b m n 18

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Mti ftrfThis was one of the most troublous times of the cAbb3sid rule When the Caliphs and Saljukid Kings vied with each other for maintaining their supremacy. The former being shorn of their temporal power were prevailed upon, sometimes with their per­ mission but not unoften through coercion, by the Saljukid Kings to accept their domination* This also sometimes engulfed the Islamic world mto fratricidal conflicts m which the Muslims shed the blood of one another Several such incidents took place during the reign of Caliph al-Mustarshid He was a brave and wise administrator who won numerous battles but he was finally defeated by the Safyukid King MascCid m 529 a h Ibn Kathir, giving an account of the Caliph’s defeat writes “ The Sultan (Mas'ud) gained victory and the Cahph (al-Mustarshid) was taken prisoner Baghdad was ransaked which plunged the city into sorrow The people dismantled the pulpits of the mosques, gave up attending congregational prayers and women came out lamenting for the Caliph and other captives The people m other parts of the country followed suit with the result that Malik Sanjar had to ask his nephew to reinstate the Cahph MascQd acted on the advice of his uncle but the Cahph was assassinated by the emissaries of the Bat mites while he was on his way back to Baghdad 1,1 These heart-rending incidents were witnessed by cAbdul Qadir He saw the Muslims engaged m internal strife and bloodshed The ghastliness of these feuds and forays, the cruelty, savagery and treachery of those who engaged m them, and the miseries they inflicted upon their foes for the transitory pleasures of power, position and nches made him extremely sad It is true that he had nothing to do with these struggles for power, he was, nevertheless, alive to the miseries inflicted on the people and evil effects of the unsettled conditions during his times Through his sermons, therefore, he endeavoured, with the seriousness of puipose 1 Ibn Kathir, Vol. X II, pp 207-208

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and ardent zeal characteristic of him, to give a call for xnoral propriety and rectitude of the self he vividly explained the transitory nature of the world and its fleeting pleasures, the need for coveting the eternal bliss and preparing for the life-to-come, and the importance of evoking faith and correct mental attitude consisting of right conduct in speech, livelihood and ethical beha­ viour. Serm ons o f cA bdul Q a d ir :

The discourse* of cAbdul Qadir had a magnetic effect which is Mill discernible 111 them cAbduI Qjgdir is at his best in Futnh \d-Ghaib and al-Falah at-RabbUm In describing the love and unity of the Divine Being he appeals to be inspired by highei sources The rcadci can still find the spmt of sincerity and enthusiasm running through these seimons Following in the footsteps of the Prophet, his successors and the illuminated saints of the old, cAbdul Qadir touched on ihe current pioblcms of his days, analysed the reasons foi the miscnes and maladies of the people and provided answers lo their doubts and deficiencies Along with this, the tremendous sincerity and earnest zeal foi the weliai c of the people fired his haranguing with a frenzy of enthusiasm and magnetic effect capable of pulling the strings of the heart Unity of the Divine Being i The foi ci'S of woildhness had become so strong during cAbdul Qadir1s time that the entue social and economic life of the com­ munity appealed to be woven into ihe context of political situation then obtaining, people had developed a tendency of depending upon the kings and nobles foi realisation of then u 01 Idly ends and had begun to ireai them as ultimate dispensers of benefits and harms In oidei to counteract this mistaken tendency of the people, he says 111 one of his seimons “ This entire creation is like a uian who has been imprisoned and chaincd by a king whose dominion* are vast and countenance awesome The pusoner lias beer

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hanged from a pme tree beneath which overflows a n\er, wide and deep The Ling is seated on an elevated chair, having arrows and bows, javelins and spears by his side He hits the captive with whatever weapon he desires Non, would it be prudent for anyone witnessing the scene to divert his attention from the king and expect harm or favour from the captn e instead of the Ling ? Would not such a man be deemed a fool or even mad ’ Oh God, I seek thy refuge from blindness after having being given eyes, from being cast off after getting near Thee, from regression after being promoted to Thy favour, from being misled after obtaining Thy guidance and from apostasy after having been gi anted faith In another sermon he asLs to instil the love of God to the exclusion of everything else besides Him. “ Keep your eyes fixed on Him who is looking at \ou, keep yourself before One who Leens Himself before you 9 love Him who loves you; hark unto Him who calls >ou, seek help from Him who can save }ou, take \ ou out of the darkness of ignorance, cleanse >ou or the impurity of your soul, and redeem you from the baser-self and misleading temptations, despair and timidity. Your earthly desires arc like jour foolish friends who keep \ou off the righteous ruifli nnrl HUU i l m r nft vaWunn ^ VII V* fliA IUU (liinrrc

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How long would you remain slaves of your desires, tempta­ tions, greed, pride, in shoit, this transitory world9 How long would )Ou 1 cmam forgetful of the Hereafter and of your Creator, the Fashioner of everything, the First and the Last, the Manifest and the Hidden; eveiything is touched within His grasp from which emanates the Io\e within your hcart9 the peace and solace, blessings and fa\ours Acjam, he throw’s light on the same topic in another lecture “ The entne creation is helpless Nothing ran do good 1 Ai/iiA vf-GAof5, (Lcciurc No 17), p 4*1 2

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or harm to you* It is only God who lets a thing be done by you, or, in other words, the will of God finds expression through you or somebody else. God has already destined whatever is to happen to you; whethei it be beneficial or harmful, and, the destiny cannot be changed Those who are faithful and virtuous set an example unto other creations There arc a few among these who have so purified their heart that their interior and exterior selves have become one, even if they have riches, then desires never seethe with the worldly attachments Vetily, only those are courageous, valiant and powei ful who have purified their hearts and attained this stage of illumination Unto these alone belongs the kingdom of Heaven and Eaith for they have cleansed their heart of everything save God; they are like a soldier who guards the door of his heart, with the sabre of Tawhtd (Unity) and the Sharjah in his hand, to bar the entry of all creations to a placc icserved for the Creator* Since they have attuned their hcaits to the ultimate source of power, the Shartcek beautifies their exterior while Tawhtd and the wisdom of God’s knowledge decorate their interior.”1 Explaining what is meant by the false objects of worship, he says “ You put your tiust in your own self, in others, in your wealth, in your rites and customs, in your trade and business, or xn your rulers; but, in whatever object you place your reliance, it becomes, to say the truth, your object of worship. If you fear someone, or expect harm or favour from him or else deem him as an intercessor with God, then he is the object of worship for you ”a On another occasion, cAbdul Qsdir vividly described the Jealousy and pnde of God and ftis abhorrence of all associates, as

1 Fatah aURabbrim, (Lecture No 13), p 89 2 J&frf (Lecture No 20), p. 137

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te wisdom lying behind the loss of the things adored and by man wYou often complain, as you would e\er do, that \ou have to suffer the loss of whalev er you set j our affections on The object of youi fancv, if it is a human being, either separates or dies If it is wealth that you care for, \ou incur losses or are deprived of it Then, should I tell you, that God is m love with you, and He is jealous too1 He has created you for Himself but you want to be enraptured by others * Have you not heard what God has said. He holds them dear who love Him, and also, I created the jtna and humankind only that they might worship M e 1 And, are ^ou not aware of what the Prophet once said When God loces anyone, He pieces him in trouble but i f he puls up with it with endurance and forbearance, God then sets him apart for Himself Requested to elucidate what he meant by 'setting apait of a man*, the Prophet replied God deprives htm of hu posses* stons and progeny This is so because it is natural for a man to love his offsprings and possessions and thus lus love which should have been for God alone is di\ided between the Creator and the cieated, between the Eternal and the finite KGod is, howevei, extt cmely Proud and Mighty and there­ fore He destrovs whatever threatens to become an associate m the love for Him It is only then that the heart of the man whom He loves gets attuned to Him And, then, this man can claim to enjoy the distinction of what has been des­ cribed thus by God He holds them dear who lau Htm It is the stage when the heart of the man is cleansed of all idols and associates (of God) such as the offsprings, nches, pleasures and desires It has now no yearnings, no long­ ings left—worldly or otherwise, not even those relating piety and miraculous powers, stations and states, nearness and remoteness, the heart becomes a bottomless vessel in 1

Adh-Dhorijat, 56

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which nothing can be kept God Almighty being extremely Proud and Jealous makes the heart of His beloved incap­ able of nourishing any other desire , He shrouds the heart of His devotee with His awe and a gasp of admiration, and guards it with His Glory and Might so that nothing can get inside this heart, nor can the possessions and riches, family and progeny, friends and relations, piety and miraculous poweis do any harm to it None of these finds a place in the heart of such a man nor, then, God remains, jealous of tkavw kiici&i

X A7KAlAvrAti *e m fUaPAo TfBin fa i i i i a i t a g ia u k c u u i c i v a i c u iu

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or reward from his God so that he may be of help to those who are around him or visit him 1,1 Refuge o f the Broken-hearted:

The Muslim society in the time of cAbdul Qadir could broadly be divided into two classes The first ofthese comprised the men of substance who were deficient m faith and virtuous behavioui As against this, there was another class, poverty* stricken and down-trodden, but endowed with faith and a spirit of righteousness, moi al strength and uprightness Thes people, sometimes, ieehng disconcerted and broken-hearted, viewed the affluent with jealousy and mistrust, and regarded themselves as deprived and discarded cAbdul Qadir holds out hope and cheer tO n-TV iic 0EA v«m Un — frllPCOADnnlA iin n avia \JX Jiid c iA U unne ua 1. ^ dentre u ja “ 0 1 empty-liandcd beggarly fellows, the world would appear to be at logger-heads with you, you aie barefooted, unclothed and unfed, bioken-hearted and ill-starred, evicted h om c\ ei y place and depnved of your longings and fancies But do not say that God has reduced you to poverty, turned the woild against you, abandoned, maligned or persecuted you, did not assign the portion of earthly pleasuies due to you, or did not bestow honour and fame upon you Nor is it piopci for you to complain that God has granted his

1 Futuh nUCfuub, (L^cuue No 32) pp 84-86

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favouis to others, made them reputed and honoured, although they belong to the same faith as you do and are the progency of Adam and Eve like you “ It is really so because you are like a fertile land on which God is sending down the rams consisting of endurance and resignation, conviction and faith, knowledge and grace The tree of your faith is taking roots, sprouting forth its branches, its shade closing over you, pushing out new shoots and fruits, getting higher and bigger without your providing any fertilizer to it God Almighty knows what you really need He has, therefore, assigned a befitting placc for you in the Heieafter He has made you a lord in the life-to-come where His bounties are countless, inconceivable and unheard of As God has said, nobody knows what delights have been stored for your eyes in the Paradise This shall be your recompense for the faithful performance of what has been enjoined unto you, and your endurance, resignation and submission to the will of God “ As for those who have been well-afibrded in this woild, they have been placed in easy circumstances for they aie like a barren land, rocky and sandy, which neither stores nor absorbs the i ams, and it is difficult to implant the tree of faith m it It has, theiefore, to be provided with fertilizers so that the weak saplings of their faith may get nouushment and push out the shoots of nghteous action Thus, if the wealth, honoui and fame aie taken away from them, the tree of their faith shall waste away and its leaves and fruits shall wither although God intends to make it strong Therefore, my poor brethren, you ought to know that the faith of the wealthy does not have deeper roots, it lacks that strength which has been endowed lo you, and it needs the riches and earlhly puzes foi its nouushment If these gifts were lo be taken away from them, their faith will give placc to blasphemy and they shall join the ranks of infidels, apostates and hypomtes, unless, of course, God

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bestows on them spiritual light and illumination, endurance and resignation to strengthen their faith.”1 Worldly Pleasures:

cAbdul QSdir did not preach asceticism nor did he exhort to give up the worldly possessions. What he emphasised upon in his sermons was that these should be made use of by a man to the extent he needs them but he should never allow himself to become a slave of his desires and temptations, nor should he hold the earthly gifts dear to his heart. Explaining the purport of the Tradition which runs: Venly>the world has been moled for you, and you have been createdfor the Hereafter9 he says: “ Do not try to obtain your share of the worldly gifts m a way that you have to keep standing before it like a beggar. You ought to be like a sovereign who keeps himself seated whde the gifts are presented before him This world acclaims those who stand and wait at the door of God Almighty but it demeans those who wait upon it. Therefore, get your share of the worldly benefits without demeaning yourself or compromising your dignity, and this is what Allah expects of you In another sermon he says * “ It is perfectly lawful to lay hands on the world and its gifts, to possess it or even to accumulate it for a com­ mendable purpose, but it is forbidden to set your heart upon it You may allow it to stand at the door of your heart but it is prohibited to allow it to get inside the door, for it shall not bnng any honour to you ”3 Critique o f d ie K in gs:

Abdul Qadir did not sermonise and admonish the populace alone; he fearlessly performed the duty made incumbent by the ShanQak i e, of enjoining the right and forbidding the wrong, and, 1 ul-Ghaib, (Lecture No 25), pp 65-67 2 Fatah al-Rabbamt (Lecture No 21) »p 145 3 iW , (Lccturo No 51), p 163

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whenever he considered it necessary, he publicly denounced the actions and policies of the kings, nobles, and officials He bitterly criticized the faults of the great ones without the slightest consi­ deration of their power or position Hafiz LImad ud-dln ibn Kathir, a historian of his time, has made a mention of it m these words He admonished all the caliphs, vaziers, kings, jurists, elite and the laity—to adopt the righteous course and to forsake the things forbidden He openly criticized, un­ sparingly, everyone to his face in his discourses “ He used to denounce the authorities sternly if any tyrant was appointed to a public office by them He never cared for anyone if he saw the commands of God being overstepped ” * Ibn Kathir writes that when Caliph al-Muqtafi I’Amr IllSh appointed Abul WafS7 Yahya, a man notorious for his cruelty, as a Cadi, cAbdul O Jdir admonished the Caliph m these words: “ You have appointed a man notorious as the ‘Most Tyrant9 to rule over the Muslims What would your answer be tomoi row on the Day of Judgment, before the Lord of the Worlds, the Most Mercifulp4>* Ibn Kathir further says that when the Caliph came to know of the admonition of cAbduI Qadir he burst into tears and imme­ diately dismissed Abul Wala? Yahya from the office cAbdul QSdir also vigorously condemned this-worldlwess of those scholars, jui ists and saints who were prepared to accept an office or to act as entouiages of the ruleis He held this class I t l* T— responsible for the waywardness of the kings and ruling cmeis xu one of his addresses he rebuked these elements thus tf A h, you are the fellows who have misused your know­ ledge and wisdom W hat have you to do with your predecessors ? You are enemies of God and His Apostle, you are no less than the lobbers, tyrants and hypocrites 1 Ibn Kathir Vol X II, p i52 and Qpla'td 2 Qfi/j?*td al'Jmt p (I

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How long will you persist m your pious fraud 7 How long will you continue to don this shroud of assumed piety for the sake of your kings and rulers? How long will you remain a slave of power and position, passions and desires 7 Verily, you and most of your kings are tyrants and traitors unto God and His bondsmen O’ God, our Lord, either degrade these transgressors and humiliate them or make them repent for their sins; either mortify the tyrants and efface them from Thy earth or let them mend their ways m On another occasion he addressed a religious scholar in these words “ Are you not ashamed that your avarice has forced you to serve these tyrants and crave for the emoluments dedared unlawful and prohibited by the Shancah 7 How long shall you hold on to your mean pursuits 7 The king­ dom of the rulers to whom you are playing a second fiddle shall shortly be no more and then you shall be presented before God Almighty who is Eternal, Omnipotent Concern for Moral Rectitude s

Extremtlj solicitous of eradicating the moral laxity and viciousness produced by ever increasing opulence, luxury and indolence m the metropolis of Islam, cAbdul QSdir sometimes came °ut with the most severe criticism of the then society giving ®*pressioa to his heartfelt misery over the sinful ways of the people This was the impassioned appeal made by cAbdul Qsdir * one of his sermons “The edifice of Faith built by the Apostle of God is being demolished, brick by brick, and now it is about to { fall to pieces Gome, O’ mankind, to rebuild what has been dismantled and renovate what has been laid waste* Until i this task is completed, we have to work jointly as a team i

! (littture No 51), p 363 j * W , (lecture No 52) p 371

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Come to my aid. O' Sun, O' Moon and O’ Stars9,1 t Again, in another sermon he says “ roam is shedding tears Its wail of woe is on of the blasphemous hypocrites and innovators who are practising a pious fraud by attributing things that do not belong to Islam “ Look at your predecessors They lived like you but enjoined the right and prohibited the wrong But you have forgotten them altogether so soon after their death v Do you not know that even dog is faithful to h1110 master 7 He guards his fields and the cattle, is pleased to see his master although he does not get more than a few crumbs m the evening You are favoured with the bounties of God but, quite the other way, you are neither thankful to Hun nor you dutifully perform the task assigned to you Instead* what you do xs to break His commands and trans­ gress the limits of the Shartcah912 i t

Reform and R enovation:

The impressive sermons of cAbdul QSdir were a source of inspiration to innumerable persons in Baghdad These enabled thousands to offer earnest repentance for their sins but in order to build up a movement aiming at a widespread and permanent reform of the social, moral and spiritual life of the people, it was necessary to find out a way whereby more durable relations could be fostered between the mentor and the disciples and, at the same time, arrangements could also be made for the religious education and training of the latter As it were, the discourses did not provide a permanent link between the speaker and the audience People came to these meetings, listened to the sermons and left to come back again or not, at their sweet will Many of them persisted in the way they had been treading along without paying any heed to the call of the reformer to purify their souls find to rectify their moral behaviour 1 Fatah al-Rabbani, p 649 2 Ibid,, p 661

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Religious seminaries and educational institutions too did not provide an answer to the problem because of the vast population of Muslims and the mundance pre-occupations of the people. The problem of making arrangements for a continued and concerted effort for the education and training of the people in religious tenets and practices, and infusing a breath of new life in the vast numbers spread over far off lands defied a solution in the absence of a truly Islamic State The foremost business or rather the end of the Caliphate was, in the words of Caliph cUmar ibn cAbdul cAzlz, to guide the people in moral rectitude rather than to collect revenues for the conduct of administration The then Muslim States were, however, not only indifferent to this fundamental olyective but were also extremely allergic to any movement or criticism on this score which could pose a threat to their political supremacy Thus, these governments being suspicious of all efforts made for the resurgence of Islamic spirit, and, erroneously taking these as movements designed to build up political leader­ ship, lost no time m crushing them In these circumstances there was no way left to revivify the religious spirit and fill the people with an enthusiasm, zeal and self-confidence for reintroduction of the precepts of religion in their daily life The only alternative left was to call upon the people to Cake an oath of allegiance for the purpose Following in the footsteps of the Apostle of God, it had become necessary that a guide of spiritual and moral excellence should obtain an oath, or the baht, as it is called, from the people willing to offer sincere penitence and undertaking to lead a virtuous life m future in accordance with the directions of their mentor. If placing oneself under the instruction of an inspired guide meant that he was fairly started upon m his journey to the end of purification of spirit and moral rectitude, the oath of allegiance eqjomed a much more onerous responsibility on the mentor himself The guide or the spiritual teacher had to lead the wandering soul of the discude taking the baHt, stage by stage, from cleansing of his spiritual impurities, renouncing the love of worldly temptations and desirer ‘ wealth and honour, infusing an spirit of moral uprightness

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correct ethical behaviour, following the teachings contained in the Qur^an and the Traditions, to the illumination of the pupil’s soul This was, m truth, what the befti meant and by which the inspired souls tried to infuse into their disciples, through preaching and personal example, loving care and unalloyed sincerity, an inner vitality of spirit and strength of moral integrity As the experience shows, the reformers and renovators of faith did succeed in revivifying the true faith and tapping new sources of popular strength m their own tunes, through this tried and infallible method which just copied the procedure and technique followed by the Prophet of Islam. Innumerable persons have been provided with an opportunity of not only adopting a virtuous life through this method but have also been led to attain even the stage of “Divine Acquaintance” and “Love” by the inspired guides and teachers, of whom the mentor par excellence was Sheikh Muhi ud-dln cAbdul Qadir JilanL The history of peoples subscrib­ ing to the faith of Islam will bear a witness that no guide with an illuminated soul had been more successful than cAbdul Qadir in bnnging about a revival and resurgence of the true Islamic spirit At the same time, the method followed by him is still the easiest and most effective way of filling the people with faith and enthu­ siasm aiming at the reformation of their lives in accordance with the tenets of Islam A few divines and mystics h ad employed the method of btrit, as the annalists report, before cAbdul Qsdir but none had achieved the success as he did With his profound knowledge, intellectual gifts, charming and loving personality and spirituaLexcellence he renovated the system of bchi and founded a neVir mystic order know n as the Qpdtrtyoh cAbdul Qsdir elaborated and systematised the mystic practices, made these more wide-based and developed to make them more harmonious w ith the tenets of the Skancdh Countless people were guided through this path of selt d iscip lin e, devotion to God and virtuous living during the life hmp of cAbduL Q idir, and after him, his disciples propagated the QUdinyak order in almost every Islamic country. Hie branches of the order w ere founded m Yaman, H adhraniaut, India, Indonesia

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and in the countries of Africa where it helped innumerable people to «««* back to die path of loyalty and obedience to God and Hn Apostle.5 'Abdul Qpdir and his disciples were also successful in converting a considerable number of non-Muslims to Islam. *I

*

Influence of cAbdul ftad ir s The moral and spiritual excellence of cAbdul QSdir, his unflinching devotion to God, the- efficacy of his sermons, the inspiring and regenerating influence exercised by him over the people in his own time and the upright character and moral rectitude of those who have had an opportunity to be instructed by him, mark him as one of the most eminent men of God born in Islam He was not only a worker of incessant miracles, as the chroniclers of his time report, but his miracle of miracles lay in his inspiring and impressive teachings which made thousands to turn away from the lust of power and wealth and to inculcate the

1

Among the disciples o£cAbdul QSdir who devoted iheir life to the cause of preaching and umtmg people through their precepts and example to spintual and moral purification, the most notable was Sheikh Shahab ud-dln Suharwardi (593—632 A H ) , the spiritual successor and nephew of Sheikh Abu Najib Suharwardi He was the foundci of another Sufi order known as Suhnraardya He also wrote a veiy popular woik entitled 'Awanf ftt-Aftfart/' on mvsticism IbnKhallikffn wiites that during his old age he was the greatest mystic of Baghdad and (here was none so pious and popular as he (Ibn Khalhkfin, Vol H I, p 119) Another wnter, Ibn al-NajjSr has left records abnut lus immense popularity and preachings (Mtr*at tdjmctt, Vol IV, p 81) Ihn KhallikSn wntes that mystics from far o(f places visited him for guidance and spiritual light Ibn Khalbkin adds that his sermons were very efEcacious (Ibn Khalhfcgg Vol III, pp 119-120) cAwarifal-M&onf, written by Shahab ud-dm Suharwardi, has a pnde of place among the mystic worls One of its distinguishing features is that unlike the mystic writings of the earlier sufy9it upholds the tenets of the orthodox school and cleanses the Skarfiak of all innovations fTi$Jor«e-JtpUd, p 63) Shahab ud-dm Suharwardi too was fortunate m having some very notable personages among htt disciples One of these, Bah&? ud-dm Zakariya Multam was a well known and eminent saint of his time in India

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ti tie spirit of faitfa through sclf-correctjon and purification of the soul In short, his was an striking example of the innate power of Islam to produce a tiue spirit of religion, love of God and moral righteousness m an age of crass material ism D e a th o f cA bduI Q a d i r :

cAbdul Q adir died at the age of 90, m 561 a h An account of the death of cAbdul Q sdir has been preserved by his son, Sharaf ud-dln cIs5 Thus he writes# "D uring his last illness, cAbdul Wahab (brother of Sharaf ud-dln) requested Sheikh cAbdul Q adir to give him some advice which he could follow after his death The Sheikh replied *Inculcate a deep consciousness of the subhmitv and grandeur of God Fear not anyone nor cherish a desire for benefit from anybody save God Entrust aH of your needs to Him and then have confidence m Him Whatever you need, place it before God with a conviction in the prospect of its fulfilment Keep yourself constantly occupied with Tawhtd, the Unity of God, on which there is a consensus, for, when the heart is filled with awe, love and respcct for Him, nothing can escape it or get out of it * Thereafter he asked his sons to clear out saying ‘You find me here with yourself but I am really with others Make room for the angels who aie here besides me You ought to be courteous and pay homage to them I find the bless­ ings from God descending here for whiqh you should leave ample space * He saluted from time to time some invisible beings foi a day and a night He would say *May the peace and blessings of God be upon you. May God pardon you and me and accept our repentance Come, in the name of God Almighty, and do not go back*” Once he said: “Woe be unto you I care not a whit for anything* neither for the Angel or Death or any other angel Mv blessings me far m excess df you. G

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lifted and stretched his hand several times Thereafter, he addressed his sons, ^Abdur Rszz%c[ and Miisftj saying * 'May God have peace and blessings on you- Pay attention to God and grasp His attributes * Then he said * *1 am just coming to you Be more kind to m e* He remained unconscious for a while aftei that On -regaining cons­ ciousness he exclaimed ‘There is as much difference between you and me as between the heavens and the earth Don't think of me like anybody else9 When cAbdul cAz!z, one of his sons, asked about his illness, he replied ‘Don't ask me anything. I am immersed in the gnosis of God Almighty* In reply to another question asked by cAbdul Aziz his reply was *No body knows my illness, nor can anyone diagnose it, neither the jinn, nor men, nor angels The command of God never supersedes His know ledge, the order changes but not His knowledge, God may override His command by another one, but never what is contained nn His knowledge He obliterates or pieserves whatever He desires; He is the final Authority above whom there is none, unlike a human being who has to render an account for his actions, God is Omnipotent Now I know the secrets of His attributes, they are what they are * “ One of his sons,1Abdul Jabber asked him if he had any pam The Sheikh replied to him ‘I have pain m my entire body except my heart which is attuned to God 5 Then m his last moments he said ‘I seek the help of God Almighty save whom there is no other God, Glonfied is He, the Most High« He is Ever-living for death seizeth Him not, Praise be unto Him for He is the Exalted, the Mighty, He exercises His power through the death of his creations I bear witness that there is no God save Allah and thal Muhammad is the Apostle of God ’ His son Mflsa relates that he tried to say 'TJazzattf \ e ‘Exalted and Domi­ nant is He* but he was not able to pronounce it correctly He tried again and again till he pronounced the word correctly. Thereafter, he said thrice* ‘Allah, Allah, Allah,*-

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his voice failed thereafter, the tongue having been fixed up m the palate, his soul departed from the body ”* cAbdul Qadir left quite a large number of pious and saintly disciples who continued to disseminate his message and fight thisworldlmess and its vices like opulence and luxury, fame and power.

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CHAPTER IX

IBN AL-JAWZI Ibn al-Jawzi presents another striking example of a preacher, reformer and renovator of the faith. He was the most reputed and profound scholar of his time and a prolific writer of volumi­ nous books on exegesis of the QurcSn, Traditions, history and literary criticism Early Life:

/

Born in 508 a, h - at Baghdad, Ibn al-Jawzi was 38 years younger than cAbdul QjSdir. His father died when he was still yotpig but his mother sent him to study undei a reputed traditionist of the day, Ibn Nasir. He committed the Q ur^n to memory and learnt its recitation, studied the Traditions and calligraphy. Describing his childhood days to his son, Ibn alJawsd says * “I quite recollect that I was admitted to the primary school at the age of six Boys much more elder thati me were my class-mates I do not recollect if 1 had ever spent my time in playing or laughing with other boys. Instead ofwitnessing the performance of the jugglers who frequently held their shows m the field in front of the mosque where I studied, I used to attend the lectures on Traditions. What­ ever Traditions or biographical accounts of the Prophet were related in the lectures, those were memorised by me and then I also used to take them down on reaching home. Other boys spent their time in playing along the banks of the nver but 1 invariably used to sit down with a book m my hand m a corner and read it from cover to cover* u I was always so anxious to attend the classes in time that often I doubled up to ‘reach the school before the

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lectures began It was not unoften that I had nothing to eat for the whole day but I am thankful to God that I have never had an occasion lo be grateful to anybody in that connexion ”] Zeal for the T raditions:

Ibn al-Jawzi had an intense enthusiasm for acquiring know­ ledge and propagating the Traditions of the Apostle of God His works on the sttlgect were so numerous that* as the chroniclers of his time report, Ibn al-Jawzi had made a will that the water for the ritual washing of his dead body should be heated by burning the clippings and ends of his pens used lor writing the Traditions It is further related that these clippings were found more than sufficient for the purpose 8 Ibn al-Jawzi was a voracious reader from an early age In his time Baghdad had well-stocked libraries where he used to spend most of his time. He read whatever book he could lay his hands on In one of his books entitled Said alrKhattr, an auto­ biographical memoir, he writes. “I may state here my own cast of mind I am never tired of reading books and my joy knows no -bounds whenever I find a new b o o k .................It would appear to be an exaggeration if 1 say that I had gone through 20,000 books during my student days I came to know of the courage and large-heartedness, erudition and tenacious memory, piety and eagerness for prayer cherished by the savants of the old, which I could not have learnt without reading those books The study of the books in those days also revealed to me the shallow knowledge of the scholars m our times and the dull spirits of the students now-a-days8 Penm anship o f Ibn al-Jaw zi:

Ibn al-Jawzi turned to writing from an early age 1 2.

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Nastkat ul-Walad, pp 81-82 Ibn Khalhkffn, Vol ' III, p. 321 Said al-Khahr9 Vol III, pp 607-608-

He began

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writing fear folios daily and continued the practice throughout his life* Ibn Taymiyah relates that when he took a stock of Ibn al-Jawzi’s books, they were found to be more than one thousand in number, Ibn al-Jawzi had such a profound knowledge of the science of Traditions that he claimed to tell the authenticity or otherwise of any Tradition with reference to the character of those through whom the Tradition had been handed down or with reference to the manner m which it had been narrated He was also without a peer as a litterateur and as an orator His Piety:

Ibn al-Jawzi was as much celebrated for his moral uprightness, devotion and piety as for his literary attainments His grandson, Abul Muzaffar, relates that Ibn al-Jawzi completed recitation of the QurcSn every week* he never spent his tune in fun or frolics during his childhood and never ate anything unless lie was sure that it had been obtained through lawful means Ibn al-Najj5r records that m religious devotion and observance of prayers he presented a sublime picLui e of saintliness Another annalist, Ibn al~F2tsi says that Ibn al-Jawzi kept vigils by night and was never forgetful of the recollection of God The works of Ibn al-Jawzi piesent an striking example of his fervent devotion and the heartfelt love of God* In an autobiogiaphical passage inclu­ ded m the Satd al-Kkatir he write* ‘Trom eaily childhood I had an inclination towards devotion to religious contemplation and worship I zeal­ ously observed obligatos y as well as supererogatory prayers and prefeired seclusion Spending my days thus, I felt peace and enlightenment* I extremely regretted the time . spent otherwise for I had an ardent desii e to utilize every moment of my life under a diligent consciousness of the Omnipresent Lord. In those days I felt my heart attuned to God while my supplications and benedictions were a source of indescribable pleasure to me My lectures and discourses, quite effective in those days, it appears, attracted a few high officials and chiefs who wanted to come closer

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to me by paying homage and putting themselves at my service As it were, I too felt inclined towards them but in their company I lost the sense of peace and sanctifying grace that I enjoyed earlier in my supplications. Thereafter other functionaries of the government started gaming my favour with the result that the precautions I used to take earner m regard to avoiaing everytning umawiui ana doubtful, gave place to a sense of complacency It was still not so deplorable but gradually my specious reasoning made the doubtful oblects anoear as *nerfectlvW lawful and,* V «A then, I realised that I had lost the sublimity and purity or my heart»instead, it seemed, as if a profaneness had taken its place which gave rise to restlessness and disquietitude in me. I witnessed that my sermons too bore a mark of my anxiety which caused an ever larger number of persons to offer penitence Ibr their sms while my own guilt weighed lioa v i ltr A n m w rn n on n iion aee

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still more disturbed, but there seemed to be no way out. I .1 n visited the tomDs of the saints and earnestly Deseecnea uoa to show me the right path. Ultimately, God helped me and I again felt an inclination to spend more of my time in prayer and solitude Now I came to know what was wrong with me and I thanked my Lord, the Most Com passionate —___ 1 H t _____ 1*_I

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Latif, wm dress and dietary habits and was charming and grace­ ful®’. Another annalist, Ibn al-Daym relates that Ibn al-Jaw zi was soft-spoken, handsome and of medium height, reputed tor his clemency and generosity Extremely careful of his health, ne liked what mav be called the “eood things of temperate quality* 1. Said a/-A/ufir» Vol. I, pp. 121-122

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In the Said al-Khatir and the Tdbls-o-Iblls he has mentioned his numerous clinical experiences and advised against penance and arduous religious practices which had then been introduced by the Ir a n ia n

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Encyclopaedic Knowledge:

The most outstanding feature of Ibn al-Jawzi*s character is his versatility* He towered over hi* contemporaries in his ardent desire to be well versed m almost every branch of learning. He has himself described it m some detail m the Said al-Khaiur. “ The greatest trial for man lies in the loftiness of his ambition' the higher is one’s ambition, the loftier aspira­ tion for advancement or success one has However, he is sometimes unable to achieve it owing to unfavourable circumstances, or because he lacks the means, and this causes dissatisfaction God has, however, made me so ambitious that I have always a hankering for something higher But I have never wished that God might not have made me too ambitious It is true that life can be fully enjoyed only by a care-free, imprudent and a listless fellow but nobody endowed with brains would ever retrogres­ sion of his intellect simply for the sake of getting more fun out of worldly pleasures* I know of many people who are boastful of their lofty ambitions but I have found their aspirations really himted to only one field of their activity in which they are ardently desirous of achieving success These people are completely indifferent to their deficiency m other fidds A poet by the name of Sharif Radhi once said in a couplet CH1 health is never without a cause, but in my case it is because of too high an aspiration.* However, on going through his biographical accounts I found that he had no ambition save achieving power and position. it is related that AbQ Muslim KhurSsani could not sleep well during his youthful days. When asked about the reason for it, he replied, ‘How can I deep » Brilliant and

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ambitious though I am, I have been condemned to lead a life of poverty and obscurity* * Then, what would satisfy you ** asked someone He replied, *1 would be satisfied only if I achieve greatness and power9 'Then try for it,* he was told 'This would not be possible without putting my life at stake’, replied he He was asked again, ‘But why dont’ you do so v He said, ‘Intellect asks me not to run into danger * 'What would you do then was demanded of him CI would not accept the advice of my intellect/ replied Abn Muslim, rand would give myself up to my folly I will play a despeiate game at the bidding of my ambition and seek the help of intellect only where imprudence fails me I have no other course left, as poverty and obscurity are interdependent’ “On giving further thought to this self-deluded yet ambitious man I came to the conclusion that he had not given thought to one of the most important factors, and that was the question of life-to-come He was mad after political power for which he had to be cruel and unspaung of innocent human lives He got just a fraction of the worldly power and glory, the things he aspired, for a short duration of only eight years Thereafter he fell an easy victim to the treachery of al-Saflf&h, and then his intellect did not come to his aid It was the same v ith al-Mutannabbi too who was so pretentious of his ambitions, but he was also enamoured of worldly success “My ambition is however, quite different from theirs I aspire for a profound knowledge embracing the entire field of learning, which, I know, I cannot attain I want to achieve a thorough and complete knowledge of every branch of learning which is obviously not possible in the short span of human life. I do not consider anyone perfect m the knowledge of a science so long as he lacks perfection

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in another branch, as, for example, if a tradidontst is not a master of jurisprudence too I consider his knowledge to be incomplete “The imperfection of knowledge, I think, can be attri­ buted to the lack of ambition alone. Not only that* to me the end of knowledge means an ability to act on it Thus, what I want is that I should be able to combine with my knowledge the assiduity of Bishr Hafi and piety of McarUf Karkhi But it is hardly possible to achieve these along with the preoccupations of studying and teaching and attending to other mundane affairs And this is not all, I aspire to oblige others but do not want to lie under their obligation, my pre-occupation with the studies is an impediment m the way of my earnings but I detest to be indebted to anyone or to accept gifts from others I ardently desire to have children as well as to be an author of merit and distinction so that these may commemorate my memory, but both these pursuits stand in the way of solitude and contemplation I also do like to enjoy the lawful pleasures but do not possess the means for achieving these and if I devote myself to get at these, I would lose the contentment and peace of mmd Similar is the case with other matters, as, for example, I like the delicacies and refinements which my good taste desires All these m fact mean aspiring for diametrical ends What have those persons to do with these lofty ideals who aspire simply for worldly success, wealth, power and position9 I too want worldly success but in a manner that I do not have to impair my faith or to expose my'learning or virtuous action to any risk or injury. Who can appreciate the demands of my ambition *. on the one hand I relish contemplation and prayer, divine manifestation and illumination of heart, but, on the other, I have an inclination for the cultivation of knowledge, teaching and penmanship. The first requires penance, fasting and seclusion while the latter demands nourishment and mixing with the people Spiritual

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contraction 25 unbearable ibr me, but making the both ends meet for my dependents stands in the way or my spiritual progress I have endured these strains all through my hie and submitted to the will of God for. it seems, the path to success and perfection lies through struggles and afflictions For the loftiest ideal is to seek the pleasure of God Almighty, I guard myself of every defilement and take care that not a single moment of my life is spent in any vain effort. Glory be to God, if I succeed in my endea\ ours; but, I won’t mind if I fail for the Prophet has said that the intention of the faithful is better than his action Popular E nthusiasm :

The sermons delivered by Ibn al-Jaw 21 were attended by the caliphs, kings and chiefs of the slate besides the common people of Baghdad It is reported that his lectures were normal!} attended by ten to fifteen thousand persons and sometimes the number went up even to a hundred thousand * An eloquent speaker as he was, his sermons breathed an almost tragic urgency behind his message which touched the heart of his audience His 'soul-stirring calls so carried away the listeners that many of them burst into tears, broke down into hysterical screams or e\en tore off their shirts Innumerable persons offered earnest repentence for their sins as a result of lus sermons It is estimated that Ibn al-Jawzi secured com ersson of 20,000 Christians and Jew s and over a hundred thousand people made solemn affirmations to lead a virtuous life after listening to his sermons1 Ibn al-Jawzi always condemned innovations and unlawful accretions to the Faith in his sermons, asking the people to follow the path enjoined by the Scripture and the Traditions Because of Ibn al*Jaw zi*s profound knowledge and eloquence as also his popularity the sectaries of heretical factions never dared to 1. Said al-Khatir, Vo! II, pp 334*337. 2 Ibid , Vol I ,p 21

3. Ihid

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controvert him, with the result that the orthodox school gamed a dominating influence The Caliphs and nobles of the time became followers of the Hanbahte school which was distinguished for us strict adherence to the Tiaditions and the Scripture literary Endeavours s

Ibn al-Jawzi produced some of the most distinguished works which had a profound effect on the subsequent academic endea­ vours His writings helped the succeeding generations to keep to the right path as extyoined by the Shantah KitUb ul-Memztfftt is Ibn al-Jawzifs chief work on the Tradi­ tions In this book he has discussed all those spurious or weak Traditions which were then commonly relied upon by the heretics for spreading beliefs contrary to the authonsed teachings of the conformist school It is true that Ibn al-Jawzi has been too harsh in his judgments since he has adopted an extremist course in regard to certain issues dealt with by him in this book, neverthe­ less, he has performed an invaluable task by exposing the fallacies of the heretics and innovators TalbU-o-Iblis is a critical study of the then Muslim society by Ibn al-Jawzi. In this book he has made a critical evaluation of the different classes and sections of the Muslim society of his time, highlighted their weaknesses, misconceptions and aberrations and delineated the causes which had given birth to different vices marring their faith action and behaviour Ibn al-Jawzi has setforth the habits and customs, faults and self-deceits to which the scholars, jurists, preacheis, writers, rulers and the pious often fall a prey This book is an outstanding example of the panoiamic charactei of Ibn al-Jaw zi*s writings, he shows an awareness of the mental, emotional and social attitudes of the different classes of Muslim society along \s ith the beliefs and doctrines of heretic sections, and the subtle ways in which the latter mislead otheis Cntique of the Scholars and Administrators s

The criticism bj Ibn al-Jawzi is at places too severe m the Talblxt-ntU, as is his verdict symbolic of his extremist views, yet

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the book contains a mine of useful information since it deals extensively with the vices found among different sections of the people One has generally to agree with Ibn al-Jawza's analysis which also giv«*s an idea of the liveliness and incisiveness or his intellectual grasp Criticising the scholars of his time, some of whom were engag­ ed in unnecessary hairsplitting of legal issues, he writes in the Talbls-o-Ibtls "One of the greatest weaknesses of these scholar-jurists is that they have occupied themselves with the vain discus* sions but they do not pay heed to the Scripture, Traditions and the biographies of the companions of the Prophet which would have had a salutary effect towards the purification of their souls It hardly needs any emphasis that the dis­ cussions on trifling issues like the kinds of impunties and the methods of purification would not make one tender-hearted or receptive of the awe of God What is needed by man is the recollection of God and the discourses on the subject so that these may create a longing for success in the life-tocome There is no denying the fact that ethical issues are not beyond the sphere of the Shancah, but these are by themselves not sufficient for achieving the ultimate objec­ tive How can these persons be expected to follow the example of the pious souls of the bygone days, whose faith they profess to own, unless they endeavour to get at the state of ecstacy and propinquity to God attained by them 7 One should not lose sight of the fact that man is indolent by nature, and if left to himself, he would be inclined to follow the beaten track of his day On the other hand, if he tries to cultivate the knowledge of beliefs and behaviour of the pious and elevated mentors of the former times, he would naturally try to take after their ways A mentor of the yore has well said that he would prefer a Tradition that would make him soft-hearted to a hundred legal decisions of Cadi Shuraih.” 1 1

TabRs-o-Jbfls, pp 119-120

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213

la his cntique of the preachers in the same book, Ibn al-Jawzi observes “Most of these preachers are accustomed to using a grandiloquent and heavily embellished language which often means nothing. The greater portions of their dis­ courses are devoted to the accounts of the Prophet Moses, Mount Sinai, Joseph and Gelicho (Zulaikha)3 or the like, but they have hardly to say anything about the obligatory performances enjoined by the religion or how to avoid sins How can their sermons prevail upon an adulterer to offer penitence; or else convince a woman to be faithful and maintain good relations with her husband 7 These discour­ ses are completely devoid of the ethical or religious teach­ ings of the Sharfah This is also one of the reasons for these sermons being so popular, for the truth is always dis­ tasteful while falsehood is pleasing Further, continuing the same subject, he observes: “It often so happens that the preacher is sincere and honest but he wants to win over and dominate the hearts of his audience. He wants to extort admiration from others. A sure symptom of this vice is that if another preacher tries to help him or begins to deliver lectures to his audi­ ence, he does not relish it although a sincere person would have welcomed the helping hand in his endeavour *** Ibn al-Jawzi also criticises the scholars for their lack of sincerity. He wntes " I f the students of any scholar leave their teacher to sit at the feet of another savant more learned and reputed than him, he feels a heartburning which is ‘not befitting a sincere scholar Sincere savants and teachers are like physicians who treat the people simply to propitiate God and bless with contentment another physician who is able to cure their patient ”* 1 ToMfct-Jllif, p ]25 2 O ti, p m

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214

In connection with the vices developed by the kings, rulers and administrators, Ibn al-Jawzi writes “These people prefer to pattern their behaviour accord­ ing to their own wishes rather than do what the Shancah enjoins They would cut off the hand or execute a person even though it might not be lawful to do so They labour under the misconception that what they do is essential as a matter of political expediency This meanst in other words, that the Shancah is incomplete and they are now making up for that deficiencv€ “ This is in reality a great deception created by the Satan, for, the Shan*ah comprises divine guidance for the conduct of our temporal affairs as well, and it is unthinkable that the guidance vouchsafed by God should be deficient God Almighty has ordained• We have not lift anything incomplete in the Scripture9 and also There is none to amend Our order Thus, the man who wants to superimpose his own ideas over the Shartcah in the garb of political expe­ diency, 1 eally claims that the guidance vouchsafed to man .by God is imperfect and incomplete This is obviously blasphemous M1 Ibn al-w Tawzi noints of the rulers and ^ - out another weakness -administrators m these words 1 ^ tivfitrt dcsiqgs uieir persistence on uieir wrungtux waya w*y also ardently desire to pay a visit to some pious and godly personage for the purpose of seeking his benediction in their favour The devil has brought them round to believe that the solemn invocation of the divine blessings by a godly person would make the burden of their sms lighter This is, however, not so Once a trader whose goods had been withheld by a collector of the toll-tax went to the reputed saint M shk ibn DinSr and requested him for his help Mslik ibn Dinar went to the collector of the toiltax who treated him respectfully and released the goods __

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of the tradesman Thereafter the official asked Malik ibn Dinar to pray for him but Malik replied, ‘Ask this purse in which you keep the money acquired illegally, to pray for you How can I invoke blessings for you when countless people curse you7’ cDo you think,* added Malik, ‘that God will accept the entreaties of a single individual m preference to the prayers of a thousand others At another place he writes “The rich and the affluent have a great regard for such misguided mystics who approve of the hearing of songs and playing on musical instruments They are lavish m spending their riches on these mystics but would not part with a single shell for the sake of scholars and savants As a matter of fact, the scholars aie like physicians on whose advice a man spends his money grudgingly only when he falls ill On the other hand, the misguided mystics and the musicians and singers accompanying them are like courtiers and flatterers who are normally hangers-on of every wealthy person9 “Likewise, they arc devoted to the ascetics and other persons of assumed piety, and prefer them to the doctors of religion They would readily submit to a charlatan attired as a mendicant, if he practises a pious fraud upon them they are easily led astray and begin to sneer at the scholars for not being ascetics However, to hold the ascetics in higher esteem than the scholais is simply ignorance and an insult to the Shancek These misguided persons should really be thankful to God that they weie not present dunng the life-time of the Apostle of God for they would have turned apostate if they had seen him taking1wives, eatmg, wearing clothes and enjoying honey/*3 In his critique of the masses Ibn al*Jawzi writes * _____ “Satan has mislead the masses to believe that attending TatSis^blhds^ p 134 Ibid , p 373 Ibid , pp 388-389

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of religious discourses and raising a wail of woe arc highly meutorious acts and (he sole purpose of delivering these sermons This is perhaps because the people have been told about the merits of listening to these discourses but they do not know that the end of these sermons is reformation of their own morals and rectitude of their behavioui. Nor do they appeal to be aware that whatever they listen to in these lectures shall be citcd as an evidence agamst them on the Doomsday I personally know a number of persons who are attending such discourses for a number of years They get excited 011 hearing these sermons and burst into teais but they still persist 111 accepting interest, cheating others m then tiadc, remaining unmindful of the religious per­ formances, and disobedience to their parents Satan has led them to believe that their presence m these sermons, their lamentations and fits of crying will atone for their neglected duties and the sms of omission and commission There are also others who think that accompanying the pious and godly persons or paying visits to them shall be enough for expiation of their sins In tegard to the rich and affluent, Ibn al-Jawzi has the followingw to savm “Many among these persons spend lavishly on the construction of mosques or bridges but their object really is to become famous and win over the people by such acts of piety Another objective they have m view is that they should be remembered after their death, and, for that pur­ pose they get then names inscribed on the foundationstones of these edifices. Had they undertaken the construc­ tion of these works for the pleasure of God, they would have been content with the knowledge that God is aware of what they do If these persons were to be asked to get simply a wall constructed without having their names inscribed on it, they would never agree to it ]

JaWtK-o-Ittiir pp asa-au*

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“ Likewise, these persons donate candle-sdcks to the mosques during the month of Ramadhan although these remain without light during die remaining part of the year. They cannot, obviously, evoke admiration of others by providing oil for daily lighting, which they hope to attain by donation of a single candlestick during the month of Said al-Khatir:

Not strictly an autobiographical work, the book also contains reminiscences of Ibn al-Jawzi, his ideas and feelings and personal experiences In describing the incidents he had come across, Ibn al-Jawzi frankly admits his mistakes and weaknesses Ibn al-Jawzi often addresses his own self to criticise its longings and aspirations, gives an account of his mental and emotional states, describes his social experiences with the help of common and everyday happexvmgs and relates the wisdom derived from the tnals and tribula­ tions, rough and tumble of life or his dealings with women, friends and servants. An outstanding feature of this book is its imma­ culate sincerity and simplicity* The book is also noted for the easy eloquence and lucidity of its style, which marks the first attempt made by an Arab writer in this direction, since the then prevailing style was to use a heavily embellished language m the literary works Ibn al-Jawzi possessed a special gift to draw out wisdom from insignificant occurrences which many of us come across and pass over without paying any heed to them Here is an examnle frnm the Satd al-Khatir “I saw two laboui ers who were carrying a heavy beam* Both were humming a song, when one recited a verse, the otner listened lo it attentively and then repeated it or came out with another verse m xeply to the first. I thought that if they do not do so they would have a greater consciousness of their exertion By singing the labourers made their work 1 Ttilblf-o-Iblxs, p 395

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On further reflection I found that by engaging

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respite, they get busy m another work for a short duration and dins refresh themselves This diversion also »»*»* the consciousness of the burden by diverting «HwiHnn from the exertion of their work My attention was diverted fmm if fn 4*Via nnpilim rtf MenAvieiliilvriM a« i tV a

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Prophet’s Ascension,* when he had led the congregational prayer of 1

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Ibn ShaddSd adds that when the caravan of pilgrims was treadserouslj waylaid by Reginald, some of Jus captives implored Hm to be merofb] Reginald, however, arrogant!} turned down their reques* eying: “Ask jo u r Prophet Muhammad to come to jour rescue*'. When Salah nd-dJn heard of it he \ohed that he would slay Reginald with his own hands* “ he got hold of him Saladm, pp 214-215 A l-Ncwcdtr-iSuItaxut, p 64 Ib td , p 213 The miraculous etent of the journe) of Holy Prophet to Heaven has been alluded to in the Qu^Sn {XVII • 1) which runs as follows: "Glorified be He »ho earned H s servant fay night from the Inviolable Place of Worship (Kacaba) to the Far Distant Place of Worship (the Temple ofJerwateo) the neighbourhood where of We have blessed, flat We might s h o w him -

NUR UD-DIN ZANGJ AND SALAH UD-DIN AYYUBI

“IF the taking of J«*i us&lem were the only fact known about Saladin, it were enough to prove him the most chivalrous and great-hearted conqueror of his own, and perhaps of any, age The Third Crusade : The fall of Jerusalem and the terrible rout of the Ciusadeis at die battle of Hittln threw the whole of Christendom into a violent commotion Reinforcements from Europe poured forth mto Palestine Almost all the principal sovereigns and eminent generals of the then Christendom, such as, Frederick Barbarossa, the Emperor of Germany, Richard Caar de Lion, King of England, and Philip Augustus, King of France, Leopold of Austi ta, the Duke of Burgundy, the Count of Flandei s sallied forth with their armies against the lonely Sultan and his few chiefs and relatives who had to defend the honour of Islam Negotiations of Peace s Both the parties which had been arrayed against each other in a sanguinary combat for five years at last got tired of the fruit­ less, harassing and decimating struggle* They came to an agree­ ment at Ramla m 588 a h which recognised Salah ud-din as the sovereign of the whole of Palestine leaving the principality of Acre m the hands of the Christians Thus ended the Third Crusade and with it the task entrusted to Salah ud-dln by God LanePoole desci ibes the mglouous end of the Third Crusade m these words "The Holy Wai was over, the five jeais* contest ended Befoie the great victory at Hittln m Julv, 1187, not an inch or Palestine west of the Jordan was in the Moslems' hands After the Peace of Ramla m September, 1192, the whole land was theirs, except » strip of coast from Tyre to Jafla Saladin had no cause to be ashamed of the treaty. The Franks indeed retained most #

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SAVIOURS Ol* ISLAMIC SPIR11

of what the Crusaders had won, but the result was con­ temptible in relation to the cost At the Pope’s appeal, all Christendom had risen in arms The Emperor, the Kings of England, France, and Sicily, Leopold of Austria, the Duke of Burgundy, the Count of Flanders, hundreds of famous barons and knights of all nations, had joined vith the King and Princes of Palestine and the indomitable brothers of the Temple and Hospital, in the effort to delner the Holy City and restore the vanished kingdom of Jeru­ salem The Emperor was dsad the Kings had gone back, mam of their noblest followers lay buried in the Hoi} Land, but Jerusalem was still the city of Saladin, and its titular king reigned o\ er a slender realm at Acre “All the strength of Christendom concentrated m the Third Crusade had not shaken Saladin’s power His soldiers may have murmured at their long months of hard and perilous sen ice, year after year, but they never refused to come to his summons and lay dow n their lives m his cause His \assals in the distant valleys of the Tigns ma\ have groaned at his constant requirements, but the) brought their retainers loyall) to his colours, and at the last pitched battle, at Arsuf, it was the division of Mosil that most distinguished itself for %alour Throughout these toilsome compaigns Saladin could always count on the support of the le\ies from Egypt and Mesopotamia, as well as from northern and central Syna; Kurds Turkmans, Arabs, and Egyptians, they were all Moslems and his ser­ vants when he called In spite of their differences of race, their national jealousies, and tribal pride, he had kept them together as one host—not without difficult} and twice or thrice' a critical waver But, the shrinking at Jaffa not* withstanding, they were still a united army under his orders m the autumn of 1192, as they had been when he first led them *on the Path of God* m 1187. Not a pro* vince had fallen away, not a chief or vassal had rebelled, though the calls upon their loyalty and endurance wen*

NUR UD-DIN ZANGI AND SALAH TJD-DIH AYYUB1

the earlier prophets in Jerusalem, the Sultan entered the city Ibn ShaddEd has given a graphic account of this memorable day He writes "It was the victory of victories A large crowd consist­ ing of scholars and the nobles, traders and the laity had gathered on this joyous occasion A number of people had come from the coastal lands on getting the news of the Sultan's victory* and so had come nearly all the notable theologians from Egypt and Syna to congratulate him on his victory Hardly any dignitary or any noteworthy personage of the empire was left behind THe joyful shouts of ‘God is Gieat% and 'There is no god but God9 rent the skies After ninety years Friday prayer was again held in Jerusalem The Cross that glittered on the Dome of the Rock was pulled down An undescnbable event as it was, the blessings and the succour of God were to be witnessed everywhere on the day>M A costly pulpit which had been designed under the orders of Nui ud-dln Zangi twenty years ago was brought from Aleppo and crected m the Dome of the Rock 2 Benevolence of Salah ud-din The forbearance, humanity and magnanimity of Salah ud-din on this occasion was m- striking contrast with the brutality of his Christian foes The Christian biographer of Salah ud-dln, LanePoole, acknowledges that the Sultan's kindness of heart had con­ quered his desire for revenge He writes * ‘Never did Saladm show himself greater than during this memorable surrender His guards* commanded by Our tokens1'* The Prophet was brought by the angel Gabral to the Temple ofjcrusalcm where he offered the prayers, leading a congregation of alt the propheu who had come before him. Thereafter, he m s takes to the Heaven to be presented before God Almighty ' 2 Abul FjdV, Vol III p 77

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responsible emus, kept older in every street, and prevented violence and insult, insomuch that no ill-usage of the Christians was ever heard of Every exit was in his hands, and a trustee Loid was set over David’s gate to receive the lansoms as each citizen came forth 991 Then, after describing how the people left in the holy city weie 1 ansomed and how al-Mahk al-cAdiI, the brother of the Sultan, the Patriarch and Balian of Ibehn, were each allowed to set free a thousand slaves given by Salah ud-dln, Lane-Poole writes “Then said Saladin to his officers ‘My biother has made his alms, hnd the Patriarch and Balian have made theirs, now I would fain make mine 9 And he ordered his Guaids to pioclaim throughout the streets of Jerusalem that all the old people who could not pay were free to go forth And they came forth ft om the postern of St Lazarus, and then going lasted from the using of the sun until night fell Such was the charity which Saladin did, of poor people without number992 “Thus did the Saiacens show meicy to the fallen city One recalls the savage conquest by the first Crusaders in 1099, when Godfrey and Tancred rode through streets choked with the dead and dying, when defenceless Moslems weie toitured, burnt, and shot down m cold blood on the towers and loof of the Temple, when the blood of wanton massacre defiled the honour of Christendom and stained die scene where once the gospel of love and mercy had been preached 'Blessed are the merciful, for they shall obtain mercy* was a forgotten beatitude when the Chns* tians made shambles of the Holy City Foi tunate were the merciless, for they obtamed mercy at the hands of the Moslem Sultan c

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defray his burial expenses and it had to be met by obtaining a loan in his name, while the shroud was provided by his minister and amanuensis, Gadi Fadhil The Saintly Sultan

In regard to the character and disposition of Salah ud-dln, Ibn ShaddSd has left the following record • “In faith and practice the Sultan was a devout Musalman, evei conforming to the tenets of the orthodox school of faith He was regular in the performance of religious observances Once he told me * CI have not per✓formed a single congregational prayer alone foi the past several years* Even during his illness he would send for the /iitSm and force himself to pei form the prayer behind him Assiduous in offering the prayers founded on the practice of the Prophet, he also performed the voluntary prayers during the night If he could not somehow offei these superero­ gatory prayers during the night, he made up foi these before the dawn prayers as allowed by the Shafeclte school I have seen him standing behind the ImUm during his last illness and except for the three days when he had fallen into a stupor, he never missed his piayers The pooi-due could never become incumbent upon him since he never possessed, throughout his life, piopeity of such estate and effects as was necessary to make him liable to pay that tax Boundless in generosity, he gave away whatever he possessed to the poor and needy, and, at the time of his death, no more than forty-seven dirhams of silver and one of gold were ibund in his possession He left no other property or goods uHe always kept the fast duiing the month of Ramadhan He had had to omit the fast once which he got noted down by Cadi Fadhil Before his last illness he scrupulously made up for this involuntary omission against the advice of his t physician. CI do not know when death will overtake me,’ said he j and, true to his words* he gave up the ghost soon

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after the repayment of that omission The Sultan ardently desired to accomplish the pilgrimage to Mecca but he could never get time to fulfil his desire During the year lie died he had an intense de&ire to set-out loi the pilgrimage but he could not somehow leave for it “He delighted m hearing the Qpr53n recited to him and it was not unoften that he listened three or four chapters of the Holy Scripture from the battlement guards whom he sometimes visited during the night He listened the Qur^n with all his heait and soul till tears tuckled down his cheeks He had also a fancy foi listening to the sacred Tiaditions He would ask everybody present to sit down and listen calmly while the Traditions weie icad out to him If any reputed Traditionist visited the town, he would himself go to attend his lecture, sometimes he would himself relate a Tradition, his eyes brimming with tears He would some­ times pause on the field of battle, between approaching aimies, to listen the Tiaditions lead out to him He held the tenets of faith so i evei ently that it was on his command that a heietical mvstic, es-Suhrawai dys was got executed by his son al-Mahk al-Zahn uThc Sultan had an iiiiflinc hing trust and confidence m the beneficence of Allah He used to turn with his heart and soul towaids God in the moments of difficulty Once Sultan was piesent within Jerusalem which then lay almost helpless before the besieging Cnsaders The Sultan had, however, lefused out lequest to leave the city It was a cold wintiy night befoic Fudav when I was alone with the Sultan, we spent the whole night in prayers and supplica­ tion 1 1 equcsted the Sultan, la V* w ------------------------------

among the above-mentioned tribes of the boidei aieas owing to their ignorance and naivety* but they could not gam influence among other people It was during their reign that the Fianks captured many Muslim cities m Syria and n o rth e rn Ii a a 2

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grace of God, he came out victonous killing quite &large number and taking as many prisoners1 Dui mg the siege of Acre more than seventy enemy ship-loads of fighting men and munitions of war landed dunnsr an afternoon Everyone present on the occasion was pet turbed except the Sultan In one of the most hotly-con­ tested battles dunng this period, a fieice charge by the enemy threw back the Muslim tioops into disoider The enemy rammaged the Muslim camp and even got into Salah ud-din*s tent, pulling down the Royal banner, but Salah ud-din stood firm along with a few of his comrades and was quickly able to muster his soldiery to back him, turning the defeat into victory The enemy suffeied a heavy and muiderous defeat and withdrew leaving seven thousand of the dead on the battle-field 2 Ibn Shaddsd relates how ambitious Salah ud-din was Once the Sultan said to him, “I shall tell you what is my heai t*s desire When God shall have put into my hands the whole of the Holy Land, I shall share my states with my childien, leave them my last instructions, and bidding them farewell, embark upon the sea to subdue the western isles and lands I shall never lay down my arms while theie lemains a single infidel upon earth, at least if I am not stopped by death” 3 A

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Salah ud-din had a good giounding in the religious lore He was aware of not only all the Aiab tribes and then genealogy but even the pedigice of famous Aiab horses, which testifies to his wide knowledge of the history of Aiabs. He was always keen of gathering information from his courtiers and associates 4 It has been reported by certain historians that he had also committed the Hamasu* to memory 5

1 2 3 4

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Writing about the youthful days> of Salah ud-dln, Lane-Poole says “To judge by later yeais, Jus literary tastes tended to the theological, he loved poetiy indeed, but less than keen dialectic, and to heai holy tiaditions traced and \erified, canon law formulated, passages m the Koian explained, and sound oithodoxy vindicated, inspired him with a stiange delight C ollapse o f Fatim id es

Rise or Salah ud-udJn signalled the Tall or Fatimide9 power u Inch had established a separate Caliphate in Egypt It lasted Tor 266 ycai s from 299 a n to 567 a h The Fdiiniidcs had intro­ duced stiange cults in the Islamic faith and piactice changing its tenets and doctrines, rules of conduct and behaviout out of recog­ nition A icputed lustoiian al-ftlaqri?! has gi\en a few examples of the orders promulgated b) the Fatimides in his book al-Khulal wal Arftar He writes “ In 362 a ii the law of inhcntancc was amended If a person left behind him a daughter along with a son or a nephew, oi the uncle, the daughtei excluded all others from succession Any violation of this law was treated as an evidence of enmity with Tatima, the daughter df the Pro­ phet Visibility of the new moon ior the beginning ofa new month no longer icmamed nece»ar> as the Ramadhan and Vrf were ordcicd to be obseived m accordance with the officially computed calendai Tarawih was banned throughout Egypt by a Roval edict

1 baladtn, pp 73-74 2 The Tatimides claimed thou dc scent from latim a, the daughter of ihfi Prophet but the histonans arc iinanimons that thc> were not descendants or the Prophet The progenitor of the sect was either a converted Jew or Magian Cadi Abu Bakr Muhammad ibn il-Ta>yabt Cadi ‘Abdul Jabbar and al-Muqdfsl have discussed the question m greater detail and reached the conclusion that tlie ratnnsdes were not m the lineage of the Prophet

*

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came into power and a defender of Islam, as Salah ud-dln was, came forward to crush their power. He regained the Islamic territories and saved the bondsmen of God from the Fatimide scourge/*1 The revolutionary change brought about by Salah ud-dln in Egypt was a harbinger of great religious and moral revival and, therefore, it is only natural that the historians of that period have expressed satisfaction over it Al-Maqdlsi had himself witnessed the traces of a revolution that had transformed Egypt only 29 years before his birth The collapse of Fatimide rule finds expression in these words of al-Maqdlsi: “Their kingdom collapsed and with it ended the age * of degradation for Islam919 Another scholar of repute, Hafiz ibn Qayyim, has given an impressive account of the rise of the Batinites and their downfall at the hands of Nfir ud-din Zangi and Salah ud-dln in his book al-Sawqytq al-Mursalah. He says: “The teachings of the Batmites died a natural death m the East but it began gradually to gam ground in the West until it became a force, deeply entrenched, to be reckoned with They assumed the charge of a few cities in North Africa, from where they advanced to Egypt and succeed­ ed in taking possession of that country They founded ai-Kahira (modem Cairo) Their missionaries continued to enlist adherents and diffuse their esoteric cult It is they who produced the Tracts of the Brethren qf Punty* Ibn Slna (Avicenna) wroie the Isharat and the Shvfc? and certain otner tracts under their influence, for he has himself acknowledged that his father was one of the missionaries of the Fatimide Cahph Hakim bcIllah During the reign of the Fatimides the path of the Prophet became an impious blasphemy, the collections of the Traditions were proscribed and only a few remained who read these books or secretly I. Al-Maqdisi, Vol If p 201. 2 Ibid , Vol I p . 200.

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acted on these precepts A dominant note of their teachings was that reason should be given precedence over revelation and the guidance of the apostles of God “Gradually a greater part of the territories in Noitl . Africa, Egypt, Syria and Hijaz submitted to the Fatimide rule. Iraq also remained under their sway ibr about a year. and the Christians at least enjoyed the security of life and property unknown to the Sunriis Innumerable religious scholars were executed or expired in their dungeons “At last God Almighty came to the rescue of the Muslims who were saved from the clutches of the Fatimides by Nor ud-dln and Salah ud-dln Islam appeared to be at the verge of extinction m these countries but the revolution brought about by Salah ud-din granted a new lease oflife to it Muslims were indeed ovegoyed at this miraculous revivification of Islam at a time when people had begun to ask one another ‘Who can now dare to defend the faith of God7’ It was at such a moment that Allah enabled His bondsmen to get back Jerusalem from the Crusaders whom the defenders of Islam fought with indomitable courage and chivalry.”1 The chronicles of the time show that the news of the fall of the Fatimide kingdom was generally received with a sense of relief and pleasure by the entire Islamic world and by the Muslims of Syria, m particular.2 Thus Salah ud-din stemmed the tide of the Crusaders winch saved the world of Islam from the bondage and exploitation 01 western nations for centuries to come. On the other hand* he plugged a great source of evil by overthrowing the Fatimide Caliphate whicn was spreading the contamination of Batm itc and IsmaShte cults to other Muslim lands from its centre in Egypt The esoteric doctrines preached by these sects during the last two 1 Ibn Qayyim, Vol II, pp, 233-234 2 Al-Maqdlsi, Vol I pp 198-199

NUR UD-DIN ZANGI AND SALAH UD-DIN AYYUBI

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6

1

or three centuries were responsible for the then prevailing intellec­ tual waywardness and the degeneration of the faith and morals* The world of Islam cannot, indeed, forget either of these two achievements of Salah ud-dln nor can any A£usliro, living in any part of the world, ever fail to acknowledge his bebt of gratitute to Sultan Salah ud-dln Ayyubi

CHAPTER XI

SHEIKH UL.ISLAM IZZ UD-DIN IBN ABDUL SALAM The heroic endeavours of Salah ud*dln who set himself to work in the most earnest fashion with the re-introduction of ortho­ dox doctrines orislam in place of the Skiafxte creed, the of educational institutions started for the purpose all over his wide realm and, above all, the personal example set by him and some of the Muslim rulers in following the religious precepts and code of moral conduct redirected the energies of the people towards learning and teaching of the religious sciences. As a result thereof^ we find several erudite scholars during the seventh century, who had devoted thexnseh es, body and soul, to the dissemination of Islamic teachings among their compatriots. The most outstanding personage among these savants was Sheikh ul-Islam and courage, he never compromised with the corrupting influences of his time and the degenerate ways of the then rulers E rudition of cIzz vd-dut cIzz ud-dln ibn Abdul Sal5m u as bom in Damascus in 578 A h . He had the -honour of being a student of several eminent scholars of those days such as Fakhr ud-dln ibn cAsakir, Saif ud-din Amedi and Hafiz Abu Mohammad al-Q&sim According to certain annalists, he started education quite late but he soon acquired such a proficiency in the then sciences that his contem­ poraries have paid glowing tributes to his deep learning and brilliance of mind, Ibn Daqiq al-cId calls him Sultan ul^Vkma (long of scholars) in some of his works When ch z ud-dm

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migrated to Egypt in 639 a . h ., Hafiz cAbdul cAzim al-Munziri, the writer of al-Targhlb wat-Tarhib, suspended giving legal-opinions When he was asked the reason for it, he said: “It does not behove any jurist to give legal-opinion where cIzz ud-din happens to be present.” Another scholar Sheikh Jamal ud-dln ibn al-Hajib was of the opinion that in Fxqah (jurisprudence) cIzz ud-dln excelled even al-Ghazali,1 Al-Zahabi writes m his book entitled al-cEbar “In his knowledge of Ftqah, devotion to religion and awe of God he had attained that degree of perfection which makes one capable of Ijhhad i e of mteipretmg the revealed law of God and of deducing new laws from it 92 cIzz ud-din occupied the chair of professor for a *airly long period in the Madarsa Zfiwijak Ghazzhyak of Damascus along with holding the offices of Khatib and hnam m the principal mosque of the city called the Ummayyad Mosque. Sheikh Shahab ud-dln Abfl Shama relates that cIzz ud-dln vehemently opposed the innovations and later-day accretions like Salat al-Raghnyeb* and the special prayers of mid-Shcab5n4 which had become so popular in his time that several scholars of note thought it prudent to keep silence about these Al-Mahk al-Kamil5 insisted on cIzz ud-din for accepting the office of Cadi in Damascus which he accepted reluctantly after imposing a number of conditions During the same period 1. Tabqat al-Sha/e^ijah Vol V, p 83

2 Al-Suyuti, Vol I ( p 141 3 Salat td-Jtoghajeb was a special prayer of 12 Robots performed in the night of the 27th Rajab, The people had somehow come to regard it as a highly meritorious prayer It came in vogue in 448 A H as described by ud-dln, mdt Itahafvs-Sa(ddah, (Vol III.p p 423*424) 4 In the night of 15th ShSbSn a prayer or 100 RakeaIs vras performed m a manner specially prescribed for it Ibn Subki and Imam Nawavi, have hdd both these offerings to be detestable innovations (Itkaf us^Sfcodah Vol III,pp 425-427) 5 Son or Al-Mahk al^Adil who held Egypt aftit the death of his father in 615 A. H

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al-Malik al-K5mil appointed him as his envoy to the court of the then cAbbasid Caliph Righteousness o f cIzz u d -d in : Among the religious scholars of Syria, cIzz ud-dln was held In such a high esteem that he was received by the then King with the most honourable marks of distinction On his own part, however, cIzz ud-dln never visited the king unless he was request­ ed to do so Being dignified, straight-forward and self-respecting * he did not like to curry favour with the king; instead, he insisted always upon the king to follow the course beneficial for Islam and the Muslims During his illness Sultan al-Malik al-Ashraf who held the principality of Aleppo after the demise of his father, al-Malik al-cAdil, sent for cIzz ud-din Earlier the Sultan had had some misunderstandings1 with the Sheikh on account of certain views held by the latter but the same were removed as a result of their meeting The Sultan lequested the Sheikh to lorgive him for his mistake and also to let him have a word of advise “So far as the * request for pardon is concerned/’ replied cIzz ud-dln, “1 forgive everyone \\ ith whom I happen to be displeased, lor, I never allow the sun to go do'vn upon my animus against anybody Instead of seeking my recompense from the human beings, I desire it from God alone as the Lord has said * But whosoeverpardoneth and amtndelh, his wage ts the affair o f Allah 1 “As for my benedictions for you”, 1 During the sixth and seventh centimes a controlersy had arisen between the Hanbalites and Ash*antes in regard to the attributes of God The former favoured a literal interpretation of the Scripture while the latter held the attributes of God to be distinct from his essence, yet in a way ** to forbid any comparison being made between God and His creatures This difference later bccamc a hotly-contested issue between the two * groups who came to regard it as a criterion of the true faith ‘It* ua-dinf was a Ashcarite while al-Malik al-Asharaf had a predisposition towards Hanbahte school which had caused a misunderstanding between the two Tabqat al'Sftqfici}oh9Vol Vs pp 85-95 2 Ash-Sftlira 40

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added cIzz ud-dln* “I very often pray to God for the well-being of the Sultan, for this also means the welfare of Islam and the Muslims God may grant the Sultan insight and understanding of the matters which may be helpful to him in the life to come. Now, coming to the advice, it is my bounden duty to enjoin the nght course since the Sultan has asked for it. I know that the Sultan is reputed for his valour and the brilliant victories he has won, but Tartars are making inroads into Islamic territories. They have been emboldened by the fact that the Sultan, has pitched his aims against al-Malik al-K&mil and thus he would not have time to face the enemies of God and the persecutors of Muslims. Al-Malik al-K&mil is, however, the elder brother of the Sultan and, therefore, I would request the Sultan to give up the1idea of fighting against his own brother, instead I would advise him to turn his forces against the enemies of Islam. The Sultan should make up his mind, in these critical days of his illness, to fight for the sake of God alone and for restoring the supremacy of His faith* We hope to overcome the infidels with the help of the Sultan, if God restores him his health This would verily be a great achievement but if God has willed otherwise, the Sultan would undoubtedly be recompensed for his intention to come to the rescue of Islam” . Al-Mahk al-Ashraf thanked cIzz ud-dtn for his sincere advice and immediately issued orders redirecting his forces to face the Tartars instead of al-Malik al-K5mil* As soon as the orders of the Sultan were communicated to the commander of his army, he retreated to Kasirah On al-Mahk al-Ashraf’s further request to counsel him some­ thing more, cIzz ud-dln said, “The Sultan is bedridden but his chiefs and officials are having rounds of pleasure, they are revel­ ling in wme and wickedness while Muslims are being burdened with new taxes and tithes The most valuable presentation that the Sultan can offer to God is that this cesspool or corruption is cleansed; illegal imposts are abolished, tyranny is stopped and justice is made available to the people ” Al-Malik al-Ashraf not only acted on the advice of cIzz ud-dm but profusely thanked Tutu saying, “May God give you a goodly reward for performing the

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doty eqjoined by the religion, on behalf of all the Muslims whose well-wisher you undoubtedly are Sire, allow me to be your companion m the Paradise.'’ The Sultan also presented one thousand Egyptian gold mohurs to cIzz ud-dm but he refused to accept them saying, “I met you only for the sake of God and I do not want any worldly temptation to be made an additional reason for i t " “

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Al-Malik al-Ashraf was succeeded by Saleh IsmScll who sought help of the Christians against the impending danger of invasion from Egypt In lieu of the aid promised by the Chris­ tians the cities of Saida, Thakif and few other forts were ceded to them The friendly relations thus established by Saleh Ism5cll encouraged the Christians to purchase ar***8 and ammunition from the Muslim traders m Damascus clz z ud-dln deprecated these deals as the arms purchased by the Christians were likely to be used against the Muslims and, therefore,, when the arms dealers asked for his legal-opimon in the matter, he advised that all such bargains were prohibited by the Shan^ah This was not all, cIzz ud-dln gave up benedictions for the King in theFnday sermons The matter was brought to the notice of the King who ordered to imprison him After some time he was transferred to Jerusalem from his Damascus gaol In the meantime Ssleh Ismacil along with his allies, al-Malik al-MansQr, the King of Hams and a few Christian monarchs converged at Jerusalem with the intention of invading Egypt Although Ssleh Ismacll had imprisoned cIzz ud-dln, he was feeling guilty in his heart of heart and wanted to set him free provided cIzz ud-dln was prepared to give him an excuse for the same He, therefore, gave his handkerchief to one of his trusted councillors with the instruction that he should present it to cIzz ud-dln and tell him kcourteously that if he so desired, his previous position would be 1, Tabq3t d-Shafifiijeh, Vol Vv p. 80

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restored The councillor was also duected lo present cIzz ud-dln before the King in case he agreed to the suggestion with the high­ est respect, otherwise to imprison him m a tent beside that of the King* The Councillor did what he had been commissioned , paid his compliments and related the admiration of the King for the Sheikh, and then said, “Everything will be set right and your previous position will be restored in no time, if you just kiss the bands of the king and show courtesy to him.” History can peihaps offer few such striking examples of fearless expression, for, clzz ud-dfti replied, “What a fool you are1 You expect me to kiss the hands of the King while I would not like my own hands to be kissed by him My friend! you are living m a world other than that of mine Praise be to Allah that I am not a prey to the tempta­ tions which have captured your soul.”* The Councillor then told him that m that case he had orders to impiison him again The Sheikh was accordingly placed under confinement in a tent beside the king’s, who heard him daily reciting the Qur^an The King one day told his Christian ally that the person whom he heard lecitmg the Qur’an at the moment was the chief pontiff of Muslims but he had been divested or his post and honours and kept under confinement because of his opposition to the cession of cities and forts to the Christians The Christian monarch, however, replied that if he weie to have such a man as his bishop, he would have felt honoured to sit at his feet8 Shortly thereafter Saleh Isma'll was defeated and killed m an encounter with the Egyptian forces, and cIzz ud-din was honourably taken to Egypt. , While on his way to Egypt cIzz ud-dln passed through the principality of Kark When its Governor requested cIzz ud-dln to settle m Kark, be replied, “This small city of yours is not befit­ ting my learning ”3

1 Tabqal al~Shafe*-iyahl Vol Vf p 101 2, Ibid , Vol V, p 101 3 IM .V o lV .p 8 1

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cIzz ud-din in Egypt

cIzz ud-dm was received by the then Sultau of Egypt, al-M alilc sil-K3Flf*h TMaim lirl-Hfn A w fih . wif-li crreat rA ver«n ra anrf

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honour. He was appointed Kkatlb of the Mosque of cAmr ibn al-cAs as well as the grand Cadi of Egypt He w*s also entrusted with the task of looking after the rehabilitation of deserted mosques and the professorship of Shafecl jurisprudence m Madarsa Salihiya founded by the King. Fearlessness o f cIzz u d -d in :

A man by the name of Fakhr ud-dln cUthm£n who was an mtendant of the palace had come to wield a great influence over the King This man got a drum-house constructed over the roof of a mosque. When cIzz ud-dln came to know of it, he ordered the structure of the drum-house to be pulled down * He declared Fakhr ud-dln cUthmam as an unreliable witness for the purposes of tendering evidence in a court of law and al&o resigned from the post of Chief Justice as a mark of protest against the blasphemous action of Fakhr ud-dln cUihman cIzz ud-dln continued to eniov ^ / the esteem of the krner w who.* however,* did not consider it , prudent to appoint cIzz ud-dm as grand Cadi for the second time l^ U lW H U S lttU U U lg

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dered by clzz ud-dln were acted upon with the same respect as before During this period al-Malik al-SSleh Najm ud-dln AyyQb sent an embassy to the court of the Caliph m Baghdad When the Egyptian envoy was presented before the Caliph he enquired of the envoy if the Sultan of Egypt had himself commissioned him to convey the message On being told that he had been charged to convey the message by Fakhr ud-din cUthman on behalf of the Sultan, the Caliph replied that since Fakhr ud-dln ^tlimSTn had been declared an unreliable witness by cIzz ud-dln, no credence could be placed on a message conveyed through him The envoy had to return to Egypt to obtain the orders of the e ..ii _ r i« otutan aircBii

lg Tabgat al-Shaff’ijeh, Vol Vt p 81

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There is yet another incident which bespeaks of cIzz ud-dln*s fearlessness The Sultan who was holding a durbar on the occa­ sion of cId was seated on the throne m a large reception hall, with the princes and chiefs or the State ranged on his right, and the courtiers and dignitaries on the left In front of the Sultan stood all the people entitled to enter and salute the sovereign, when a voice was suddenly heard addressing the Sultan by his first name. “AyyOb, what would be your reply before God when He would ask vou whether the kingdom of Egypt was given to you so that people should openly indulge in drinking-bouts and you should enjoy public receptionsv * “Is it,” blurted out the Sultan who was taken aback, “is it a fact “Yes,” came the reply from cIzz ud-dln, “Wine is being freely sold and consumed m the city while people indulge m other vices too” Surprised as the Sultan was, he replied, “But *t is not my fault, Sire, for it has been hap­ pening from the time my father held the reigns of this kingdom”. “Then, you are one of those,” admonished cIzz ud-dln, “who say that we found our fathers acting on this wise ” The Sultan imme­ diately gave orders to stop the sale of wine in his realm. While returning from the court one of the pupils of *Izz ud-din asked him why he had raised the question on that occasion. cIzz ud-din replied, “When I saw the Sultan surrounded by that pomp and show I thought that he might give himself airs and liecome a slave to his baser-self I, therefore, thought it necessary to admonish him publicly.” “But were you not seized with fright,” demanded the disciple further. “Oh no,” replied *Izz ud-din, “I was so much seized by the awe and glory of God Almighty that the Sultan appeared to me as meek as a cat ”2 cIzz ud-dln in the Battlefield

These were the days when die dissensions among the Muslim monarchs had again created a situation favourable to the Crusa­ ders who unsheathed their swords to take an offensive against 1 Ash-Sku'are 74 2 Tahqft al-Shaffiijah, Vol V, p 82

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Mansurah in Egypt. cIzz ud-dln accompanied the forces sent to retrieve the city from the Christians. A chronicler of the time, Ibn al-Subki, writes that ch z ud-dln's prayer for the success of Muslim forces was readily answered by God* The reinforcements ofthe Crusaders could not reach them as their ships were taken by a*gale, which submerged quite a few of them 1 The Mongols had also started raiding and plundering Mushm territories by then Once there was an imminent danger of Mongol invasion of Egypt but the Sultan and his commanders were so disheartened that they could not muster courage to face the Mongol hordes cIzz ud-dln encouraged the Sultan to fight the Mongols. He even assured the Sultan of his success against the Mongols. At last the Sultan agreed to his suggestion but as he was facing paucity of funds he sought the advice of cLrz ud-din about raising the necessary finances through loans from the businessmen cIrz ud-dln, however, advised “First bring the ornaments your women-folk and those of your dignitaries and nobles have in their possession. These are all prohibited by the Shancah and should be used for meeting the expenses of this expe­ dition. And, if you &till need the money, then you can raise it through loans ” Surprising though it may seem> the king and his nobles brought out without a demur all the jewellery and valuables they possessed as the Sheikh had directed The riches so brought forth was enough to meet the expenses oi raising an adequate force to face the Mongols who were defeated by the Egyptian army as predicted by cIzz ud-dln. An still more surprising incident of the Sheikh’s life described by the historians relates to his insistence upon auctioning those dipmtanes of the Sultan’s court whom he held to be the property of the State exchequer,' since they happened to be slaves who had not been emancipated m. accordance with the provisions of the Sharrck These chiefs of the State were recruited as royal levies from the Turkish memluks or slaves but had risen to the positions of authority and wielded great influence on the government of Egypt. One of 1. Tabqat d-Shaffiiy*h» Vol V, p 84

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them even hdd the post of a immstei to the Sultan cIzz ud-dln pronounced the juristic-opimon that these chiefs were still slaves in accordance with the rules of the Shm*ah9 and should be treated as such until they were formally emancipated. The population of Egypt immediately ceased cooperating with such chiefs and digni­ taries who were placed in such an invidious position that they had to call upon the Sheikh and to enquire what he proposed to do with them. cIzz ud-dln, however, told them plainly that he would sell them in a public auction on behalf of the State treasury and thereafter they would be emancipated as provided by the Shancah. They appealed to the Sultan who also tried, as the annalists have recorded, to placate cIzz ud-dln but he remained adamant. During the discussion on the subject the Sultan told cIzz ud-din that he should not concern himself with the affairs of the State and also said something, as it has been reported, which was taken ill by cIzz ud-dln.« The Sheikh returned to his house and announced his decision to leave Egypt immediately The news spread like a wild fire in Cairo, and an overwhelming majority of its popula­ tion decided to follow cIzz ud-dln and migt ate with him The matter was brought to the notice of the Sultan who was also told that if cIzz ud-dln went away from Egypt, his kingdom would also come to an end Extremely worried by the fastly deteriorating situation, the Sultan himself went to bring cIzz ud-dln back to the city, who had by then left it with a large section of its inhabitants The Sultan had at length to give m to cIzz ud-din who was allowed to auction the chiefs The memluk minister, however, still tried to dissuade the Sheikh but, failing m his efforts, decided to slay cIzz ud-dln. He went with his entourage, sword m hand, to the house of cIzz ud-dta, and knocked at the door The son of cIzz ud-dln, who came out to answer the call, went in and told his father what he had seen but the Sheikh calmly said, "My son, your father is not lucky enough to be slain in the way of God ” cIzz ud-dln came out without the slightest tiace of fear on his face. As soon as the minister saw cIzz ud-dln, he was overtaken by a flutter and the sword fell from his hand With tears in his eyes he again humbly repeated the question, “My lord, what do you

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want to do with us.1* CCI will auction you”, was the Sheikh's reply. “And where will you spend the sale proceeds,” the minister demanded again The Sheikh replied crisply, "On the welfare of Muslims” . The minister asked again, “Who will collect the sale* price". CIzz ud-dln replied, “Myself”. The minister at last agreed to be sold by die Sheikh who auctioned him along with other memluks As a mark of respect to the position held by these dignitaries, the Sheikh fixed a higher price for each and asked them to deposit the sale~Drice The money thus collected by* * * cIzz ud-dln was spent on welfare projects while the chiefs were granted their wairant of emancipation The historian Ibn al-Subki writes: “Such an incident was never heard of earlier about anyone.” 1 This is perhaps the only example of its kind recorded by history about the deference and veneration ever accorded to any scholar. 0

clzz ud-din and tbe K ings o f Egypt:

$gypt witnessed quite a few political upheavals during tIxz ud-dln’s stay m that country. When he amved m Egypt, a monarch of Salah ud-dln’s dynasty, al-Malik al-SSleh Najm ud-dln Ayytib was ruling over the country. He was succeeded by his son al-Malik al-Mu*azzam Tuvan Shah after whom the Turkish Chiefs seized the reigns of government. They too held cIzz ud-dln m a high esteem while the celebrated Turk Sultan al-Mahk al-ZShir Baibers was especially devoted to the Sheikh. It was on the advice of cIzz ud-dm that Baibers invited Abul Qasun Ahmad, the unde of the last Caliph Mustcasim b’UlSh who had escaped the massacre by Mongols, to Cairo in 659 a*h , and acknowledged him as Gahph under the tide al-Mustansir b’lllSh The first to take the oath of allegiance was cIzz ud-dln, next came the Sultan Baibers followed by the Chief Cadi Taj ud-dln, the principal Sheikhs and nobles *

1. Thiq&t Vol V, pp 84*85 1. Al-SuyUti, VoL II, p 49

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Moral Rectitudes clzz ud-dln was as much celebrated for his generosity, kind­ ness and humanity as for his profound knowledge and piety. The Chief Cadi Badr ud-dln ibn Jamacah relates that when cIzz ud-dln was still m Damascus, a slump m prices once overtook the market As the prices of groves had suffered a steep fall, the wife of cIzz ud-din gave him an ornament to purchase a grove so that they might spend the summer in it. cIzz ud-din sold the ornament and gave over the' sale proceeds m charity. Later, when his wife asked if he had purchased the grove, clzz ud-dln replied, “Yes, but in the Paradise. I saw many poor people in great distress and so I spent the money on them ” His wife thanked God for the good act of cIzz ud-dln1 Cadi Badr ud-din has also written that cIzz ud-din gave as freely when he was poor as when he happened to be rich. If he had nothing to give to a beggar, he would part with a portion of his turban cIzz ud-dln was equally courageous and truthful against his own self as against the kings and nobles Ibn al-Subki and al-SuyUti write that once during his stay m Egypt cIzz ud~din made a certain mistake in the juristic-opmion given by him As soon as he came to know of his mistake, he got an announcement made that the people should not act on that opinion since it was wrong,2 Ibn al-Subki relates that cIzz ud-dln had also been favoured with the inner enlightenment His fearlessness, disregard for worldly power, fame and riches and, above all, the unflinching faith and trust m God showed that he had attained the sublimeness of spint As Ibn al-Subki records, cIzz ud-dln was a disciple of the famous spiritual mentor, Sheikh Shahab ud-dln Suharwardy who had authorised him to guide others in the mystic path8 *Izz ud-dm had also had the opportunity of meeting and 1. TcbqUl al-Shajtfiiyak, Vol. V pp 82-83 2 Al-Suyuti, Vol I, p 142 and Tabqtl al-Shcfe'-iyah, Vol V, p 83 3 T rtflt al-ShaJJcijufc, Vol V, p 83

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remaining in Hasan Sazh 1

cIzz ud-dln preached and acted on the Qpr*3nic dictum commanding to enjoin the right and forbid the wrong, no matter what dangers and hardships one might have to face for it. In one of his letters addressed to the Sultan al-Malik al-Ashraf he wrote “What we claim is that we are partisans, friends and helpers or rather the troopers of Allah, and no one can lay a claim to be a combatant unless he is willing to expose himself to danger. ”2 In cIzz ud-dln’s view the knowledge and eloquence of a scholar constituted his two weapons which should be fully utilized m the fight for righteousness In his another letter to the Sulfan Via tinFvita |A V TTAVbV

“God has enjoined upon us to strive and light for His leligion Jusl as you have your swords and lances ibr your arms, we have our knowledge and parlance, and as it does not befit you to sheathe your sword, similarly we cannot hold our ton&ue against the innovators and dissenters, v u apostates and sinners 9,3 cIzz ud-dln considered it imperative for the scholars to be ever willing to face dangers in the discharge of their sacred obligation and enjoin the right course, cost what may Thus, he vehemently disagreed with those religious scholars who did not consider it lawful to expose themselves to avoidable dangers His commentary on the Qur^amc verse u . and be not casl by your own hands to ruin*** amply bears out his point of view m this regard; “To risk one’s life for the honour and dominance of '

] Al-SuyGt«, Vol I, p 142 2 * » Vol & fa d , Vol Y ,P 90

4»

rtrifc• 19$

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the Faith is permitted by the Skancah , it is rather enjoined on all able-bodied peisons to wage war m the way of God and fight the infidels So it is lawful to expose oneself to danger, under the provisions of the Sharicah, foi enjoining the right and forbidding the wrong However, if anyone feels that he might lose his life in the venture, the command loses its obligatory character for him but it nevertheless remains a commendable act Thus, they are definitely wrong who think that it is not lawful to lisk one’s life foi the purpose In short, if anybody gives prefeience to his Self over God, He will give preference to others over him, if anybody seeks the pleasure of God at the cost of offending others, God will not only bless him but also make others to be pleased with him And if anybody, on the other hand, wants to giatify others by displeasing God, He will be displeased with him and also cause others to be disappointed with him ” ccAn Arab poet has 1 ightly expi essed the same idea m this verse ”1 wont* care howsoevei troublesome my life may be, if I uere only to gam your love, may thou be pleased with me even if this annoys the whole world 9,1 ud-dln lived up to his ideal and never hesitated to sacnficc his heaitli o l home, l i f e oi honour for what he believed to be the coriect and righteous path enjoined by the Shancah Wsitings of cIzz ud«dxn: He was an erudite scholar, bioad-minded jurist and a success­ ful teachei In penmanship too, he was equally celebiated, his t\\ o most wel[-known woi ks being al-QawcPid aUKubra and KtlUb Maja* (iJ-Qiir’Sn Ibn ai-Subla wutcs about these books These books of cIzz ud-din mark him as an outstand­ ing scholar of pi ofoimd knowledge in lehgious scicnces,,a 1 TabqUt cl~Shaf*i)ah, Vol V p 91 2 Ibtd , Vol V, p 103

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cIzz ud-dln later summarised both the above mentioned books Ibn al-Subki has also praised lm two other books entitled Shajaratul-Mcf-arif and Ad-Datoycl ul-MnPaltkak bil Malaykah waUIr* In addition lo these writings one more book of cIzz ud-dln by the name of MaqUstd ux-SalUl was widely read during his own life­ time Thousands of its copies were made out by the people1 cIzz ud-dln also left a voluminous collection of the junstic-opimons pionounced by him which is legarded as a valuable collection of legal precepts accoidmg to the Shafecite school ofjurisprudence cIzz ud-dtn was perhaps the next scholai afteral-Ghazah in Islam who set foith to define and delineate theobjectives of the i ehgious observances and the benefits accruing from the peiformanccs enjoined by the Sharicah In the introduction to his famous ti eatisc llujjat Allah tl-B&hgha, Shah Wall UUah Muhadditli of Delhi, the erieatcst authoritv on the subject. has acLnouledged his debt to the three earlier masters viz al-Ghazali, Abu C P . . 1 - ___ __ _ V L - i i

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a u ia in u u l n .iia ita u i n n u u z u u -u m ~

Death of ^Izz ud^diii cIzz ud-din died m the eighty-third yeai of Ins age on the 9th of Jamadi al-Awwal, G60 a h AI-Malik al-Zahn Baibers, the then Ling of Egypt, accompanied the funeral of the Sheikh along with the dignitanes and chiefs The King was \eiy much aggrieved tnat Hie sneiicn's aeatn was aestmea to occui during u» reign Witnessing the mammoth funcxal pioccssion passing by the side or the io>al Castle the King said to one of his councillors “My kingdom would have been nowhere if this man had decided to oppose me He had vciily won the hearts of the people

1 I abqat al-Shafifiijah, Vol V, p 98 2 Hujjat, Vol I,p 6 3Tabqai til ShaJfiijnh, Vol V, p 84

CHAPTER XII

TARTARS —THE SCOURGE OF GOD The Causes of Tartar Invasion

Islam was confronted with another danger m the seventh century, unparalled m the annals of the world, which was about to wipe it out of existence This was the invasion of the wild and savage hoi des of the Tartars who issued forth from the Mongolian steppes and over-powered almost the whole of the Islamic world with a lightning speed. The immediate cause of the Mongol invasion can be attribu­ ted to a grevious mistake of cAla ud-dln Muhammad, the Shah of Khwarism1 A body of traders who had armed from Mongolia was put to death, and when Chengiz Khan deputed an embassy te enquire mto the reasons for it, Muhammad replied by killing the envoy too13n receiving the news of this outrage upon international couitesy, the Mongol Khakan Chengiz Khan unIqosened the whirlwind of savagery upon the world of Islam However, if one were to look into the moral behaviour and attitudes of ancicnt nations, particularly those relating to the Bam Israel as well as their destruction and massacre, demolition and sacrilege of Jerusalem, and the reasons therefor described in the Qur*an,a one can clearly see with the1insight provided by the Scnptuie into the natuie of histoncal process, that the reason for converting the Islamic woild into a vast charnel-house was not a Khwarism \tas the aig & south o r Aral sea on tlie lower course of Asiu' Darya (Oxus) which now forms part of Turkmamstan and Uzbekistan Republics of U S S R (, , t 2 One need look into the verses 4 to 7 of the Chapter Sam Isratl in QuriSn which brings out the ichgio-moral standpoint of the Scripture in regard to the downfall of the nations

1

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solitary act of cruelty on the part of a reckless and haughty sovereign As the Qur3Sn tells us, it was certainly not dae to the mistake of a single individual that the storm of death and destruc­ tion burst forth on the entire world of Islam If we were to cast a glance over the religious, moral, social and political conditions of the Muslim peoples in those days, there would be no difficulty in finding out the reason for this calamity Such a survey would amply bear out that the carnage did not take place all of a sudden. It had deeper and far-reaching reasons than those narrated hitherto by the historians We shall have to look for these reasons into the political situation and the social condition of Muslim society over a century or more prior to the Mongol invasion* After the death of Salah ud-dln in 589 a h , the vast empire carved out by him split up into several independent principalities and kingdoms headed by his sons or other successors Like many other founders of the Empires his successors did not possess the talent of their progenitor, and, what was more, they continued to fight each other for a fairly long time 'Some of these even did not hesitate to seek the assistance of the Crusaders against their own brethren, an instance of which has already been cited m the previous section The whole oi Islamic world was, m fact, m a state of chaos , nowhere was to be found peace and tranquillity, a moral and social disintegration was at work which was clearly visible m the rapidly detenoratmg political situation The Crusaders were again making inroads into the Muslim terntones and had recaptured the lands emancipated from their clutches by Salah ud-dln All those factors had already contributed to the repeated famines and epidemics. A fertile country like Egypt was so devastated by the fratricidal warfare between al-Malik al-cAdil and his nephew al-Mahk al-Afzal that when the floods in Nile failed in 597 A H«, the country was overtaken by such a severe famine1 that the people had to take resort to cannibalism Death stalked over the land killing the people m such la rg e numbers that the •dead had to be buried without shrouds The annalist AbU Shama 1. Ibn Kathir, Vol X III, p* 26

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"279"

relates that Sultan al-Malik al-cAdil provided shrouds for two hun­ dred and twenty thousand dead bodies in a single month People began to take the dogs1 and human flesh without any feeling of revulsion, innumerable children were eaten away Ibn Kathir writes that a stage came when the children and youth of tender age were all eaten up and people began to kill one another to satisfy their hunger 1 These were gnm reminders or God calling people to a smceie pemtencc foi their sms and mending their ways The ravages of famine and pestilence were followed by a severe and widespread earthquake which hit the region covering S>ua, Asia Minor and Iraq The devastation and destruction wrought b\ the earthquake can be judged from the fact that in the town of Nabulus3 and its surrounding district 20,000 people were crushed under the fallen houses Another historian writes in Mtr*at al-£aman that eleven hundred thousand people died as a result of this earthquake * On the one hand, these naairal calamities were visiting the Islamic world with unwelcome regularity, and, on the other, frat­ ricidal feuds and forays were continuing unabated In 601 a h the two chiefs belonging to the same familv, Qatadah Husami of Mecca and Salim Husami of Madina wrere locked up in a hotly contested battle 4 In 603 a . h the deadly feuds between the Ghoi ids of Afghanistan and the ruler of Khwansm flaied up which encouraged the Muslims to waste their energy and power by shedding each others1 blood 5 This was the state of affairs on the one side, while the Christendom had inflamed another Crusade,6 on the other, barely two years after the death of Salah ud-dln, and landed7 its forces on the Syrian coast in 604 a h The rulers of

1 2 3 4 5 6

Ibn Kathir, Vol XIII, p 26 Also known as Shechem, is mjoidan The estimate may appear to be somewhat exaggerated Ibn Kathir, Vol X III, p 41 Ibid , Vol XIII, p 45 A general tax known a s Saladln tenth m i unpoted ui 1198 for the recover® of Palestine by Pope Innocent the Third 7- Ibn KathJr, Vol X III, pp « i o .

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al-Jazirah1 Merc secreth in league m th the T ranks- in 607 i f while Damietta in pt, a city of considerable military inspir* lance, had fallen to the Crusaders m 616 v.k,1 In the metropolis of Islam, Baghdad, the magnificence a"id splendour of the Caliph's court, copied from the etiquettes and ceremonials obscned b\ the Iranian and Byzantine Emperors had touched the summit of eNtrax agance. It is difficult to imagine the wealth amassed b\ such person?! servants of the Caliphs as cages, cupbearers mtendants of xtardrobe u ho normal!} entered the service mereh as sla\es The annua! income from the property acquired by cAIa ud-dln al-Tabrasi al-Zahri a slave purchasedh> the Caliph a^Zahir is reported to have been as much as three hundred ihousand Dinars The ho’ise built In him in Baghdad \ias conspicuous for its sire and beauty. Similar uas the case vith other Mate official*—Mujahid ud-dtn Aibek. al-Salah cAhdut Gham to name only a few The former had an arnual income offhclakh Dinar* while the latter although an illiterate man h\ed like a prince Annalist* have led staggering accounts oftfteT la\ish expenditure on the mnrnagcs of their sous and daughter On the other hand the teachers of tlie celebrated Madarsa al-Mustansaryah weie doled out such paltry sum* u hich bore no comparison to the wages paid to the meanest of the state officials The most erudite scholar* ?nd professors did not get more than tu eh c Dinars a month while the servant of al-SharSbi* a grandee of the cAbbasid regime, could spend four thousand Dinars on a marriage and pay another three thousand as the pnee of a bird brought for him from Mosul/» _ » C To! The ro>al processions of the Cahplis on the occasion oi and to mark the anni\ersary of their succession to tftrone were seized as an opportunity for ostentatious d i s p l a y of royal pomp and 1

Northern part of the territory falling between the and Tigris 2 Ibn KatMr, V d X III, pp. 58-59 3 J U , Vol X III, p 79 4 For details see Al-Hascs&tfr Gl-jcsj&sf* and cl-Asjcd 3-HTcsb ^

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281

pageantiy The whole of Baghdad came out lo witness these pro­ cessions m a mood. Tree and easy, amusing and entei taming itself and oblivious of even obligatory congiegational piayers In 640 A n the royal procession taken out on the occasion or cId terminated afiei the night-fall with the 1 esult that most of the people w itnessr mg the procession performed the cId prayers just before midnight1 Again m 644 A h a large number of people missed the pi Ayers on the occasion of al-Ad*ka and perfoimed the same at the time of sunset The usual mode of making obeisance to the Caliph was to bow almost to the ground, or touch the ground with one’s nose, but nobody even felt m it anything opposed to the teachings of the Shnncah or degiadmg to his independent and manly character Confiscation of private property had become a common affair, illegal gratification by officials was widely prevalent, immodesty and grossness of conduct was on the increase, the Batmites, charlatans and swindlers were basking in suushine, everyone seemed to be after wealth, love of music had grown almost into a craze, m short, the common pmsiuts of the people and the social and moial disintegration of the society threw a lurid light on the itate of chaos then prevailing in the Muslim world * This was the time when the Mongols were devastating f Turkistan and Iian and weie casting a covetous glaiuo over Baghdad *'The year 626 a u began/9writes Ibn Kathn, "with the indecisive yet sangumaiy battles between the monarch^ of the house of Ayyubids ” Such a slate of chaos pievniled in Baghdad, the cenli c of Caliphate, ihat fiom 640 a h to 643 a m no arrangements could be made by the Cahph for sending out H v jj parties noi wab the covering foi Kcaba sent by the Cahph For 21 days the walls of the holy shiine remained without a coyer, which was taken as an ill-onicn by the people Ahmad Abul cAbbas succeeded his fatritfi, Cahph al-Mustadhi, m 575 a h undd the title of Al-Nasii h’ Dhi-Illali He had had 1 Al-Asjnd 2

Events, 610 A H

Ann le Air fll-Shnabi fu-Btighrfad by Ndji Ma^aruf in riie JotjnuU- A(-Aqt7*r Baghdad, Mulnrrmn ISBG A H *

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an oppoi tunity lo 1 ule ioi forty-six yeai b His xeign was the longest one evei enjoyed by any ‘Ahbasid Caliph yet, perhaps, u was also (he dm kesl of all the i cgimes of the house of cAbb5sids Historians have severely criticised his regime for tyianny and mal-admmis11 at ion Wntes, Ibn al-Athfr “He was a tyiant who ill-treated the populace Iraq was a devastated land during’his icgime, its population mig­ rated to neighboring countries, and their possessions were confiscated by the Caliph Ha gave contradictory orders rescinded the orders given by him a day eailiei . Being too much intei ested in sports and pastime, he had pi escribed a special tmifoim which could be put on only by those pet nutted to lake pail m gymnastics and athletic sports His 01 deis so severely cut tailed rite sports that these activities piartically came to an end >n Iraq His interest 111 the cntct tamments had gi own almost; into a ci asse Iranians accuse him of inviting the Mongols lo attack the Muslim ten Hones1and hatching a conspiracy Jor the same AI-NSsir li’Dm-Illzfh died in 622 a it and Mustansir b’lllSh (623-640) ascended the tin one3 He was a jusi, inild, benevolent and pious mlei, recalling the ught-guided CahpIiSj but unfoj innately he did nor get enough time to lefonn the admuustiaUon He was succeeded by his son Mustlasnn Will ah in 640 a h He too was a pious and just sovei eign who never touched wine nor indulged in immodest acts He had commuted the Qiu’Sn to memoty and observed fast on the Mondays and Thuisdays in addition lo ihose dm mg the months of Ramadhan and Rajab He is icported to be punctual in the perfoim&nce of piayeis but, actoidmg to Ibn al-Aihli, he was loo mild and lmseily and also lacked foiesight 1 In onior to vr—The ancient town of Ragha, to the south-east of Tehran and to the south of spur projecting from Elburz into the plain 5 Hamadan lies in the fertile plain at the foot of Mt Ehnend in Persia. 6 Zanjan—A town in the northern Persia

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Qazwm,1 Marv,® Nishapur8 met the same fate The forces of Khwansm Shah, the most pow erful Muslim sovereign of his day, were simply swept away by the tempest of the Mongol arms, Khwansm Shah was himself hunted from place to place by the Tartars with ruthless pertinacity Muhammad Khwansm Shah ultimately took refuge m an unknown island in the Caspian Sea, where he died broken-hearted, alone and abandoned Khwansm Shah had already dismembered the independent Islamic Kingdoms of Iran and TurKistan and, therefore, none had remained m the east to check the onslaught of the Mongols after his defeat The Muslims were so seized with the terror of the Mongols that often a lonel) Tartar attacked a hundred of them but none had the heart to defend himself—everyone of them was killed by the Tartar without being opposed by a single Muslim Once a Mongol woman, dressed as a man, plundered a house and filled all its inmates excepting a captive It was only a her this that the captive somehow came to know that the marauder was a woman, and then he could muster his courage to kill her It often happened that a Mongol caught hold of a Muslim and asked him to wait till he brought a sabre to slaughter him, and th:s poor man did not have the courage to run away in the absence of the Mongol4 “The scourge of God” was the greatest of c a l a m i t i e s before which almost the entire world of Islam wras su ept away as by a torrent, it left the Muslims astounded and terroratncLen The Mongols came to be regarded 5 0 invincible that an Arabic p r o \ e r b

1 Qazwm—A town in Persia in the prowncc of Irat-Ajami, 100 miles to the south of Tehran, at tne foot of Mt Elburz 2 Marv—The principal town and centre of culture 10 the rich oasis which occupies the Ion er course of nver MurghSb in Persia 3 Nishapur—The most important of the four great cities of Khurasan, it vras one of the greatest cities of middle ages 4 For details see Ibn al-4thirs A1-Kamil, Vol XII and Dtnrahd M&anf&i* Btuffni, Vol VI

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gained currency which meant that if anybody tells you that the Tartars have suffered a defeat, don’t believe him Death and destruction was a foregone conclusion for all the lands through which the Tartar hordes passed, palaces, mosques and mausoleums were all levelled to the ground and tiampled into dust Histonans are normally prone to be objective m their assessment of the past events but even such a cool and temperate histoiian as Ibn al-Athir could not help shedding his teais over the havoc and ruin caused by the savage ardour of the Mongols for rapme and slaughtei. Speaking of these events m a liai rowing strain Ibn al-Athfi says “These events aie so frightful and heart-rending that for several yeais I was in a fix whethei I should nan ate these happenings or not I have, howevei, penned these facts most 1 eluctantly In ti uth and realift, it is not easy to recount the tale of bainage and atrocities peipetiated on the Muslims, nor can one beai with equanimity the abasement to which they were subjected 1 only wish that m> mother iiad not given me birth1 Oh, would that I had died before I had to relate this tale of woe 1 Some of my friends had insisted that I should record these events but I was still irresolute Later, it dawned on me that it was of no profit to forego the task The invasion of the Tartars was one of the greatest of calamities and the most teinble of visitations of which there is no parallel m the annals of the a\ orld. This calamity fell on all nations, but on the Muslims moie than all If one were to claim that the world, since God created it to the piesent times, was nevei so afflicted, one would speak truthfully, for, history iccoids no other event which approaches it, and perhaps the woild may not see its like again except the calamity of Gog and Magog till the dawn of the Doomsday The Taiiais put to the swoid all men, women and children, cut open the bellies of the piegnant women and tiampled the babies to death Venty, ttnio God do we belong and unto Him shall we retton There is no Power, no might but from Allah, the Most High, the Gtea! “This was au affliction which o\ ei whelmed the enure

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world, like a severe torrent it suddenly swept over all the lands The author of MirsUd ul^AbUd, who belonged to Haxndan and was born at Ray, and was thus an eye-witness to the Mongol inva­ sion, has left the following han owing account “The year 617 a h shall ever remain conspicuous sn the annals of the world, for the hordes of heathen Tartars gained ascendancy over the Muslims in that year The way they ravaged the countries, killed the people and plundered and burnt the cities has a parallel neither m the days of Ignorance nor thereafter . It is enough to mention that in Ray, where I was born and lived, in Turkistan and in the lands extending from Rum to Syria more than seven hundred thousand persons were either put to sword or made captives. The calamity befalling Islam and its adherents is beyond description and the holocaust is rather too wellknown to require anv detailed enumeration God forbid, none of the monarchs and sovereigns of Islam felt the urge to defend the honour of Islam, nor were they alive to their duty of coming to the rescue of their subjects although they were like a shepherd unto their own people, and that they would have to render an account in regard to their safety on the Day of Judgement It was their duty to have strained every nerve to strengthen Islam and defend the faith as God has ordered . Goforth, hgkt-armed and heavy-armed, and strive with your wealth andyour lives in the way of Allah 2 They should have sacrificed everything they had—their lives, riches, dominions—for the honour of Islam This would have given heart to others and fired a frenzy of enthusiasm among the Muslims, which would have contained and turned back the onslaught of the heathecs “But now nothing remains except to seek the refuge of God Whatever of Islam xs still visible is exposed to the 1 aG

Harold Lamb continues on the impact of Chengluz Klian “This cnew powei in history’—the ability of one man to alter human civilization—began with Genghiz Khan and ended with his grandson Kubilai, when the Mongo] empire tended to bieak up It has not reappeared since 9,3 Sack o f Baghdad

At last in 656 a h the myriads of savages and heathens advanced towards Baghdad, killing every man that camc in their way, setting fire to every habitation and trampling into dust whatever they could not possess The metropolis of Islam, cele­ brated throughout the world as the centre of civilization, learning and crafts was reduced to ashes, the sack or Baghdad is too har­ rowing and lengthy to be detailed here The accounts given by the contemporary historians include some eye-witness accounts of the carnage and atrocities committed by the Mongols Ibn al-Athlr writes "The honors of lapine and slaughter lasted forty days, and, after the carnage was over, the mo&t populous and beautiful city of the world was so devastated that only a few people could be seen here and there All the streets and markets were strewn with dead bodies, heaps of corpscs were to be found like small mounds from place to place After the rains the dead bodies began to rot giving out a disagreeable smell of the putnd flesh and then a deadly pestilence ravaged the town which spread as far as the land of Syria Innumerable people died as a result of this epi­ demic The ravages of a terrible famine and pestilence and the rising prices reigned over the city thereafter _________________________

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1 Harold JjBfiib, p 210 2 Ibid ap 210 3 Ibn Kath1r» Vol X III, pp 202-203 (Abbreviated)

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Taj ud-dln Ibn al-Subki gives his own account of the bai ba~ rous acts of Mongols “Halaku received the Caliph (al-Mustcasim) m a tent while Ibn cAlqami invited the doctors of religion and other notables of the city to be a witness to the agreement between Halaku and the Caliph. When they had repaired to the Mongol camp, all were passed under the sword They were called one by one in a tent and beheaded until none amongst the chiefs and counsellors of the Caliph re­ mained alive It was commonly believed that if the blood of the Cahph fell on the ground, some great calamity would overtake the woild Halaku was, theiefore, hesitant but Nasli ud-din T ta 1 intervened to suggest that the problem 1 An Iranian histoiian confnms the incident in his book Ahwal-o-Athar*iKhmja Xasir ud-din Tfci", which has been published by the Tehran Unwersity Heisays that TUsi uas at last successful in his endeavour to dismember the Caliphate and to reduce the castle of the Caliph to dust Halaku bad already been commisuoned by his brotliei Kliakan Mangu to put an end to the Caliphate afLet destroying the Batnutes Halaku sent message* of submission to the Cahph which, however, remained unheeded Thereafter Halaku cosuited Ins counsellors whether or not the stars were fat oui able foi mounting an attack A Sunni astrologer, Hisam ud-dln b> name, advised Halaku that the time was most inopportune for launch­ ing an attack on Baghdad and anyone who desued to harm the Cahph at that hour would be defeated and suffer a greuous loss HisSm ud-dln said that if Hataku persisted in lus attempt, there would be no rains, torrents and hurricanes mil devastate the world and, it hat is more, the Khakan would be dead Halaku was dismayed but he asked Tflsl, “What would happen if I attack Baghdad** “Nothing1*, replied Tflsi, "except that Khan \wll be monatch in place of the Caliph” Thereupon Halaku ordered TUsi and Hisffm ud din to debate the issue before lum “Thousands of the companions of the Prophet wcie killed,1' argued Tflsi, "but nothing happened Even if you attribute any special piety and charismatic pow er to the cAbbfsids, look at Tsiur who lulled Amin under the orders of MamOn, or Mutawakkil uho was strangled to death by his sons and slaves, or else i\funtasir and Mu'tadhid who %\eie done to death by their jnd guards»Didcxei an) calamity overtake the woild’” QTaslr ud-din Tun pp 919) *

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could easily be solved The Caliph should be killed, he suggested, m a way that his blood did not fall on the ground. The Caliph was accordingly rolled m a carpet and then beaten to death.”* i The general massacre continued m Baghdad for more than a month. Only those could save themselves who were able to find a hiding place Halaku then ordered, it is related, to count the dead, who numbered eighteen hundred thousand.* Christians were asked to take bacon and wine pubhdy Although it was the month of Ramadhan, the Muslims of Baghdad were compelled to participate in these .drinking bouts Wine was sprinkled in the mosques and the call for prayer was prohibited. Nothing so despicable had happened since the founda­ tions of Baghdad were laid the city had come under the heathen rule for the first time and had never before undergone such a humiliation 3 In spite of all its vices and weaknesses, Baghdad was thi metropolis of Islam, a centre of learning, arts and crafts as well as a city of mosques and shrines, saints and preachers Its des­ truction made the heart of every Muslim bleed, the heart-rending account of its rum was rendered by many poets into songs ol mourmng Scadi of Shiraz who had lived m Baghdad during his student days and had seen the city in its hey-day of glory) has described the fall of Baghdad m a language that shows his depth of misery. “For it has seen the kingdom of Mustcasim destroyed) The heaven would be justified if it sheds the rain-tean of blood*

If you will rise on the Day of Judgement, O Muhammad, Rise now to see the most severe affliction. —

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1. TdbgSt al-Shafit tyak, Vol V, pp 114-115 2 Some historians have given a lower estimate but the figure should not 1* off the mark for Baghdad had then a population of two and a half imlM® ( Tabqat al-Shqfi*ijpahj Vol V, p 115 ) 3* Tabqat cl-Shaft*ych+Voi V, p 115

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The blood of beauties slaughtered in the castle, Overflows the gates of the palace And our tears stain our garments* Beware of the turn of time and its vicissitudes. For who knew the glorious would come to such an abrupt end. Lo1 you had seen the glory of the house of Caliphs, Where the Caesars and Khakans bowed low in obeisance The blood of the progeny of Muhammad’s uncle, Is shed on the very earth where the Sultans placed their heads Coloured with blood, the waters of the Tigris will turn the giound red, If it flows to irrigate the desert oasis of Bat*ha 1 Defaced by the calamity it has had to suffer, Wrinkles of waves aie seen on the face of the Tigris No elegy is really befitting the elevated souls, Whose minimum reward is the bliss of God in Paradise, I am shedding my tears only in sympathy, For Muslims they were, and I hold them dear112 From Baghdad, the Mongol hordes mairhcd on to Haleb (Aleppo), sacked the city and turned to Damascus They captured Damascus in Jaroadi al-Ola, 658 a h The Chnsiian inhabitants of the city came out with presents to greet the conquei ors Ibn Kathtr who belonged to Damascus, has poi trayed the joy or Chi istians and the helplessness or the Muslims in these woj ds "The Christians came back by the Gate of Toma, carrying the cross ovei their heads and shouting slogans They were praising Chi istianity and openly disparaging Islam and the Muslims They had flasks of wine from which they sprinkled the liquor m from of the mosques and 1 Madma 2 S'arti, pp 56-57

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on the faces of Muslims they happened to pass by, ordering the Muslims to pay homage to their emblem Muslims could noi restrain themselves ibr long and gathered in large numbers and pushed them back to the Cathedral of Mary where a Christian clergy delivered a speech praising Christianity and denigrating Islam and its followers m Thereafter Ibn Kathlr continues his description on the * authority of Zatl ul-MiraVa, their hands They intended to pull down a number of mosques m case the reign of Tartars continued for some­ time more cUlema, Cadis and other Muslim notables repaired to the citadel of the Tartar governor El Siyan to make a complaint about the excesses of the Christians but they were turned out by him El Siyan, however, gave a hearing to the Christians Venly9 unto God do we belong and unto Htm shall we return ”s After the fall of Syi 1a, the Mongols wanted to carry their arms to Egypt which was the only Muslim country still out of then reach The Sultan of Egypt, al-Malik al-Muzaffar Saif ud-din Qataz knew that his country would be the next target of the Mongols, and also, that it would be difficult to hold off those savages if they were allowed to make adequate preparations for invading his lands He, there foie, decided to attack the Mongols in Syria before they were able to consolidate then power The forces of Egypt accord­ ingly met the Mongols at cAm Jalut, a town below Nazareth in Palestine, on the 25th of Ramadhan, 658 a h , under the command of Baibers who afterwards became the sovereign of Egypt uiui»e previous battles the Muslims met the Mongols in a hotly contested battle and drove back the stream of savage hordes The Egyptians pursued the defeated Mongols, slaughtering and capturing a large number of them, east-ward beyond the Euphrates Al-Suyuti writes m T&flkh ul-Khulfu > "The Muslims were, by the grace of God, victorious 1 Ibn KathTr, Vol X III, pp 219-220 2 Ibid , Vol X Iir»pp 219 220

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and they inflicted a grevious defeat on the Tartars A large number of Tartars were put to the sword The retreating Tartars were so disheartened that people easily caught hold of them and despoiled them of their possessions Sultan Baibers defeated the Tartars in many a fierce battles after the battle of cAm JalOt and thus disproved the proverb that the Tartars were invincible C onversion o f th e M ongols:

Islam was about to be submerged in the whit 1-pool of the Mongol ardoui of slaughtei and destruction, as several Muslim writers had then expressed the fear, wiping it out of existence, but Islam suddenly began to capture the heaits ol the savage Tattais The pi earhei s of Islam thus accomplished a task which the s\\ ord.11 m of the laitli had failed topeilbim by catrying the message of Islam to the baibauc hoidcs of licathen Mongols Convex won of the Mongols to Islam was indeed one of the few unpi edictable events of history The Tartanc wave of conquest which had swept away the entue Islamic ea&t witlun a shoit pei tod of one yeai was, in tiuth, not *o astounding as the Mongol's acceptance of Islam duung the zenuh of then glory, for, the Muslims had by the beginning of the seventh ocntury ol \Iushm era imbibed all those vices winch are a natui al outcome oi the opulence, luxury and fast living The Mougols wei e, on the othei hand, a wild and fctot ions, yet vigoiotis and stuidy race who could have hardly been expected to submit to the spmiiml and cultuial supei 101 ity of a people so completely subdued by them, and who " e,e looked down and despised by them The author of the Prcariung qf Islam, T W Arnold ha%also csptessed life amazement over the achievement of ihis uiibeheveable fear ‘Bur Islam was to use again fiom the ashes of us foimcr gi andeui and through its preacheis win over these savage ionquci 01 s to the acceptance of the faith This was a task for the nussionat y energies of Islam chat was rendered 1 TSnfh

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more difficult from the fact that there it ere two pow erfid competitors in the field. The spectacle of Buddhism, Christianity and Islam emuloush striving to win the aflegiance of the fierce conquerors that had set their feet on the necks of adherents of these great missionary religions, is one that is without parallel in the history of the world1.......... *~For Islam to enter into competition with such power­ ful rivals as Buddhism and Christianity were at the outset of the period of Mongol rale, must have appeared a uellnmli Tifmaloce nn^rtatm fr TTaf tliA XftieTimt ciiffiuwi more from the storm of the Mongol invasions than the others Those cities that had hitherto been the rallying points of spiritual organisation and learning for Islam in Asia, had been for the most part laid in ashes: the theologians and pious doctors of the faith, either sHin or carried away into captivity.- Among the Mongol rulers—usuallv so tolerant towards all religions—there were some who exhibited vary­ ing degrees of hatred towards the Muslim faith Ghingtz Kh2n ordered all those who killed animals in the Muhammadan fashion to be put to death, and this ordinance was revned bj QpbllSy, who by offering rewards to infer*

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years, as many poor persons took advantage or this readv means of gaining wealth, and staves accused their masters in order to gain their freedom.1 During the reign of Km tik 1, Arnold, p 219 2 So notoriouih bnxtal was the treatment thej recchctfrtftat even the Chinese showmen in their exhibitions orshadovr figures c v u lii^ brought forward the figunc of an old man v ith a white beard dragged b\ the m d al the tail or a hor»i as shtmmg him the Mongol horsemen bcha\«d toward* the Musalinans [Sir H H* H ovarth : Nis'ey McrgsJs, L*mdon {1876—80) Vol I ,p 159] _> 3 This edict mis onlj withdrawn when it vns found that ii Muhammadan merchants from vistirg the court and that trade su in cors.*quence (T rfr^ j J&sin A general histor> of the Munftmo rivaa'tirs of \v a a bv MmhSj ttd-dln A b U *U«nnn London. 1851,p 1146andH ow vth Vol I,p p 1I2.27S).

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(1248-1248), who left the conduct of affairs entirely to his two Christian ministers and whose court was filled with Christian monks, the Muhammadans were made to suffer great seventies • . • “Arghun (1284-1291) the fourth Ilkhan persecuted the Musalmans and took away from them all posts in the departments of justice and finance, and forbade them to appear at his court2 *cIn spite of all difficulties, however, the Mongols and the savage tribes that followed in their wake? were at length brought to submit to the faith of those Muslim peoples whom they had crushed beneath theii feet/4 Unbelievable and of far-reaching significance, although the conversion of the Mongols to Islam had been, it is also not less surprising that extremely few and scanty records of this glorious achievement are to be found m the annals of the time The names of only a few dedicated saviours of Islam who won proselytes from the savage hordes are known to the world, but their venture was no less daring nor their achievement less significant than the accomplishment of the warriors of the faith Their memory shall always be enriched by the gratitude of Muslims for they had, in reality, performed a great service to the humanity m general and to the Muslims in particular, by diffusing the knowledge of iaith among those barbarians, winning them over to the service of one God and making them the standard-bearers of the Apostle of Peace. After the death of Chenghiz Khan the great heritage of that Mongol conqueror was divided into four dominions headed by the offsprings of his sons* The message of Islam had begun to 1 Howorth, Vo! I ,p 165 2* C L J De Guignes, Histoire Generale des Huns, des Tures, des Moeols (Fans, 1756 58), Vol III, p 265 f 3 In the thirteenth century three-fourths of Mongol hosts were Turks (Leon, Cahun, Introduction a I'histoire de I'Asie Tutcs et Mongols Pans 1896, p. 279). * Arnold, pp 225-227.

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spread among all these four sections of the Mongols who 79619 rapidly converted to the faith. In regard to the conversion of the ruling pnnces in the lineage of Batu, the son of Chenghiz Khan’s first bom vVlio ruled tire western portion as Khan -of the Golden Horde, writes Arnold. "The first Mongol ruling prince who professed Islam was Baraka Kh£n, who was chief of the Golden Horde from 1256 to 1267.1 According to Abtfl-GhSzl he was converted after he had come to the throne. He is said one day to have fallen in with a caravan coming from BukhSrSj and taking two of the merchants aside, to have questioned them on the doctrines of Islam, and they expounded to him their faith so persuasively that he became converted m all sincerity. He first revealed his change of faith to his youngest brother, whom he induced to follow his example, and then made open profession of his new belief* ••• Baraka Khan entered into a close alliance with the Mamltsk Sultan of Egypt, Rukn al-Dln Baybars The initiative came from the latter, who had given a hospitable reception to a body * of troops, two hundred m number, belonging to the Golden Horde, these men, observing the growing enmity between their Kh5n and HOlagU, the conqueror of Baghdad, m whose army they were serving, took flight into Syria, whence they were honourably conducted to Cairo to the court of Baybars, who persuaded them to embrace Islam1 1 I t is of interest to note that Naim al-Din MukhtSr al-ZShidl in 1260 com­ piled far Baraka IChSn a treatise which gave the proofs of the divine mission of the Prophet, a refutation of those Mho denied it» and an account of the controversies between Christians and Muslims (Monts S ternschncider Polemische und apologetische Litteratur in arabiscber Sprache, Zwischen Muslimen, Christen und Juden Leipzig, 1877, pp 63 64) 2 Abu’l-Gh&u Histoire des MogoU et des Tartares par Aboul Gbazt BehSdonr Khan, traduite par le Baron Desm&isons St Petersburg (1871-74) tome II p 181 8 Maqrlzl Histoire des Sultans Mamlouks de l*Egypte, traduite par M Qpatremere (Pans, 1837-45), tome I, pp 180-81,187

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Baybais himself was at war with HalagQ, whom he had recently defeated and driven out of Syria* He sent two of the Mongol fugitives, with some othep envoys, to bear a letter to Baraka Kh£n On their return these envoys reported that each princess and amir at the court of Baraka KhSn had an imam and a mu’adhdhm, and the children were taught the Qjn*2n in the schools1 These friendly rela­ tions between Baybars and Baraka KhSn brought many of the Mongols of the Golden Horde into Egypt®, where they were prevailed upon to become Musalmans Halaku had founded the dynasty of Ilkhans m Iran, to which he had later added a great part of Asia Minor Arnold relates the conversion of this bianch of Chenghiz Khan’s progeny in these words “In Persia, where HnlSgO founded the dynasty of the IlkhSns, the progress of Islam among the Mongols was muchslowei In oidei to strengthen himself against the attacks of Baraka Khan and the Sultan of Egypt, HGl>l accepted the alliance of the Christian powers of the East, such as the king of Armenia and the Crusaders His • favourite wife was a Christian who favourably disposed the mind of hei husband towards her co-religionists, and his son AbSqS Khan mained the daughter of the Emperor of Constantinople His brother Taktidar*, who succeeded him, was the first of the Ilkhans who embraced Islam He had been brought up as a 'Christian, for (as a contemporary Christian writer5 tells us), che was baptised when young and called by the name of Nicholas But when he was grown up, through his intercourse with Saracens of whom

1 Maqrlzi Histoirc des Sultans Mamlotils de TEgypte, traduite par M Q.uatremero (Pans, 1837-45) tome I, p 215 2 i M , p 222 3 Arnold, pp 227-29 4 \\ ass5f calls him NikndSr befotc and Ahmad after his com crexon 5 Hauon (Raniusio, tome II, p 430, c )

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he was very fond, he became a base Saracen, and, renoun­ cing the Christian faith* wished to be called Muhammad Khan, and strove with all his might that the Tartai s should be converted to the faith and sect of Muhammad, and when they proved obstinate, not daring to force them, he brought about tneir convetsionby giving them honours and favours and gifts, so that in his tune many Tartars were converted to the faith of the Saracens9. This prince sent the news of his convex sion Lo the Sultan of Egypt m the following letter *~*cfiy the power of Cod Almighty, the mandate of Ahmad to the Sultan of Egypt God Almighty (praised be his name *) by His grace preventing us and by the light of His guidance, hath guided us in our early youth and vigour into the true path of the knowledge of His deity and the confession of His unity* to bear witness that Muhammad (on whom rest the highest blessings *) is the Prophet of God, and to reverence His saints and His pious servants ‘Whom God shall please to guide, that man's breast will He open to Islam 91 We ceased not to incline our heart to the pro­ motion of the 'faith and the improvement of the condition of Islam and the Muslims, up to the time when the succession to the empire came to us from bur illustrious iatner an« brother, and God spread over us the glory of His grace and kindness, so that m the abundance of His favours our hopes were realised, and He revealed to us the bride of the kingdom, and she was brought forth to us a noble spouse QpriltSy or general assembly was convened# wherein our brothers, our sons, great nobles, generals of the army and captains of the forces, met to hold council, and they were all agreed on carrying out the order of our elder brother, viz to summon here a vast levy of our troops whose numbers would make the earth, despite .its vastness, appear too narrow* whose fury and fierce onset would fill the hearts of men with fear, being animated with a courage before w«ic.. 1 Qui°Sn. vi, 125

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ie mountain peaks bow down, and a firm purpose that takes the hardest rocks grow soft. We reflected on this 11 ti their resolution which expressed the wisn concluded that it ran counter to the aim we had m view to promote the common weal, 1 e to strengthen the ordinance of Islam, never, as far as lies m our power, to issue any order that will not tend to prevent bloodshed, remove the ills of men, and cause the breeze of peace and prosperity to blow on all lands, aild the kings of other countries to rest upon the couch of affection and benevo­ lence, whereby the commands of God wdl be honoured and mercy be shown to the people of God. Herein, God ins­ pired us to quench this fire and put an end to these terrible calamities, and make known to those who advanced this pro­ posal (of a levy) what it is that God has put into our hearts to do, namely, to employ all possible means for the healing of all the sickness of the world, and putting off what should only be appealed to as the last remedy For we desire not to hasten to appeal to arms, until we have first declared the right path, and will permit it only after setting forth the truth and establishing it with proofs Our resolve to carry out whatever appears to us good and advantageous has been strengthened by the counsels of the Shaykh al-lsl am, the model of divines, who has given us much assistance in rdigious matters We have appointed our chief justice, Qutb al-Dln and the AtShftlf, "Ratiy fll-TKn. VirtfrJi trncturArfliw persons of this flourishing kingdom, to make known to you our course of action and bear witness to our good intentions for the common weal of the Muslims, and to make it known that God has enlightened us, and that Islam aimnTg •ill U-. has gone before it, and that God Almighty has put OH V uhat it into our hearts to follow the truth and those who practice 11 If some convincing proof be required, let men observe oiir artinne Tin P .J .... _ j *■ - — -*•; w e g i a u c ui v t u u , we xiav6 raisea aloft the standards of the faith, and borne witness to it in all our orders and o u r practice, so that the ordinances of • V

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by the donois We have ordered the pilgrims to be ti sated with respect, provision to be made for their caravans and foi securing theii safety on the pilgnm routes, we have given perfect freedom to merchants, travelling from one countiy to another, that they may go wherever they please j and we have strictly prohibited our soldiers and police from interfering with them in their comings or goings He seeks the alliance of the Sultan of Egypt cso that these countries and cities may again be populated, these terrible calamities be put down, the sword be returned to the scabbard, that all peoples may dwell in peace and quietness, and the necks disgraceS1 “To the student of the history of the Mongols it is a relief to pass from the recital of nameless horrors and conti­ nual bloodshed to a document emanating from a Mongol •MMH AH MMJ akiBftaaaK ----- ------ ------- llltfVtMVItt OVIfl IlM lfiVD" piiuui; aixu giving CAjJicaaiuii iu oumi uuiuouc ------lent sentiments, which sound strange mdeed coming from such lips . ec A revolt broke out against ham (TakOdir Ahmad), headed by his nephew ArghQn, who compassed tV i

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brief reign (1284-1291), the Chustians weie once more ]

WassSf Geschichte peisuch herautgegeben und deutsch tfbenetet von Hmnmer-Furgstall (Vienna, 1856) pp 231-34

TARTARS-THR SCOURGE OF GOO

305

restored to favour, while the Musalmans had to suffer perse­ cution in their turn, were dismissed from their posts and driven away from the court1 "The successors of TakHdSr were all heathen, until, m 1295, GhSzSn, the seventh and greatest of the Ilkhans, became a Musalman and made Islam the ruling religion of Persia “GhHzSn himself before his conversion had been brought up as a Buddhist and had erected several Buddhist temples in Khurasan, and took great pleasure m the company of the pnests of this faith, who had come into Persia m laige numbeis since the establishment of the Mongol supremacy over that country 2 He appears to have been naturally of a religious turn of mind, for he studied the creeds of the different religions of his time, and used to hold discussions with the learned doctors of each faith® Rashid al-Dln, his learned minister and the histoiiart of his reign, maintained the genuineness of his conversion to Islam, the religious observances of which he zealously kept throughout his whole reign, though his contemporaries (and later writers have often re-echoed the imputation) repre­ sented4 him as having only yielded to the solicitations of some Amirs and Shaykhs.”5 Ibn Kathir also relates, in the chronicles for the year 694 a h , that Ghazan embraced Islam during that year The accounts left by other historians show that the conversion of Ghazan was brought about by a pious Turk, Amir Tuzaun* by name Ibn Katltfr's version is as follows “In this year the great-giandson of Chenghiz Khan, 1 C L J de Giugacs Histoin. generate des Huns des Turcs, des Mogols, (Paris, 1756-58), Vol lit, w 263-65 2 C d'Ohsson Hisiowc des Mongols, (The Hague 1834-35), tom IV, p 148 3 Ibid , p 365 4* Ibid , pp 148,35*, Gahun (op ext) p 434 5 Arnold, pp 229-33 6 Arnold and certain other historians have given his name as Nawruz Beg

306

SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIR IT

Ghazan b. Arghun b Igha b. Tuli b. Ghenghiz Khan announced his conversion to the faith of Islam, along with all or a majority of the Tartars under him, through the persuasion of Amir Tuzaun (on whom may rest the peace of God). Pearls, gold and silver balls were showered upon those who dedared their allegiance to Islam; the King renamed himself as Mahmud and attended Friday services, a number of heathen temples and Churches were demolish­ ed and poll-tax was levied on them ; goods and properties confisratfld from Baghdad and other Muslim cities were returned; and justice was restored to them. Rosaries were seen in the hands of Tartars, for which act of benevolence the people thanked God Almighty.5*1 Continuing the account relating to Xslamisation of the Mongol’s Kingdom of Persia, Arnold writes * “His (Ghazan’s) brother, Uljziytu, who succeeded him in 1304, under the name of Muhammad Khudsbandah, had been brought up as a Christian in the faith of his mother and had been baptised under the name of Nicholas, but after his mother’s death, w hile he was still a young man, he became a convert to Islam through the persuasions of his wife z Ibn BatOtah says that his example exercised a great influence on the Mongols.3 From this time forward Islam became the paramount faith m the Kingdom of the. IlkhSns.”4 Coming to the story of the spread of Islam in the Middle Kingdom of the Mongols, Arnold says “The details that we possess of the progress of Mam in the Middle Kingdom, hich fell to the lot of Chaghatay 2 Ibn Kathlr, Vol. X III, p 340 2 Hammer-Purgstall * Geschicbte der lIdianotf ( Danwtadt 1842*43 j Vol II, p. 182 3 Ibn BdUZtah *Voyages d’IZm BaiouUb, tesrte arabc, aecampagne d 9une traduction par c Dtfrcmery e tB R Sanguinptti (Paris 1853-58} Vol II* A 57 r "

4. Arnold, p. 234

TAKTAJtS-THE SCOURGE OF COD

30?

and his descendants, are still more meagre. Several of the princes of this line had a Muhammadan minister in their service, but they showed themselves unsympathetic to the faith of Islam* Chaghat&y harassed his Muhammadan subjects by regulations that restricted their ntual observ­ ances in respect of the killing of animals for food and of ceremonial washings Al-JiizjSnl says that he was the bitterest enemy of the Muslims among all the Mongol rulers and did not v/isn anyone to utter the word Musalman before him except with evil purpose.1 Orghana, the wife of his grandson and successor, QarS-Httf&gvi, brought up her son as a Musalman, and under the name of Mubarak Shlh he came forward m 1264 as one of the claimants of the disputed succession to the Chaghatay KhKnate, but he was soon driven from the throne by his cousin Bur&q Khan, and appears to have exeicised no influence on behalf of his faith, indeed judging from their names it would not appear that any of his own children even adopted the rdigion of their father 2 Buraq KhSn is said to ha\ e ‘had the blessed­ ness of receiving the light of the faith’ a few days before his death m 1270, and to have taken the name of Sultan GhiySth al-Din,* but he was buned according to the ancient funeral rates of the Mongols, and not as a Musalman, and those who had been converted during his reign relapsed into their former heathenism. It was not until the next century that the conversion of TarmashlUn Khan, about 1326, caused Islam to be at all generally adopted by the ChaghatSy Mongols, who when they followed the example of their chief this time remained true to their new failh 1 JtLzjSnl MinhSj-i'SirSj al-JuzjSnl, Tabq2t-j-N5siri ed W Nassau Lees (Cafcuttta, 1864} pp 381, 397 and MinhSj-ud-Dfn Tabakat-i-Nsar? MmhSj-ud-Din, AbB-*Ujitftr-i-Usm5n (London, 1881) pp tHO, 1145*46. 2 Rashid al-Dm, Jam* a!-Ta\v3r!kh, Tankh-i-Moubarek-i Ghazani, histoire des Mongols, editee par E Blochet (Gtbb Memorial Series, Vol XVttt) (London, 1911) pp 173-74,188 3 Abn'l-GhSzi« (op clt) tome II, p 159.

SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIR IT

But even now the ascendancy of Islam was not assured, for Buzun who was Khan in the next decade—the chronology is uncertain—drove TarmSshlrfn from his throne, and persecuted the Muslims1, and it was not until some years later that we hear of the first Musalman King of KSshgar, which the break-up of the Chaghatay dynasty had erected into a separate kingdom This prince, Tuqltiq TtmOr KhSn (1347-1363), is said to have owed his conversion to a holy man fiom Bukhara, by name Shaykh JamSl al-Dfti This Shaykh, in company with a number of travellers, had un­ wittingly trespassed 011 the game-preserves of the prince, who ordered them to be bound hand and foot and brought before him In reply to his angry question, how they had dared interfere with his hunting, the Shaykh pleaded that they were strangers and were quite unaware that they were trespassing on forbidden giound Learning that they were Persians, the prince said that a dog was worth more than a Persian ‘Yes,’ replied the Shaykh, ‘if we had not the true faith, we should indeed be worse than the dogs9 Struck with his reply, the KhSn ordered this bold Persian to be brought before him on his return from hunting, and taking him aside asked him to explain what he meant by these words and what was ‘faith*. The Shaykh then set before him the doctrines of Islam with such fervour and zeal that the heait of the Khan that before had been hard as a stone was melted like wax, and so terrible a picture did the holy man draw of the state of unbelief, that the pnnce was convinced of the blindness of his own errors, but said, ‘Wore I now to make profession of the faith of Islam, I should not be able to lead my subject into the true patn But beai with me a little. and when I have entered into the possession of the kingdom of my forefathers, come to me again s For the empire of Chaghatay had by this time b■■■

scholars, theologians and doctors of faith as well as those who foucht for the cause of God* and served to defend Islam on w many a critical occasion Iqbal has rightly said: “A sign manifest did adduce the charge of Tartar hordes. That defenders ere flock to Kacabah from the heathen t____in u r m e s*

I

p 230.

*

CHAPTER X III

MAULANA JALAL UD-DIN RUMI The C risis o f R ationalism *

By the time the seventh century of the Muslim era began, dialectics had come to occupy such a pride of place among die religious sciences that nobody could lay a claim to scholarship unless he had mastered the controversial issues between the Muctazdites and the Ashcarites, on the one hand, and between the Ashcarites and the Hanbalites, on the other. Fakhr ad-dta al-RSfci, who died in 606 a h , had attracted all minds so powers full) that the human intellect had come to be acknowledged by all as the infallible touchstone foi the verification of metaphysical truths A compromise between leason and faith, which was regarded as the ultimate end by the scholars of the tune, had made them so fond of ratiocination that no religious dogma 01 tenet of faith was acceptable to them unless it could be established by rational arguments, logical syllogism and philosophical premises It is true that the Ashcantes had succeeded in building np a powerful system of Islamic scholasticism which gamed the day against *ihz71l and philosophy but they had, nev ertheless, imbibed tlie spirit of these sciences The system of metaphysical theologv evolved b> the Ashcarites had a deep rationalistic foundation which allowed reason to delve into the questions relating to the nature and attributes of God and to discuss metaph) sical issues as fi eely as did the Phdosophers and Muctazilitcs As a consequence, naturally, they had also come to regard the conceptual data furnished by the human senses as the most reliable enrri ion foi verification of certitude They had thus accepted logical reasoning and speculate e thinking as the cornerstone for building up then

J ttQ U lU JA U L O tfO nt 3KJ1B

313 f>P1 « ^

arguments for the sflBhnositioii of ths religious tenets sad finding out the ultimate Reality* The religious scholars throughout the Islamic world had, as a result, been seized by an excessive formalism of dialectics, which* too, had by then deteriorated into a stale science handed down from generation to generation without any addition or modification. It had been unable to produce for quite a long time a celebrated thinker like Abul al-AshSwi or AbU Hamid al-Ghassali* The constant engagement of the then scholars with polemics and logical disputation might have made them bright and quick-witted but it had certainly extinguished the warmth of their hearts and dimmed the light of faith and conviction* The dialecticians had undoubtedly been successful in silencing their opponents by their superior syllogism but they were unable to provide an unflinching conviction which could replace scepticism by faith and disquietude by peace of mind. As a matter of fact, the logical reasoning employed by the dialecticians had given rise to numerous questions which could never be adequately met by the scholastics Also, the dialectics had no place ibr ‘intuition* which is an invaluable source for acquisition of knowledge, for, it either did not recognise any 'inner sense* beyond the normal senses of perception Or treated it with contempt Obviously, therefore, fects pertaining to mysteries of mute reality and ecstasy were being contended simply because these were beyond the ken of senses; the scholars had developed a predisposition for rejecting or at least being sceptical about everything which could not be proved through rational arguments* The Uirwiviyah and received education from Kam2liid-dln ibn al-cAdlm / Although Rusn was receiving education at Haleb, difficult juristic questions tvere referred to him for solution. Sipah SalSr reports that RGmi not only furnished a solution to all such problems but also gave reasons which were not to be found in any book* Rflmi went to Damascus from Haleb and dwelt in Madaisa Maqdasyah. In Damascus, reports Sipah SalSr, Rumi used to confer with Sheikh Mbhi ud-dln ibn cArabi, Sheikh Safad ud-dln Hamawi, Sheikh cUthman RQmi, Sheikh Auhad ud-dln KinnSni and Sheikh Sadr ud-dln Konwz 4 In 634 o r 635 a . b , RQmi returned to Konya and resumed the profession of teaching. He continued to do so till the death of his mentor, Saiyid Burhan ud-dln, in 637 A. h . Soon thereafter, Sheikh Mohi ud-dm ibn cArabi died in Damascus in 638 a. a , and a number of scholars mystics moved on from Damascus ■I^IM ■ ■ P ■

1 2 3. 4

AflSki, p-37. Son of Sultan Salah ud-dTn Sipah Sal£r, p 16 and Aflfld, p . 52 Sipah SalSr, p 14

MAVLANA JALAL UD-DIN RUMI

319

to the company of R^imi in KouyEi Sheikh Sidr ud-din Afld a large number of other scholars whose hearths and homes had been destroyed by the Mongols were too seeking refuge in Konya which had thus attracted quite a large number of celebrated scholars and doctors of faith reputed for their learning and piety* Rffioai, still busy in teaching at the Madarsa, where he is reported his tutelage, was scholars. The other pursuits ofRflmi, besides teaching, were preaching in meetings held for the purpose and giving junstic-opinion on the questions referred to him. Fifteen Dinars were fixed for him, it is reported, as a remuneration for this public service. He was so particular in this regard that he had instructed his attendants to inform him immediately on the receipt of questions eliciting junstic-opinion, even if he were in a devotional seclusion or trance, and take the dictation for sending a reply. Rumi Turns to MysticicnaaL i

Rtimi spent his days in this manner till 642 a . h when an incident completely transformed his life and turned him from JaUfl ud-dln Kouwi to Maulana-i-Rum. This was his meeting with Shamsh Tebrez and his devotion and adoration of the latter. The Maulana has himself said: “The lord of RUm did not become a learned sage; Until he bad become a bondsman of Shamsh Tebrez/’ Shamsh. Tebrez:

Malik D5d was his name but commonly known as Shamsh Tebrez. His ancestry is shrouded in mystery and the place to which he belonged is also not known with certainty* Of the many charges levelled against him, one was that he belonged to an unknown descent1 It was said of him that: trWho is he and what his father was? Does anybody know ? Er, he comes from where ?” Kistonans consider him to be the son of JstSI ud-dfn Hasan, a m iiff of the Ismailiyah wet, who renounced the cult of the famous

320

SAVIOURS OK ISLAMIC SPIRIT

He is reported to have been gifted with a keen intellect and. a fervoux of love since his very childhood It has been related m Mandqtb al-*ArtJinl that while still young, he often remained so jmracised ia the love for the Prophet that he did not feci the pangs of hunger for as many as thirty to forty days 2 After he had mastered the en teric sciences he became a disciple of ShciLh Abn Bakr, the basket maker Some chroniclers report that he had taken Sheikh Zam ud-din Sanjusi1 as his spiritual mentor while the names of certain other mystics ha\e been mentioned in other reports. Mav br he received a grounding in the mystic lore from all these from time to time Not content with the esotenc teachings of "the Path" he has had from his tutors, Shamsh Tcbrcz took to extensile travels m various lands, in search of the best spiritual teacher and thus gained the nickname of Pmnda (the Flier, Bird, etc). In his travels he took care to conceal his own spiritual attainments. Pretending to be a wealth) merchant, he woie a black felt and always bolted the doors or his room in the inn, with a costly lockj although there was nothing inside except a tattered mat He travelled m this way to Tcbi ez, Baghdad, Jordan, Rome, Qaisaryah and Damascus He used to \tca\c strings with which trousers aie fastened, and this uas enough to meet his frugal expenses He lived for one year in Damascus where he did not take more than a cup ofsoup once a week4 Often he prayed to God for a companion

“Assassins” itnd adopted the orthodox faith Ho was atcifdingl) known as a NtM-Muslim (the roccnilv eon\rrtcd Mushm) These reports are* however of doubtAil aiithmucit I*oi detailed stud) see, **The Life ofMauIana Jalal ud-din Muhammad” (pp p>3*54) bv B*idi Uy-7ir*in rarozanJar and Sahtb uMla&ttn (pp 127-128} by Cadi Talammur Hwsnn 1 Written b} Shamsh ud*dln Ahmad a^-AflSLi in 752 A H 2 APSki, p 370 3 Fcrozruirar lists gi\ cn tlie name of his mentor as Rukn ud-dm SuqjSsi instead o f Zsm ud-dln SinjSu He also tijs that SanjSs w s a dependency of Zanjffn but he is not sure about it (rartranfar, p 56) 4 Sipah SalSr, p G3

MABLAKA JALAL UD-OIH WJMI

321

with whom he could share the mysteries of divine love.1 Meeting o f Shamsh Tebrez and R um i:

The spiritual mentor of Shamsh Tebrez, it is related, asked him to proceed to RQm and ftlaminate a broken-hearted soul yearning for the divine love. He accordingly reached Konya on the 26th of Jamadi ul-Akhir, 642 a. a. and engaged a lodging in an inn. One day; he saw RQmi coming by, riding on a mule, in the midst of a crowd of students and disciples accompanying him on foot Shamsh Tebrez stepped forward and asked RQmi, “What is the object of learning and prayer ?” ccIt is to know/* replied RQmi, "the Shancah and its tenets.” “No” , rejoined Shamsh Tebrez, “the object is to attain what is knowable”. Thereafter he recited this couplet of Hakim SinSi: "Compared to that knowledge, ignorance is better; Which allows your self to remain as it were*” RQmi was lost m amazement. He had taken to heart the remark of Shamsh Tebrez.3 RQmi now took Shamsh Tebrez home with him. They remained closeted together, reports Afi&lci, lor forty days where no body could enter ** Sipah SalSr, another biographer of RQmi, writes that both remained m holy communion for six months in a room where none dared to enter except Sheikh Salah ud-dln#4 The company of Shamsh Tebrez opened a new vista of the hidden realm to the view of RQmi who now felt a trenchant urge to grasp the mysteries of eai ih and of heaven through spiritual 1 AflSkij pp 58-59 2 The con/creation between RQmi and Shamsh Tebrez has been reported in TarUiah Eaulat Shah The author of the Xafo of JaKl ud*dia Muham­ mad has aho collected all the traditions in this regard but none being acceptable to him, he has put forth the view that the attachment of RUmz to Shamsh Tebrez uas not due to any sudden rapturous mfactuatxon but because Rttmi was already in search of an illuminated sou] (Faioasaafar, PP 01-68) Also see Scktb ttf-Afiifmavt, pp 139-142 3 Aflfikt, p 60 4 S*pnh SalSr, p 66

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SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT

illumination Rfimi says in a couplet * “Shamsh Tebrez was it, who led me to the path of Reality; For the faith I have is simply his bounty*” Rumi had so long been a profound scholai and a successful teacher, disciples and students, many of them scholars and mystics, always gathered round him in large numbers to drink at the fountain of learning, but, now, he himself became a pupil of Shamsh Tebrez Sultan Veled, the son of ROmi says. “The Sheikh himself turned a probationer, He began to learn his lessons afresh, sitting at the feet of his mentor. Although perfect he was m ascetic lore, He had to begin taking lessons once more ” RQmi has also acknowledged it m these lines “A mendicant I was, thou madest me a liberatme, A source of tumult, intoxicated with wine Revered I was as a doctor of religion, Thou hast turned me into a sport for children.” The result was that ROmi abandoned teaching as well as sermonising He says “Like Mercuiy had J ledgers of mine( Upon which I demoted much time, Lo 1 no sooner did I glance the forehead of the cupbearer, So intoxicated Z became that I broke my pen ” T um vlt by Jtfuni’s D isciples: After RfUm had entered the enchanted circle of Shamsh Tebrez’s spiritual powers, he gave up teaching and delivering lectures which was intensely resented by his followers, disciples and friends They, accordingly, raised a fearful and threatening tumult against Shamsh The resentment of RtttnPs disciples was kindled by the respect paid to Snamsli by RQmi, and they were also jealous that an unknown person whose lineage and even where* abouts were not known to anybody should cause their revered

UAULAKA JAIrAL TO-DXH RUMI _

_________ . ___ ._ w — t i I .......................................................................................

323 i

M

—

teacher to severe all relations with those who had so long been fame far and wide* The disciples and followers of ROmi took Shamsh Tebrez for a weired figure who had cast a spell over Rt&ni otherwise he would not have changed so suddenly and decided not to see his old acquaintances. They could not express their resent­ ment against Shamsh m the presence of RtUni but whenever they got an opportunity they jibbed and stingingly reproached Shamsh Tebrez. Departure of Shamsh Tebrez:

Shamsh Tebrez calmly put up with t)ie irritation caused uy Rfimi’s followers for some time but when he found that they were bent upon taking resort to violent means, he stealthily left Konya one day AflSki reports that Shamsh Tebrez left Konya, at the end of his first visit, on Thursday, the twenty-first day of the month of Shawwal, 643 A.H.,1 after a stay of about sixteen months. The departure of Shamsh Tebrez left ROmi in such a state of distress and depression that he completely cut himself off from all the disciples and acquaintances, friends and relatives. This was an unexpected turn of events unforseen by those who had been envious of Shamsh, for Rnnu was now not prepared to see even those who had not opposed Shamsh, much less the persons who had been his adversaries R&tuiru of Shamsh Tebrez s

Sipah Salgr relates that B ami remained cut off from every body till he unexpectedly received a letter from Shamsh Tebrez from Damascus.2 A bit calmed down, Rtum now permitted those who had not pitted themselves against Shamsh to join in his sittings It was durmg this period that RUmi began to take part m musical chantings in remembrance of his lost friend. He also wrote four letters to Shams Tebrez during this period of separation, !. Aflaki, p GO

2 Jbtdt p €€

324

s a v io u r s

or

is l a m ic s p ir it

which express his intense desire to sec Shamsh again In the first letter he says “Come back to me, the light of my heart, the object of my desire Thou forges ahead with the fcrvout of thy true love. If thou comcst, the joy of my hr art shall I acquire If not, extreme depression will he m} lure Thou art like the sun, which is iai away but still near, Gome back, Oh, thou art at n distance, luit I find thee here.” Gradually the antagonism against Shamsh Tebrer subsided and then Rtimi took steps to invite him back to Kon> a again He sent his son, Sultan Veled, to bear a letter to Shamsh Tebrez and assure him on behalf or his disciples and follow cis that all of them, who had earlier opposed him, were repenting their mistake and wanted to be forgiven Rtimi’s letter to Shamsh expresses his h eart«fftlt fft t e"f flVfii thn sonfimtinn w tlli * Inc snn Q""w —- w"***" I *itnnl oirinrfn H e wrote “From tlie time thou hast departed fiom me, as wax is separated from honey, Like a candle I melt in the fire of iove, depraved of thy sweetness, Separated from thy illustrious self, I have been turned J1AIUa Wherein my soul resides alone m wilderness Turn the reins of thy mount, I implore, turn the mount or thy joy (this way), For music is not lawful unto me m thy absence, I hate the iov as a devil —-----------------------Not a single ode could I indite, till a letter to me did ye write To read thy letter, I was so over-joyed; lyrics I composed six or five O ' God, let us meet again to turn my eve into morn, For thou art indeed the pride of Syria, Armenia and Rome.11 • k t lik

u t iv r

MAULANA JALAL UD-WN RUMI

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Sultan Veled conducted Shamsh Tebrez to Konya from Damascus like a prince Shamsh Tebrez Departs again:

Rtou was overjoyed to' see Shamsh Tebrez for the second time. All those who had been discourteous to Shamsh requested him to condone their mistakes* For a time Shamsh and RGmi passed their time happily in spiritual and reugious disquisitions, drone manifestations and ecstasies, and the fervour of Rtoii’s love for Shamsh increasing with the passage of time. However, Rtimi’s disciples began to resent again their neglect by Rtimi, as they had done before Another incident happened in the meantime which added fuel to the fire. Shamsh was putting up with his wife in an outer room of the house in which Rumi dwelt. Ghelebi cAla3 ud-dln, the son of RGmi by his second wife, used to pass through the room of Shamsh, whenever he visited his father, and this caused inconvenience to the Sheikh. Shamsh politely asked cAla* ud-dln on several occasions not to do so which was, however, resented by him cAla* ud-dln also viewed with jealousy the affection showed by Shamsh Tebrez to his step-brother, Sultan Yeied, and, therefore, he gave vent to his feelings before such followers of Rumi as were inimical to Shamsh. They immediately seized the opportunity to malign Shamsh Tebrez and again nosed a storm of protest against him. Shamsh Tebrez did not, at firsts mention the matter to RQmi but when the hostilities of these people increased, he alluded to his embarrassment in the form of an anecdote* He also that this time he would slip away without leaving any trace of him. It appears from certain verses of RQmi that he was not completely unaware of what was going to happen, for he had entreated Shamsh Tebrez m some of his verses to give up the idea of desert­ ing him again. However, the followers of RfKmi again rose in opposition to Shamsh with the result that he slipped away from Konya.1 1. It bus been mentioned in certain chronicles that Shay^A vra$ put to by certain persona in Konya and Kami, cm receiving the newt said, “God

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Rttmi says in a couplet: “That there be no room for any complaint, Suddenly ftA #

AIC o n

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UUL 11/ IJ U ll LIIC1I4 d l l

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R um i’s Impatxcnce: *

When ROmi found Shamsh musing again one morning, his distress knew no bounds He immediately went to Sultan Veled avirl rn o n

/inf ((Slnonncf thnn VH*) MiVH)

C lat tin on/I Ak#1 nut wtimA tlwi W * MU C*UU J*nw Ullli TTIIC1Q IUV

Sheikh is9 I find my soul devoid of his fragrance again/*1 Now ROmi again started his search for Shamsh, he was now even more distressed than he had been earlier. He ceased all intercourse with those who had caused iU»will to Shamsh and eves forbade them to annear before him R flni says* “The separation made him mad m love, Like Jonah he becamc, without a hearth or home/’ A few days later when his quest for Shamsh had proved fruitless, Rumi became even more restless Now he spent most of his time either m listening to the musical recitals or lamenting and raising a wail of woe for the departed companion It was during U 1W

p c ilW U

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V V M I1 A / 3 C U

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extremely touching lyrics expressing the agonising pangs suffered by him due to Shamsh’s seperation This was the year 645 a h ROmi was extremely anxious for Shamsh specially because of the disturbed conditions m Egypt and Asia Minor and the tempest of rapine and slaughter let loose by the Tartar invasion. If anybody gave h im the w hereabouts of onanun, x\Aimi wouia oe so pieasea uiai ae iiumwiwiwjr — him with whatever he could lay his hands upon including eves the garments he wore at the time I 1 O f ___ _

_____________________________ ^1 .1

______ ____ f ___ _____ 9

^ —*

a

1i v r a t l f Q t y l f t d

does what He likes and orders whatever He intends 99 Farcwanfar, however, prefers the version that RQtni was nearest to Shamsh, and, naturally* h® should have been aware of what had happened to Shanuh Thus, Shamsh been killed in Konya, ROnn would not have undertaken the journey to Damascus in his quest (Farozanfar, pp 83-84) 1, Sipah SalSr, p 69

*

KMJLANA JALAL UD-WN 1 0 0 0

327

Travels to Syria: Not being able to calm down his restlessness, Rumi set out for Damascus along with a few of his other companions in search of Shamsh Tebrez. He was received with honour by the scholars of Damascus but they were surprised to learn that a person of his intellectual stature and erudition should be so agitated for any individual. Rton could not, however, get any trace of Shamsh Tebrez in Damascus When he was worn out of his quest for Shamsh* he remarked* “Myself and Shamsh are not two If he is like the sun, I am a particle, if he is an oceani I am a drop, for the particle is illuminated by the sun and the drop owes its existence to the ocean. There is thus no difference between Shamsh and myself.” Rttmi returned to Konya from Damascus but his restlessness did not abate. After a couple of years he again undertook a journey to Damascus but he returned this time convinced that in reality he was himsdf Shamsh and that all his search for Shamsh was no more than a quest to find out his own self After coming back from Damascus for the second time, Rfimi gave up all hopes to meet Shamsh Tebrez again. Nevertheless, RtZmi now experienced the same effulgence of spiritual wisdom « streaming m hss own self which he had sought in Shamsh Tebrez. ( 25-26) The words in italicsgive* mystical turn to the passage of Qtir3J»n (VII 143)%)nch describes the epiphany of God on Mt Sinai and Moses becoming senseless 4 Bal-i-Jtbreel, p 142

MAULANA JALAL UD-PIN SUMS

347

thousand madness it imbibes (in the lover’s heart).**1 The lover becomes a King of kings and an object of true-love. He tramples underfoot the crowns and sceptres of authority. “Overt and latent to the extreme his wonders are; _For those who rule the heart aspire for him. He treads a path different from others, Even the throne of King is under his foot ”* Speaking of the love, arrogant and stately, Rftmi himself becomes enchanted by a tremendous spiritual enthusiasm. Says he: “Worldly dominion is lawful (only) to those who indulge the body: We (lovers) are devoted to the everlast­ ing kingdom of Love.9*3 Love is the only malady welcomed by its sufferer* who never desires to recover from it. The lover really desires a continuous inciease m his affliction " All the sick hope to be cured, but this sick one sobs, crying, ‘Increase my sickness !* I have found no dnnk sweeter than this poison: no state of health can be sweeter than this disease.”4 After the illness of love, no other sickness can overtake the lover “The words (spoken by him) deliver (thee) from words (of idle disputation), and the sickness (of love inspired by him) lets thee escape from the sickness (of sensuality) If love is a sickness, it is worth a thousand health. It pains and pinches, but still it is sweeter than thousands of pleasures “Therefore the sickness of love is the (very) soul of health; its pains are the envy of every pleasure.1** 1 AfuifatouR Mo(m Mfltfuuin, p 247. 2.

thd , p

247

3 T h Ma&mam, VoLVI, p 502 (Boole VI, 4421)

4 /*i£,p 512(BookVI,4588-99). 5* JM.,p 512 (BookVX,4593). 6 l»irf.,p 512 (Book VI, 4594)

348

SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT

Rumi says that love is essentially a spiritual passion Even if it be regarded a sin, virtue can rightly be sacrificed at its altar. In so far as it serves to purify the soul, it helps to ascend to Divine favour m a moment that years of penance and prayer may be unable to attain “No act of piety can be bettcx than this sin vears m comparison with this moment are (but) an hour ”J The blood of the martyi of love is purer than water, for the manyr does not need purifying bath and ablution “For martyrs, blood is better than water: this fault (committed by him) is better than a hundred right actions (of another) ”2 The distraught lover of God is not liable to follow the laws and ordinances promulgated for the ordinary folk How can tithe be levied on a village already devastated ? “To lovers there is a burnmg (which consumes them) at every moment tax and tithe are not (imposed) on a ruined village ”a Love is the hentage of Adam, while Satan has bequeathed artfulness and cunningness “He that is blessed and familiar (with spiritual mys­ teries) knows that intelligence is of Ibhs, while love is of Adam.”* The cunning and artful depends on his wits and craftiness, while the lover seeks asylum from his friend and entrusts himself to his care Cunmngness and artfulness are like swimming in a deluge while love is like the Noah’s ark And has anybody seen the crafty and the cunning coming out safely from the great deluge and the Noah's ark submerging in i t ? “Intelligence is (like) swimming in the seas4 he (the

1 The Mathnawi, Vol VL P 512 (Book VI, 4600) 2 Ibtd , Vol II, p 312 (Book II, 1767) S. Ibtd , Vol 4 Ibid , Vol

I I , p. 312 (Book II, 1765) IV, p 349 (Book IV, 1402).

M A X K A N A JA L A L U D -D IN R U M I

349

*

swHBoroer) is not saved * he is drowned at the end of the b\ismcss.”1 Love is as a ship foi the elect * seldom is calamity (the lesult'} >Cot the most part it is deliverance The sagacity of intellect can he exchanged for the bewilder­ ment of love, as the former is a product of doubt and uncertainty while the Utter is born of gnosis and illumination “Sell intelligence and buy bewilderment intelligence u opinion, while bewilderment is (immediate) vision ”3 ROmi’s summon to betake the path of love is marked by his advice to become a lover if one cannot become a beloved He says that it is not possible foi everyone to become loveworthy but he can. nevertheless become an adoi er. “Thou who are not a Joseph, be a Jacob be (familiar), like him, witli weeping and sore distress 4 If thou art not Shirin or Layla, be thou a ti ue-love like farh&d 01 Majnun ”* H e g o e s a s t e p f u r t h e r a n d s .\y s t h a t l o v e b e i n g t h e g i e a t e s t b o u n ty , i t i s m o t e p i o f i t a b l e t o 1>e a l o v e r t h a n b e c o m in g a b e l o v e d . I I th e lo v e d o n e s o n ly k n e w

l h e s u b l i m it y e v o k e d b y t h e d e v o te d

a tta c h m e n t,* th e y9 w o u ld th e m s e lv e s c h o o s e t o b e

a d o re rs r a th e r

than remain an object of adoration. **Abandon the state of being loved (by men) and adopt the practicc of lovmg (God) y O you who think that you are excellent, and pre-eminent ”* But love is too precious to be wasted on any ti ansitory or finite bemg which is likely to become extinct Love is a living spiritual passion and so the object of love should also be living and everlasting “Love for the dead is not lasting* Keep your love ' TOe Afotfcnowi, Vol IV , p 349 (Book IV , 1403) 2 Ibtd , Vol IV , p 350 (Book IV , 1406) 3 Ibid , Vol IV , p 350 (Book IV , 1407) 4 Ibtd ,V o\ I I , p 103 (Bool II, 1904) AfntftwtHri Molt t Ma^noiri, p 49 ® The Afuthnoui, Vol V I, p 192 (Boole V*

350

SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT

(fixed) on the Living One who increases spiritual life.”3 Rtimi says that only the overwhelming grace of the Divine Beloved can truly inspire and refresh the heart of man “ (But) love of the living is every moment fresher than a bud in the spirit and in the sight. Choose the love of that Living One who is everlasting, who gives thee to drink of the wine that increases life Choose thp love of Him from whose love all the prophets gamed power and glory/12 Nobody need have any apprehension of being denied access to that Glorious True-love for He is ever willing to respond to the call of the lover. “Do not say, ‘We have no admission to that King9 Dealings with the generous are not difficult The love may appear to be a sickness for it produces a crush­ ing grief in the lover's heart Its pain may be unbearable but if the lover is able to endure it, he is rewarded with an everlasting illumination and the gnosis of God. "Being in love is made manifest by soreness of heart * there is no sickness like heart-sickness ” The lover’s ailment is separate from all other ailments love is the astrolabe4 of the mysteries of God.6 The sickness of love is in fact a cure for every other illness, be it moral or spiritual Where the spiritual healers fail and yield to despair, the love succeeds and cures all the moral and spiritual diseases m no time. A man so restored to moral and spiritual health by the grace of love exclaims thus under the spell of its enchantment “Hail, O Love that bnngest us good gain—thou that art the physician of all our ills, 1 2 3 4b

The Maiknnun, Vol V I p 197 (Book V, 3272) Ibid, Vol I I , p. 15 (Book 1,218-20) Ibid, Vol. I I , p 15 (Book 1 ,221) Astrolabe is an instrument for measuring the altitude of the stars and solving the problems of spherical astronomy 5. The MaQmm> Vol I I ,p 10 (Book 1 ,109-10)

351

MAULANA JALAL UD-DIN HUM

The remedy of our pride and vainglory, our Plato and n u r

r t fljo r iP ^

'

Love kindles a flame that reduces every thing save the bdoved to a heap of ashes. It is extremely jealous and arrogant to let anything survive besides itself. consumes everything else but the Beloved He than Ood; thereupon consider what a mAwhap

A/ii# 2 «riw»»

There remains except O od: all the rest is gone. Hailf O mighty Love, destroyer of polytheism 19,8 The love of God is an ocean,' boundless and wide-spread; it * / pervades the cosmos and is without any beginning or end. It is a story of the rapturous flame kindled m the heart of man, which, can never be described adequately and therefore it is better to acknowledge one’s incompetence to narrate it and hold his tongue. "If I should continue to describe Love, a hundred Resurrections would pass, and it (my description would still be) incomplete» For there is a limit to the date of the Resurrection, but what limit can there be where the Divine attributes are (concerned).*”4 The World o f the The message of love diffused so vigorously by ROmi could not have taken aoots without a liveliness and warmth in the heart of 1 Tkt Mathmvt, Vol II, p 6 (Book X, 23-24) 2 Alludes to the Qjtir^fintc Verse (XXVIII 88} whichsays "And cry not unto *ny other god along with Allah There is no God save Him Everything will pensh save His Countenance ” S Maihnmt, Vol VI, p 38 (Book V, 588-90) * fad , Vol VI, pp, 131*32 (Book V, 2189*90). keart or the Qplbf as Rumi calls it, is the spiritual entity which phwitf in thft phyucal body of man and controls his organic and physical functions It is called Qalb (heart), because of its connection with the physical heart* / Continued on page 352 }

352

SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT

those to whom it was addressed In his time too, however, people were increasingly losing sight of the power and efficacy, vigour and energy possessed by the heart. Intellect was gaming ascendancy over heart * mind was being enlightened leaving ihe heart dull and cool The instigating self of man, comprising appetite and earthly temptations, was taking hold of him as a result of his worldly pursuits Rumi called attention towards the fathom­ less vitality of the spiritual entity residing m the human heart, he narrated its wonders and miracles He reminded that every man has a world of his own which can accommodatc the most far-flung empires of this earth without any danger of its being devastated by the enemy "Heart is the abode of peace, O friend, *tis a country, Whose a tad el is strong, wherein reigns peace and amity.”1 The heart is abode of security, O friends; (it has) fountains and rose-gardens within rose-gardens ROmi says that the gardens of our terrestrial world arc short­ lived, but those of che heart of man are everlasting, the former take a long time in being raised and implanted but can be laid waste in no time while the latter can instantly be brought into being without any danger of its ever withering away “The flowers that grow from plants are (living but) a moment, the flowers that grow from Reason are (ever) fresh The flowers that bloom from earth become faded; the flowers that bloom from the heart—oh, what a joy1”8 RGmi tells us that instead of directing our efforts to the pursuits of worldly* pleasures and carnal enjoyment, we should

At the same time, U nature is rather both, intellectual and emotional ai opposed to intellect which possesses only the former quality When tllumi naled it is capable of knowing the essence of God 1 The Maihnawi Molvi Matnuni p 199 2The Mathnawt, Vol IV, p 31 (Book III, 515) 3 Ibid , Vol V I,P 515 (Book VI, 4649 50)

MAULANA JALAL UD-DIN RUMI

353

endeavour to drink the elixir of Divine love* for only this can transmute our souls into a majestic and lofty state, enabling us to ciqoy the bloom of true happiness, irrespective of our station and age. “Eat vour heart (in love of God), that you may be young always (and that) your Visage (may be rosy) with Divine illumination, like the arghawan1 To become intoxicating thyself like wine (of divine love) seek a heart, good and purer, It shall make thee smillmg and cheerful like a flower4,2 RUmij however, rings a note of caution that one should not be misled by the mention of ‘heart’ by him He does not mean the heart that abides in the body and throbs, which is a seat of carnal desires and sexual appetites, completely oblivious of the taste of love and the i ichnees of conviction, devoid of the frenzy of spiri­ tual passion, and whose garden never blooms That is not a human heart—it is a slab of stone "Is narrow and dark as the souls of Jews, (being) destitute of (spiritual) savour of the loving King, Neither has the radiance of the Sun shown into that heart, nor is there (m it any) spaciousness or opening of the ■! ■ aoor " 1 This heart too, undoubtedly, resembles the heart of an lllumi* nated person, in its shape and make, but it really bears no relation to the other except that both are denoted by a common name Water is the name for both—that which is found in a swamp and tnat which flows in a river, but, one can quench the thirst by the latter while the former being mixed with dust and tilth is quite useless The two hearts diffei exactly m the same manner, one belongs to those who are saints and sages, having a purer and elevated soul, while the other throbs in the body of an uncouth j m

=

*

Vol I I , p 347 (Book 11-2442) Arghau.au alludes to the pink blossoms or the Judas-tree JWaftoifltDt Aiotti Mat tutu*t0p 154 1 i, Vol I I , p 384 (Bonk 11-3130*31) T

k e

M

n th n m

i

354

SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT

libertine, no better than a dead-weight and a piece of flesh “You say, ‘I too have a heart*, (but) the heart is above the empyrean, it is not below. Certainly in the dark earth also there is water, but *tis not proper for you to wash your hands with that water, Because, though it is water, it is overcome by the earth Do not, then, say of youi heart, 'This too is a heai t 1 The heart that is higher than the heavens ,is the heart of the saint or the prophet991 Rfimi, then, holds out hope for the common herd as well He says that the human heart is, after all, a precious treasure which is nevei discarded by God He is willing to accept every heart presented to Him, for He has not an eye on the profit “ (There) that Gracious One hath purchased the piece of goods that no people would look at on account of its shabbuiess With Him no base coin is rejected, for His object in buying is not (to make a) profit "* 'Rfimi advises that since the belly of man is a veil between him and the Supreme Being, u should be cast aside Once man rises above carnal appetites and earthly desires, the mysteries of the spiritual realm are laid bare before him “Leave the belly and stride towards the heart (spirit), in order that the salutation may come to you from God without (any) veil ”8 Place and W orth of Humanity The autocratic kingdoms of the middle ages, their unjust and tyi annical ways of government along with the continued warfare between powerful despots, which always held a bleak future for the people, had, m consequence, brought about a sense of debpondency and inferiority amongst the people The people had lost their 1 The Malhnawt, Vol IV, p 125 (Book III, 2245-48) 2 Ibid , Vol VI, p 329 (Book VI, 1266 67) % Ibid Vol VI, p 151 (Book V, 2514)

MAULANA JALAL UD-DIN KUMX

355

worth in their own eyes- In this atmosphere of mental torpor came the Iranian mysticism which zealously propagated the negative doctrine offatuf9or annihilation) which meant the loss of ego and a passing away of the human consciousness in a mystical union. The inevitable result of these teachings was that the ideas of selfaffirmation and self-perfection, which are at the root of courage and manliness, struggle and betterment, had come to be looked down upon as unpardonable spiritual sms The Iranian mysticism* in its zeal to propagate the cultivation of divine attri­ butes and the absorption of individual self m the Universal Ego through annihilation of the Sdf, had depicted such an enlarged portrait of the baser elements in the human self that one felt ashamed of the manhood. It had come to regard the negation of mandom as the ultimate end. This spirit of non-worldhness and renunciation of physical activity, denigration of humanity and the negation of Self had also made inroads into the literary composi* turns of the time. The doctrine preaching negation of the world and life had imperceptibly brought the urge of life to a standstill within the people who were overtaken by a sense of dejection and helplessness, and who sometimes regarded themselves as baser than even the beasts and vegetable growths Man had thus become completely oblivious of his exalted position in this universe and the boundless possibilities of his spiritual and material progress through the unfolding of individual potentialities In order to remove this misunderstanding and rectify this defect, Rfimi forcefully expounded the theory of the exalted position enjoyed by man, in his own inimitable style, which lit the flame of self-affirmation, hope and confidence m the hearts of men The melodius epics elevating the position of man, sung by Rfhni, have had a farreachiug effect on the subsequent Islamic poetry and opened a new vista of thought for the mystics and poets after him. Rumi invites man’s attention to his unique creation as a human being* This is a D&vme boon, he asserts, and a special favour from God, His robe of honour, prepared and reserved for Adam9s progeny alone* Thu 'human creation* has been repeatedly referred to by God in the QuPSn in the eulogistie expression of

356

SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT

Ahsan-\- Tcgwlm, that is, of the best stature1 “Read in (the Sura entitled) Wa'l-Tln (the words), ( We ereatei Man) in the best proportion, for the spirit, O ft lend, is a precious pearl (That spirit created) in the best proportion surpasses the empyrean *(that spirit created) in the best proportion is beyond (the range of) thought ”2 RGmi asks* Who else except man was crowned with the epithets, “We have honoured the children of Adam”* and "We have given thee Abundance7** by the Lord of the Worlds ? “Did this heaven ever hear (the words) We have honoured which this sorrowful Man heard (from God) ?* The tiara of We have honoured (the sons qf Adam) is on the crown of thy head, the collar of We have given thee hangs on thy breast,”8 Rflmi tells us that man is the centre and essence of this universe, he unites the mward and outward aspects of all crea­ tions , he is the source of all goodness and beauty in the world, he is the best of creations, in short, he comprises a universe in his own self “(He is) a sun hidden in a mote suddenly that mote opens its mouth (and reveals the sun) The heavens and the earth crumble to atoms before that Sun when he springs forth from ambush7 Thou ait the sea of knowledge hidden in a dewdrop, thou art the universe hidden in a body three ells long/98 Man, Rflmi says further, is the ultimate end of creation and it is for him alone that the universe was created by God The entire 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Jit-Tttt, 4 The Mathtmwu Yol V I , p 314 (Book VI, 1005-6) Bant Israel, 70 Al-Kauthar^ 1 The Mrthnaivi, Vol VI, p. 265 (Book VI, 139) Ibid, Vol VI, p 214 (Book V, 3574) M , Vol VI,p 511 (BookVI,4580 81) Ibid, Vol VI, p 214 (Book V, 3579)

I MAU1ANA JALAL UD-DIN RUMt

357

_««««*• AM J-I vabm*( am A k A t l t f l J UlvH U ID & U U U } L i r e r e i v i C ) la u u u u u uu a c i t g u u u

“Every wine is the slave of this (comely) figure and (fair) cheek (of thme) all the drunken feel envy of thee Thou hast no need of rosy w ine« take leave o f (its) rosiness, thou (thyself) art (its) rosiness Man is the substance, and the celestial sphere is his accident: _ # all thin&s ^ are- flike'l * / a- branch - -- or - the - - steo * of a laddei. he is the object. Thou seekest knowledge from books—oh, ridiculous I Thou seekest pleasure from halwa (sweetmeats)—oh, n d i▼ culous1 Service to thee is imposed on all existence as a duty • how should a substance beg for help from an accident 7s’1 And this is not all, man displays the Divine attributes and is a m

m p r ln t m

l i A v n r iA / I U«»wi4gu wrviiMiU WUU

A ++*4 l t i e l ' M A p k A t i A . J.U9 OlgllD ttUU AU0UC VI UWMT

t lir r a v / v U

licence "Adam is the astrolabe of the attributes of (Divine) Sublimity the nature of Adam is the theatre for His revelations Whatever appears m him (Adam) is the reflection of Him, just as the moon is reflected in the water of the river 2 Know that (the world of) created beings is like pure and limpid water in which the attributes of the Almighty are shining Their knowledge and their justice and their clemency a r e^ »I l« l wf P

ik

■*

c ts)r* W n *f h o a v a n

f

in

M 4i

n i n t i i n e r VwV Us ^tVn^ r

Jk « U l l l * A l g

RUrni, however, still not satisfied that he has been able to narrate sufficiently the excellence of the son of Adam, adds that it is, m leality, something which cannot be described fully. " If I declare the value of this inaccessible (pearl), I shall be eonsumed, and thehearer too will be consumed ’** And who can really assess the worth of man, a creation so

I i he Malkimn Vol V I p 214 (Bode V, 3 O »•i , Vol IV, p J *W. Vol IV, p * I h i. Vol IV, p

431 (Bool IV, 3138-39) 433 (Bool IV, 3172-73) 314 (Bool. IV, 1007}

358

SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT

sublime and grand, but the pity is that man himself does not know how precious he is He is ever willing to sell himself at a trifling price “O thou to whom reason and foresight and intelligence are slaves, how art thou selling thyself so cheaply? ni Rtfmi then says that Allah is Himself the purchaser of man, for only He knows the worth of His supreme creation: "He is our Purchaser—God hath purchased? hark, rise above anxiety for any (other) purchaser. Seek the Purchaser who is seeking thee, One who knows thy beginning and end.”3 But RfSmi adds that the qualities of head and heart which make man a human being are bom in those who cultivate them and not in those who remain beasts m the garb of men, nor yet in those who have been led astray by their carnal desires and the temptations of their baser-self Those who lack these qualities are not men but lifeless caricatures of human beings * “Hiese (others) are not men, they are (mere) forms, they are dead with (desire for) bread and killed by appetite/14 It was, however, difficult to find m the days of Rumi, as m every other age, those who could be called human beings m the true sense of the word. An overwhelming majority of the people who passed under the name of human beings were no better than beasts and reptiles m their conduct and behaviour, and RGxm had grown weary of them. Being himself m search of man, he has given expression to his quest in this parable: • “Yesterday, with a lamp, the Shttkh went round the city ‘Tired of these beasts, a man I want/ (said he), ‘These easy-going mates, they have sickened me * ‘A lion of God; or Rustam, the son of Zal, That’s now my fancy/ 1 Thg Mathnawi, Vol VI, p 214 (Book V, 3576} 2 At-Taubaht p 111 3 The Malhrumi, Vol VI, p 89 (Book V, 1463-64) 4

Ibid Vol VI, p 174 (Book V , 2886) f

MAULANA JALAL UD-DIN BOMI

359

*He is not to be found, I have sought h im long9 said I, ‘A thing not to be found ? That’s what I desire, said he.*1,1 S elf-A ssertion:

ROmi did not believe, like some other mystics, in self-negation* indifference, lethargy and renunciation of physical activity On the contrary, he affirmed the importance of social progress, active life, self-assertion and self-preservation He considered that the theories of monasticism and renunciation of the world were opposed to the teachings of Islam and the example set by the Prophet. "Had social life not been the object of God,” asserted RUmi, “He would not have prescribed congregational prayers five times a day and on Fridays, and the duty of enjoining the right and forbidding the wrong ” “ The bird said to him, cO Khwaja, don’t stay in (monas­ tic) seclusion monasticism is not good m regard to the religion of Ahmad (Mohammed) The Prophet has forbidden monasticism. how have »you embraced a heresy, O trifler ? % The conditions (imposed by Islam) are: (to take part m) the Friday worship and the public prayers, to enjoin good and shun evil, Live amongst the community that is the object of (Dhme) mercy, do not forsake the religion of Ahmad (Mohammed), be ruled by his practice **2 In the days of Rtimi, lawakkul i e» confidence or sincere trust in God was held to mean a complete resignation to the preordained will of God Any effort, dircct or indirect, to obtain the means of subsistence* or admit the thought of providing for the morrow was looked down upon and deemed as incompatible with lawakkuL RUmi explained the correct meaning of tawakkul as taught by the —

— ■------------------

—

1 Divan-i-Sl'amsh-i-Tebrez, p 50 2

Afutfsroi, Vol VI. p 284 (BookVI, 478-CO and 483)

360

SAVIOURS OP ISLAUIC SPIRIT

Sharjah and urged the people to make effort for earmng their liveli­ hood with trust m the beneficence of God Expounding the meaning of the Tradition: Tether thy camel and have trust tn God, Rttmi says. “The Prophet said with a loud voice, ‘While trusting in God bind the knee of thy camel’. Harken to the signification of ‘The earner (worker) is beloved of God9» through trusting m God do not become neglectful as to the (ways and) means.”1 Harken, O Sire, to combine thy effort with trust in God; to earn thy living! strive and work hard. Strive hard to fulfil the duty charged unto thee, If thy effort slackens, what a fool thou would be 11,2 In an allegory told by him R&xni has repeated in the form of a debate between the lion and the beasts all those azguments which are normally set forth by the easy-going and half-hearted persons m support of their view of quietism Thereafter, R&mi advances his own views m the form of the reply given by the lion Rumi explains that the limbs, capacities and capabilities given to the living beings are enough to indicate that the Divine Provi­ dence requires their active exertion and application in the form of effort If anybody hands over a spade to his servant, it implies that the master wants him to dig the earth In the same way God has endowed us with the limbs and a capacity to work which is a clear indication of His intention that we should strive and set to work all our capabilities and free-will to earn our subsistence Quietism and suspension of effort are against the intention of Divine Providence and, m reality, they amount to the spurning of the Divme gifts bestowed to the human beings Therefore, tawakkul really means that one should make all possible efforts and have trust m God only in so far as the result is concerned, for, notwithstanding the efforts made, the success or failure still remains entirely m the hands of God 1 2

The Mathaawtf Vo! J I , p 51 (Book 1 ,913*14) Mathnam Meltn Mfrnawt> p 26

MATJLANA JALAL UD-DIN KOMI

3

6

1

“ ‘Yes,’ said the lion, ‘but the Lori i f His servants1 set a ladder before our feet. Step by step must we climb towards the roof to be a necessitarian here is (to indulge in) foolish hopes # You have feet why do you make yourself out to be lame 7 You have hands why do you conceal the fingers (whereby you grasp) 7 When the master put a spade in the slave’s hand, his object was made known to him (the slave) without (a word falling from his) tongue When you take His signs to heait, you will devote youi life to fulfilling that indication (of His will) He will give you many hints (for the undei standing) of mysteries, He will remove the burden from you and give you (spiritual) authority. Freewill is the endeavour to thank (God) for His bene­ ficence your necessitarianism is the denial of that bene­ ficence Thanksgiving for the power (of acting freely) increases your power4 , necessitarianism takes the (Divine) gift (of freewill) out of your hand Beware1 do not sleep, O inconsiderate necessitarian, save underneath that fruit-laden tiee, So that every moment the wind may shake the boughs and shower upon the sleeper (spiritual) dessert and provi­ sion for the journey. If you are putting trust in God, put trusL (m Him) as regards (your) work sow (the seed), then rely upon the Almighty *”3 ROmi sets out to explain, on behalf of the lion, that the way of 1 “Lord of His servants” alludes to Qur 'amc verse {Adk-Vliartyai 56) - I created the jinn and humanVind only that they might worship Me.” 2 This paraphrases the verse o£ the Qur>Sn (Ibrahim, 7) "If ye give thanks, I wilt give yon more (of My bounty) '* 3 Thf Matfoifftei, Vol II, pp 52/53 (Book I, 929-32* 934-35. 938*39, 941-42 and 947)

362

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the prophets and the saints consists of striving and making effort He also explains that “this worldImess3’ from which the Shancak wants a faithful to seek deliverance does not comprise the riches or off­ springs ; it lies in being attached to worldly possessions and temp­ tations, since the Divine blessings shall be denied to those who lead a life of negligence and ingratitude. “ ‘Yes’, said the Hon; ‘but at ihe same lime consider the exertions of the prophets and the true believers. God, exalted is He, prospered their exertion and what they suffered of oppression and heat and cold O master, exert thyself so long as thou canst m {follow­ ing) the way of the prophets and saints! What is this world ? To be forgetful of God; it is not merchandise and silver and weighing-scales and women As regards the wealth that you carry lor religion’s sake, ‘How good is nghtcous wealth (£br the righteous man) f* as the Prophet recited Exertion is a leality, and medicine and dnease are realities the scepuc in his denial of exertion practised (and thereby affirmed) exertion 1"* Critique of the R ulers:

Rfimi xeproached not only the populace or the learned who made mistakes in following or expounding the religious precepts, m his preachings and poems he often bitterly criticised those who held the reigns of government He openly taxed them with the charge that they were an inefficient lot \%ho had turned the govern­ ment into a child s play In the days o£ despotic rule, RUmi’s criticism could have had dangerous consequences, but lie rever held his tongue f-om expressing what } e considered to be jmr erd truthful “When -nthonty is in the hands of p ro file s, (?) Dhii’l-NOn* is inevitably in prison. 1 2

V 't M~tbrjr>9 Vol I I pp 55'f t (Bcok. 1 .971-72 975 S33-6± 3 H $31} A Thauhan lh i Ilralm n , g tn ra lty Wiw » D ta I«NCi sd-Misn (so do the rich need poor to be bounteous ” Rumi brings forth yet another argument in support of his con­ tention He calls to attention the evolutionary process which required the soul to progress, stage by stage, from a lower existence to a higher one until it attained the shape of a human being. “How could have the soul of man advanced to its present dignified position”, asks Rumi, “if it had continued to exist in its earlier s t a t e T h e r e is hardly any reason, therefore, to fear death. "From the day when thou earnest into existence, thou wert fire or air or earth If thou hadst remained m that condition, how should this (present) height have been reached by thee 7 The Transmuter did not leave thee in thy first (state of) existence He established a better (state of) existence in the place of that (former one), Thou hast gained these (successive) hves from (succes­ sive) deaths. why hast thou averted thy face from dying m Him? What loss was thine (what loss didst thou suffer) from those deaths, that thou hast clung (so tenaciously) to (this earthly) life, O rat?MI Death is thus, m the eyes of Rumi, not extinction but the c beginning of a new form of existence. He holds that the death, instead of being hateful, is an occasion of joy for the faithful “1 have tried it my death is (consists) m life * when I escape from this life *tis to endure for ever Death is quite different for those who are spiritually enlight­ ened from what it is for others Those who are illuminated welcome death as a bounty from the Lord, for they regard it as a stepping-stone to further elevation of their spirit ,fHfid drew a line round the believers • the wind would become soft (subside) when it reached that place, 1 The Malhuan, Vol V t, pp 49-50 (Book V-789-91 and 796-97) 2 Jbti, Vol IV, p 215 (Bool III-3838)

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Even so, to those who know God (c2r$/an) the wind of Death is soft and pleasant as the breeze (that wafts the scent) of (loved) ones like Joseph*” 1 Free-will and Necessitarianisms

This has been one of the most hotly-comcstcd issues or dialeotics One school of the dialecticians denied “Free Will” and held that man was helpless before the precrda;ned and immutable decree of the Creator The people subscribing to this view were known by the name ofJabnak or Necessitarians. RGmi poses the question: If man has been made so helpless, why has he been enjoined to perform certain actions and refrain from others9 Why was the Skancah promulgated for him 7 “Has anybody heard,” asks Rfimi, “someone giving a command to the stones V9 “He (the Necessitarian) says that commanding and forbidding are naught and that there is no power of choice All this (doctrine) is erroneous. The entire Qur*Sn consists of commands and prohibi­ tions and threats (of punishment): who (e\cr) saw com­ mands given to a marble rock ?”£ RBmi says that free-will is ingrained in the nature of man who demonstrates it by his everyday actions. If a piece of umber falls on somebody from the roof, he is never angry with it nor does he seek vengeance from the flood or the wind from which he suffers a loss. This is so because he knows that these things do not possessa will of their own But the same man seeks retribution against another man—because he is aware that man is the master of his actions “If a piece of timber break off from your house-roof and fall upon >ou and wound you severely, Will you feel any anger against the timber of the roof? Will you ever devote yourself to taking vengeance upon it,

1. The Mcthnatit, Vol J J ,p 48 (Book 1*854 and 860)* 2. B t i , Vol VI, pp 181-82 (Book V-3019 and 3026)

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(And say), ewhy did it bit me and fracture my hand7 It lias been my mortal foe -and enemy?9 And (in the case of) a man who visits your wife, a hundred thousand angers shoot up from you. (On the contrary), if a flood come and sweep away your household goods, will your reason bear any enmity towards the flood ? And if the wind came and earned offyour turban, when did your heart show any anger against the wind ? The anger within you is a dear demonstration of (the existence of) a power of choice (m Man), so that you must not excuse yourself after the fashion of Necessitarians *n RGmi goes a step further and claims that even animals are aware whether a certain being possesses free will or not He draws this conclusion from the behaviour of pets like dogs and camels who sometimes retaliate against the man hitting them but not against the stick or the stone with which they are struck “If a camel-dnver goes on striking a camel, the camel will attack the striker The camel’s anger is not (directed) against his stick: therefore the camel has got some notion of the power of choice (in Man)* Similarly a dog, if you throw a stone at him, will rush at you and become contorted (with fury). Since the animal intelligence is conscious of the power of choice {m Man), do not thou, O human intelligence, hold this (Necessitarian doctrine) Be ashamed1 This (power of choice) is manifest, but in his desire for the meal taken before dawn* that (greedy) eater shuts his eyes to the light Since all his desire is for eating bread, he sets his face

1 The Malhnam, Vol V I, p 183 (Book V-304I-43 and 3046-49) 2 The last permissible meal during the tune beta een. sunset and dawn in the month ofRamadhan, when the Muslims fast from dawn to sunset

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towards the darkness, sa>ing, ‘It is not (}et) day.*911 C ausation: Di\ergent \iews were held by different factions of the then Muslim* about the cause and effect The \iew held by the philoso­ phers was that the phenomenal world is governed by a sequence of cause and effect and, therefore, there is a permanent and essential correlation betw cen the tw o ; the effect proceeds from its cause in the same wa} as the cause is immanent in the effect The Mu^afciittes too generally subscribed to the same view and held that since die effect was an inevitable outcome of the cause, there was hardly any possibiht\ or am change in it As a natural conse­ quence, the> denied miracles and viewed the effect proceeding without a cause as a ‘breach of custom* which was an impostbiht}* The Ashcantcsi on the other hand, subscribed to a \ tew diametri­ cally opposed to the Muctazihtes and did not rccognise am cause whatsoever for an effect to follow it All causes were, in their view, of onh secondan importance in determining the production or non-production of the effects Similarly, their \iew was that no substance has anv property w*hatsoe\ er > all causes and substances were merely instruments for manifesting the effects and accidents in accordance with the will of God. The dn ergent views held b\ the different sections of the Muslim community were also proving harmful inasmuch as these were employed by the free-thinkers and libertarians to accept or n*ject whatever the) liked or disliked according to their wishes and sweet-w ill The view propounded by Rtimt in this regard is a middle path between the two extremes of the Muctazilites and the Ashcarites He recognises causation and accepts that there is a sequence of cause and effect in this phenomenal world which cannot be denied. He sa\s that God has appointed effect to pro­ ceed from the cause just as He has made the properties immanent in the substances At the same time, miracles are possible and

1. The MePnsn, Vo) V I, pp, 183-184 (Bool V, 305042 and 3054-56)

MAUIANA JALAL UD-DIN RUMI

377

these have also been worked by men of God from time to time, “Most happenings come to pass according to the (customary) law, (but) sometimes the (Divine) Power breaks the law He hath established a goodly law and custom; then He hath made the (evidentiary) miracle a breach of the custom If honour does not reach us without a (mediating) cause, (yet) the (Divine) Power is not remote from the removal of the cause 991 Normally the people see the cause and erroneously consider it to be the Teal agent They are helpless for they cannot draw any other conclusion from what rhey have been made to witness m this phenomenal world "In short, thou are entangled in the cause, But there is an excuse, for thou knowest it not."2 Rfinu says that the causation is decidedly afact but the "Cause of all causes” is still a greater reality* He isthe only Real Agent, Creator of all causes and Omnipotent Lord, and, therefore, it does not behove man to recognise the phenomenal causes and forget the First Cause. "O thou who art caught by the cause, do not fly outside (of causation); but (at the same time) do not suppose the removal of the Causer The Causer brings (into existence) whatsoever He will• the Absolute Power tears up (destroys) the causes ”3 RGmi repeatedly stresses the fact that the causes of effects we ordinarily come to know are those which are capable of being perceived through our senses. In addition to these external causes there are some others too which are latent and hidden from our view. The causes known to us are immanent m the hidden ones in the same ay as the effect proceeds from its evident cause The hidden cause is thus an instrument for using the manifest cause m 1 * 3

The Malknawh Vol VI, p 94 (Book V-1544-46) Maihntuji Afolci AfoCntoi, p 261 The Mathnam, Vol VI, p 94 (Book V-1347-48)

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accordance with the Will of God which is really the Prime Mover and the Real Cause behind every incident* “If you strike stone on iron, it (the fire) leaps out, ’tis by God’s command that it puts forth its foot. The stone and the iron are indeed causes, but look higher, O good man 1 For this (external) cause was produced by that (spin* tual) cause, when did a cause ever proceed from itself without a cause 9 Thai (spiritual) cause makes this (external) cause operative, sometimes, again, it makes it fruitless and ineffectual/91 Just as we perceive the external causes, the prophets are able to see the latent causes. “And those causes which guide the prophets on their way are higher than these (external) causes. (Ordinary) minds are familiar with this (external) cause, but the prophets are familiar with those (spiritual) causes9ii The extei nal causes are merely secondary and dependent on the latem or spiritual causes. "Over the (secondary) causes there are other (primary) causes * do not look at the (secondary) cause, let thy gaze fall on that (primary cause)/*3 And, again he stresses the superiority of latent causes to the external ones * “These causes are (linked together) like the physician and the sick these causes are like the lamp and the wick Twist a new wick for your night-lamp (but) know that the lamp or the sun transcends these things ”* The prophets are sent by God at a time when the entire com­ munity has accepted the external causes as the real and ultimate 1 2 3 4

The Mathnawi, Vol I I , p 47 (Book 1,840,842-43 and 845) Ibid , Vol I I , p 47 (Book 1-844 and 846} I M , Vol IV, p, 141 (Book III-2516) Ibid , Vol I I , p 316 (Book 11-1845-46)

MATJLANA JALAX. UD-DIN KUMI

379

ones, and discarded the Creator of all causes In other words, people become materialists or pagans by rejecting the Ultimate Cause or associating external causes with Him The prophets have, therefore, to strike at the root of this slavery to the external causes and call attention to the Creator of all causes and effects. This is also the reason why the prophets are allowed to work miracles, for, God wants to demonstrate through them that every incident depends entirely on His Will, whether the ordinary sequence of cause and effect is maintained or not* “The uroohets came in order to cut (the cords of * * ' secondary) causes • they flung their miracles at Saturn (in the Seventh Heaven) Without cause (means) they clove the sea asunder, without sowing they found heaps of com Sand, too, was turned into flour by their work; goat’s hair became silk as it was pulled (from the hide). The whole of the Qur*Un consists in (is concerned with) the cutting off of (secondary) causes (its theme is) the glory of the poor (prophet or samt) and the destruction of (those like) Abtt Lahab ,n Still, the sequence of cause and effect is the ordinary law or the way of God prescribed for the phenomenal world. It is intended to create an urge in man foi making effort and striving to achieve his ends “But, for the most part, He lets the execution (of His will) follow the course of causation* m order that a seeker may be able to pursue the object of his desire.*** These are some of the examples how Rumi solved those problems of philosophy and Religion and elucidated the tenets and doctrines of the Faith which had been turned mto a spell of ideas and thoughts by the wordy wrangling of the Muctazilites and Ash antes Rumi turned these dry as dust philosophical discourses 1 The Mathnawi, Vol IV, p 141 (Book III, 2517-20) (Abu Lahab was an unde of the Prophet and his most bitter enemy) 2 7fc jlfurftqmtn, Vol VI, p 94 (Book V, 1549)

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into lively and interesting issues and illustrated them by means or anecdotcs, fables and parables He thus made the problems dear enough for his readers to grasp the truth underhing these intricate questions Rank and Worth o f the M athnawi:

The Mathnawi is one of the greatest mystical poems which has left a lasting and indelible mark on the thought and literature of the Islamic world. It would be no exaggeration to claim that there is hardly am other literary composition which has so influenced the Muslim peoples and that too, for such a long time The intellectual and literary circles have been drawing inspiration from the Mathnawi for the pist six hundred vears In poe ic merit and originality of ideas, in sublimity of thoughts and inten­ sity of feelings, m the raptures of love and ccstas\, the Mathnav i has proved to be an unexcelled literary composition It is an inexhaustible treasure, ever shedding its brilliancc and bringing to light new ideas and thoughts, styles and dictions. The dialecticians and doctors of religion have ever since been drawing upon the Mathnawi to sohe the problems of dialectics through its direct and easily understandable method of solving these issues The examples and anecdotes through which Rftmi has solved these problems can still satisfy the critical minds of the intelligent youths who do not want to be driven into a common groove. Most of all, the Mathnawi enjoys to this day the widest popularity as a manual of guidance ibr those who want to be infused with a fervour of Divine love, passionate devotion and spiritual enthu­ siasm by gaining access to the mystical subtluies of beatific visions and illuminations, and the esoteric meanings of the Path, Love, Yearning and Union No work of the nature, as the Mathnawi is, can be free from faults or can remain beyond criticism. It has not been unoften that the misguided mystics have taken advantage of Rumi’s views, or the people with a pantheistic bent of mind have employed certain quasi-erotic expressions used in the Mathnawi for the defence of existentialist monism* The Mathnawi is, after all, a

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literary composition by a human being who was neither infallible nor m a position to avoid his intuitional knowledge and spiritual I l l H m i J I H U UII

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sities and inclinations of mind and extraneous impressions Despite these human failings, the Mathnawi excels the literary and poetic works on the subject in its boldness of approach, variety of ideas and wealth of expression It is indeed a living example of the intellectual superiority and immortality of Islam, establishing beyond doubt that Islam is always capable of breathmg new life into in its adherents. It is no mean achievement of ROmi that the Mathnawi pulled out the thinkers and litterateurs of his time from the intellectual stupor into which they had fallen and revitalised them with a ferment of literary endeavour Tlia l^nfUttnvirt liae ttaf oviAfliAr fn ite /««•A J J that belongs to the recent times When materialism began to make inroads into the world of Islam for the second time during the twentieth century under the cover of western thought, science and philosophy, producing a scepticism and an inclination to disbelieve everything beyond the ken of senses, and the old Islamic scholasticism failed to cope with the situation, the Mathnawi of Maulana-i-Rum was again able to withstand the intellectual onslaught of the victorious and advancing matei lalistic West, which would have indeed been no less disastrous than its political domination. It again lit the flame of faith in revelation and the revealpd truths fillinir liASirtc with tlio prophets, and inculcating belief m the 1 eality and the unlimited possibilities of the spiritual and the unseen world. It brought back to the citadel of Islam innumerable souls which had been waylaid by the materialistic view of the life and the world, so forcefully propounded by the West Quite a large number of western educated Muslims, especially m the Indian subcontinent, have acknowledged the debt they owe to the Mathnawi in redisJLUC IV JL aillU aV T l UCU y a i l U U l W i

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cffcrvcsccnt dynamism of action from the Mathnawi of his spiritual mentoryJalal ud-dln Rfimi "A man of penetrating insight, ROmi, my mentor, The caravan enchantcd with love got in him a path­ finder He has an abode higher than the sun and moon, Of the milky way he makes his canopy’s string. With the light of the Qjir’an his bosom radiates, His mirror (of heart) puts the cup of Jamshed1 to shame. Rejoicing notes of that musician, pure of heart, Within my bosom make a tumult start.912 At another place, Iqbal says’ “A guide to the path of raptuious love, ROmi indites, Songs, which arc a nectar for those dying of thirst/* But, as Iqb&l complains, instead of taking to heart the gift of Rtxm*—his lofty idealism, lus intuitive ceititude and the glow of rapturous love—a section has been using his verses simply for musical recitals and whirling frenzy “They dilated upon his works but cared not to under­ stand at all, The content of his words eluded these fellows like a ghezSl* Nothing they learnt save the chant and whirl, And shut their eyes to the dance of soul115 This was, however, not the fault of Mathnawi which can still be a lodestar to the present materialistic age which is repining for the true and aident love “Thy heart not burns, nor is chaste thy glance, Why wonder, then, if thou art not bold 1 Alludes to the legendry cup of the Iranian emperor Jamshed in which future events could be seen 2 Mathnaun,'? « Che Bayed Kard*, p 5 S Jaoed JVoma, p 44 4 A dear i e a sweetheart with beautiful eyes 5 Jawed Afftm, p 245

MAULANA JALAX. UD-DIN RUMI

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The eyes that see by the light of the West, Without a bead of tear, crafty and vile they are*”1 IqbHl is confident that the Mathnawi of Rttnu can still awaken the soul from its slumber of heedlessness Therefore, his message to the youth of today is “Have Rumi as thy guide and spiritual mentor, Thy heart shall be filled, God-willing, with a mighty fervour. ROmi can cleave the kernel from its shell, Since implanted firmly is his foot in the path of love

Bal-i-Ji&red) p 52 2 JcveH Nama, pp 244-45 1

BIBLIOGRAPHY A rab ic.

1 cAhrfut Hnknm Muhammad*Abdullah lhn tAbdul TTalcam I*¥•••>—Abn (d 261/875) Suat ‘Umar ibn cAbdul LAzTz Egypt, (1346 A H ) O MVst i1^3m i/ TMArfn nuu AliR V cfvnf itS k ■ ■1 l%i««S« a Airu KdKy~iuiaua iuw i tA 17Q i IT mu»w urivum j t*^17m 5 ^m1f M tAO A H) a

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Aotti jrtaa*—*unaa ua-am a d u i rkm t isznaMi (/a z /is a j) •

m«t ■« «_j f_f

j.arum-i-ADiu

FidS1 Egypt (1286 A H) Aghant—Abul Farj al-Isb’ham (d. 356/967) Al-Agham Egypt Al-Asfran—HaxnOda Gharrab Al-Ashcari Egypt (1953) Balazun—Ahmad ibn Yahya ibn Jabir al-BaghdSdl al-BalSzun (d 279/892) "Futah ul-BuIdfin ■ Egypt (1319 A H ), I Edition Al-Basri—Abul Farj ibn al-Jawzi (d 597/1201) Al-Hasan al-Basn al-RahmSniya Press.w Eovot (1931). m « j w I Edition Bukhan—AbQ (-Abdullah Muhammad ibn Ismael al-Bukhari (d 256/870) Sahlh BukhSri Delhi (1354 A H ) At-Bustartt—BatrOs al-Bustfini ( d 1300/1883 ) Dai’ratul Ma^Snf (EncycloM. J . .

A _ U .\

pcuia m aucj

I ) . . — . * / I OQQ\

ucu u i \iuoaj

10 Faisal al-Tafraqa—Abu Hamid ibn Muhammad al-Ghazali (d 505/1111) Faisal al-Tafraqa Bam al-Islam wal-Zandaqa Egypt (1901), I Edition 11 Falsqfatul Akhlaq—Dr Muhammad Yusuf MCsa Falsafatul Akhlaq fil-Islam wa Silatuha bil-Falsafotil Ighrlqia Egypt (1942) 12 Fojyabi—Abn Bakr FarySbi Sifat un-NifSq wa zaxnra-ul-Mun£fiqra 13 ForAdH-Ibi Taymiyah (d 728/1328) FatSwS Sheikh ul Islam Egypt (1326 A H ) 14 Fatek ul-Ban—Ibn Hajar al-cAsqalam (d 852/1449) Muqaddama Fateh ul-BSri Egypt (ll301 A H ), I Edition 15 Al-Fateh al-RebbWn—cAbdul QSdir JilSni (d 561/1166) Al-F&teh al-Babb5ni (with urdu translation entitled ‘‘FuyQz*i-Yazdfim1' by (Ashiq Ilfiht Meerut (1333 A H ) 16 Al-Favz~uLKabtr—Shah Wall Ullah Dehlawi (d 1175/1762) Al-Fauz-ulv .k t . e tv- mI .i n *.r.v. . iu u n li usvii ii* j, aiau

ftnem n a ia u u \iauuj

17 Futuk uI-Gkaib—*-Abdul QSdir Jilfiru (d 561/1166) FutQh ul-Ghasb (with urdu translation “RumGz ul-Ghaib” by Muhammad cAlam) Gulshan Ibrahim Press, Lucknow (1932)

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18 HUyatal Aidtya—Aba Nufaun ibn cAbdullah al-Asb’hfiru (d 430/1038) Hslyatul Aulxya Egypt (1351 A H ) . 19 Ht&jat—Shah Wall Ullah Dehlawi (d. U75/1762) Hujjat-Allab ll-Baligha Egypt (1284 A H ) 20. Ibn Htm&ol— Muhammad Abfi ZuhrS Ibn Hanbal Darul Filer al-*Arabj Egypt (1947) 21 Ibn JTaJfttr—cImSd ud-dln Abul Fida* lama'll ibn cAmar ibn KathTr (d, 774/1372) al-Bidayah wan-Nihayah Matbca us-Sapt (1931), I Edition 40 AUMaqJin—Shahfib ud-dTn AbE Muhammad 'Abdur IUhm5n ibn Isma€Il al-Maqdin Abi Shamamah (d 665/1267) KitSb ur-Rauzatam fi-Akhb8r ld-Daul&tam *Matb'a Wadi al-Ni!t Egypt (1267 A H ) 41 Al-Maqrizi—Taqi ud-dln Ahmad al-Maqrizi (d 845/1442) Knab ulKhutat wal-5th£r Egypt (1270 A H ) 42 cAbdullah Muhammad ibn Nasi al-Marwazi (d 295/908J Qayfim ul-Lail Rif&h-i-*Aam Press, lahore (1330 A H ) 43 Mir*&t itf-Jin&ii—AbH Muhammad cAbdullah al-YafecI (d 768/1367) Mir*£t ul»Jin£n, Hyderabad (1339 A H ) ,I Edition 44 AlrMmpdh—Abti HKmid ibn Muhammad al-Ghazali (d 505/1111) AlMunqidh mm ad-Dhal&l, Syria University Press (1956) 45 Al-Muntauon—VarL al-Jawn (d 597/1201) Al-Muntazam Dai’ratul Ma^Snf, Hyderabad (1359 A H ), I Edition 46 MuqaAdamnh—cAbdur RrIhiiSq ibn KhaldQn (d 808/1406) Muqaddamah Ibn KliaidBn Egypt (1930) 47 JtiSji Jlfd^rq/'—N&ji MacrUf Article “ Asr ash-Sharabi V Baghdad" pub­ lished m Ihe Journal al-AqlSm of Baghdad, Muharram 1386 A H 48 Nasfhat td-Watad—Ibn al-Jawzi (d 597/1201) Laftatui Kabid ft Nasihatul Walad 49 Al-Jfawadtr-t-Sullama—Cadi Bala5 ud-dm lbu Shaddfid (d 632/1234) Sirat Salah tid-dln (Bin NawSdiP’i-Sultama) Egypt (1317 A H ) 50 Qpfifrtf aUJoBahir—Muhammad ibn Yahya al-Tadfi al-Hanbali QalShd aljawfhir, Egypt (1303 \ H ) 51 Qauxtid- M u h a r a m a d ibn Hasan ad-Dailami YamSni Qawacid0*cAqa>id-t-Al-i-Muhamm&d (written in 707/1307) Egypt (1950) 52 /fouifft al-AfcttSiirt-Al-Ab Antun SSIeh&m al-Ynsu'ye RannSt ulMathtlith wal Mathaxu, Beirut (1946) 53 Raudha-tultbXUqalt?i)«rd—Dr Sir Muhammad Iqbal BSng-i-Dara, A*azara Jfihi Press, Hyderabad, (1946)

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Al-Ghaz P- 45

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SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT

sim ilar action was taken by the Prophet in the case o f Bam AnN ad h lr. “ T he presence o f Sheikh-ul-Islam in this expedition,” says Ibn K a th lr, “ proved propitious. Both his erudite learn­ in g and courage provided strength to the M uslims and filled the hearts o f th e enemies w ith m alice an d grief.” 1 Contention of the Rafaiyah Mendicants

O n 9th J a m a d u l-U la, 705 A .H ., a group o f extremist R a fa 'ly a h m endicants called upon the governor o f Syria and dem anded th a t Ib n T aim iy ah should be stopped from enforcing the rules o f Sharl^ah on them . Ib n T aim iy ah , on the other hand, insisted th at every one would have to govern his conduct accord­ ing to the principles laid dow n in the Scripture and the T ra d i­ tions, an d , whoever tried to transgress these rules, would be opposed by him* T h e R a fa cIyahs also volunteered to enact c ertain black a rts like w alking o n fire as a p roof o f th eir being on the righteous an d divinely approved path. T hey claim ed th a t th eir w onder-w orking was accepted as a m ark o f piety by th e T a rta rs. Ib n T aim iyah refused th eir plea and rem ained firm o n his dem and w ith th e result th a t th e R a faciyahs h ad to put off the iron rings w orn by them . L ater on Ib n T aim iyah w rote a n exhaustive article delineating th e history, beliefs and th e practices o f the ,R afaciyah order.* Opposition o f Ibn Taim iyah

T h e way Ib n T aim iy ah was trying to enforce the m oral a n d religious principles o f the Shari-ah had earned him a vast following. A section o f influential religious doctors, however, annoyed at Ib n T aim iy ah ’s taking the law in his hand and jealous o f his grow ing popularity, was looking for an opportunity to discredit h im in the eyes o f the adm inistration and the people. Ib n K hathSr w rite s : “ A group o f theologians was jealous of Sheikh T aq i 1. 2.

Ibn Kathir, Vol. X IV , p. 35 Ibid., Vol. X IV , p. 36

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ud-din ibn T aim iyah because of his position in the court o f the governor and also for his acting as a public censor who had taken upon him self th e responsibility o f enforcing w hat was law ful and preventing w hat was prohibited. T hey w ere envious o f his grow ing popularity and o f the love and respect accorded to him as well as o f his learning and zeal for religion.” 1 Contradiction of the ‘Unity of Being’

By this tim e, Ibn T aim iy ah was again obliged to take p art in certain predal disputations. M uhi ud-din ibn cA rabl (d. 638 A.H.) was regarded as the most respected m entor and undisputed teacher o f the mystic thought. Ib n T aim iyah openly rejected his teachings expounded in Futuhat-t-Makkiyah (T he Meccan Revelations) and Fusus il-Hekam (T he M osaic o f W isdom), which contained a rapturous discussion o f the indw elling o f God in the created being's and the identification o f m an w ith God. T he pantheistic monism o f Ibn ‘A rabI attem pted to square the exis­ tence o f a transcendental God with a God indw elling in the world and all created, m aterial objects w hich were to him nothing etse th an His m anifestations.2 T h e writings o f Ibn T aim iyah show th at he had carefully studied the works o f Ibn ‘ArabI and reached the conclusion th at the pantheistic monism o f Ibn cA rab l could in no way be deem ed com patible with the teachings o f the Q u r’ an and the Sunnah? H e was particularly critical o f T ilm isanI and Ib n SabcaTn, th e two disciples o f Ibn ‘A rabt, who had failed to m ake any distinction between the C reator and the created. T h e form er emphasised the negation o f D ivine A ttributes, but preached pantheistic ideas o f the union o f m an w ith God, em anation o f all things from the Divine essence an d , finally, the worship o f all created beings. Ibn T aim iyah pointed out how some o f the m isguided mystics had 1.

Ibn Kalhir, p. 37

2.

Ar^Radd aUAqwam, p . 11

3.

Al''Furqdni p p . 147-48

4.

I b i d p . 145

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m ad e th e ir mystical creeds a cloak for liberation from m oral restraints an d a licence for practice o f sensuality.1 T he reigning m onarch o f Egypt and Syria, Al-M alik alN asir M uham m ad ibn Q alaw oon h ad delegated all authority to R ukn ud-dln Baibers al-Jashanglr. T he latter was a devoted disciple o f Sheikh N asar Al-M am bijl who held Ib n lA rabl in the highest esteem as the greatest mystic o f Islam . Ibn T aim iyah thus earned the displeasure o f Sheikh al-M am biji, who, as it was to be expected, misled the unphilosophic and m oderately educat­ ed T u rk , Baibers al-Jashanglr, to h arbour m alice against Ibn T aim iyah. Ibn Taim iyah in Egypt

Ibn T aim iy ah was summoned to Egypt on the 5th o f R am ad h a n 705 A .H . His friends and disciples, naturally, felt worried a t the su m m o n ; even the governor of Syria advised Ibn T aim iyah to w ait until he got the whole affair straightened up through correspondence w ith the Sultan. But Ibn T aim iyah who h ad already decided to undertake the journey, set out for Egypt. O n his way to the C apital Ib n T aim iyah delivered a sermon in the principal mosque o f G aza w hich was attended by a large audience. Ibn Taim iyah Arrested and Released

Ib n T aim iyah reached Egypt on the 2 2 n d -o f R a m ad h a n . O n F riday, he was asked to attend a m eeting of the theologians, jurists a n d the chiefs o f the State held in the F o rt after Friday prayers. Ib n T aim iyah stood up to address the gathering but he was asked to sit dow n. T hen, certain persons raised objec­ tions about the dialectical issues which he had already repeatedly explained in Syria during his discourses as well as in his writings. Ibn T aim iyah again stood up to answ er the charges’ levelled 1. 2.

Al-Radd al Aqwam,., pp. 52-142. These related to the n ature and attributes of God on which Ib n T aim iyah had penned several articles and dissertations and also explained them in the debates held for the purpose.

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against him but he was once m ore heckled down with the rem ark 'th a t they had not gathered to listen to his sermons. Thereupon Ibn T aim iy ah asked, “ W ho is the Ju d g e in my case ?” H e was told th a t it was to be decided by Q azi Ibn M ukhluf M aliki. Ibn T aim iy ah raised the o b jectio n : “ How could h e ? H e is my rival and adversary.” Q a z i Ibn M akhluf M alik i got enraged and prom ptly pronounced the decision th a t he should be im prisoned. Ib n T aim iy ah was accordingly kept in custody for some tim e in a t u r r e t and then transferred, on the night of '■Id, to the famous prison o f J u b (the Well) alongwith his two brothers, S h araf ud-d ln cA bdull|ih and Z ain ud-dln cA bdur R ahm S n.1 Ibn T aim iy ah ’s sympathisers, particularly the governor o f Egypt and a few o th er theologians and legists had been trying all the w hile to get him released from the gaol. After full one year, on the nig h t of'■Id next year (706 A .H .), he was offered to be set free provided he renounced the creed held by him . T he offer was m ade to him as m any as six times, but he always turned down the proposals saying : “ T he prison is d earer to m e than w hat I a m asked to affirm .” 2 Sinners and Crim inals Redeemed

Ib n Taim iyah found his fellow prisoners sunk into m oral disease -spending their tim e in frolics an d amusements and recreations like chess and checkerboard, w ithout the least con­ cern for obligatory prayers o r the rules o f ethical conduct. H e raised his voice against these abuses, recom m ended tem peiance and discipline and inculcated the sense o f piety and prayer in the prisoners. Not long after his a rriv a l in the prison, he was successful in changing its atm osphere. T h e ^prison w as turned into a m onastery resounding w ith prayers, ejaculations and rem em brance o f God. A num ber o f prisoners becam e his devot­ ed disciples who, on being released, would m uch rath er not go

1.

Ibn Kathir, Vol. X IV, page 38. Ibn Taimiyah has also given a descrip­ tion of his imprisonment in a letter which has been published recently. 2. Ibid., Vol. X IV, p. 42

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back to their families but rem ain w ith him in the prison.1 A fter another four m onths an effort was m ade again to get him released from the ja il. T h e C hief Q S zl B adr ud-dln ibn Ja m a cah m et him on the 14th o f Safar, 707 A.H. but Ibn T aim iyah again refused his offer. O n the 23rd o f R abcI-ul Awwal A m ir H osam u d -d ln M ah an a ibn ‘Isa, a n A rab C hief o f Syria, saw him in the prison and brought him out o f it after putting him on oath. A m ir H os5m ud-dln took him to the governor o f Egypt on whose advice Ib n Taim iyah decided to rem ain in Egypt for some tim e m ore. Moral Excellence

T he episode o f Ib n T aim iy ah ’s arrest and release revealed his m oral grit and courage. H e d id not bow down before the threats o f tyranny, nor did he yield to the offers o f worldly gains, position and riches. H e rej ected all offers of royal favours and privileges which he could have easily won by retracting from his stand. But this incident also speaks o f his another excellence—a nobility o f character seldom to be witnessed even in those claim ­ ing the distinction o f ran k and blood. H e forgave all those evilhearted persons w ho h ad tiie d to get him into trouble with­ out giving a second th o u g h t to th e whole affair. H e announced th a t he h ad no grudge, no bitterness against anyone. In a letter he sent to Syria soon a fte r his release, he says : “ M ay G od be pleased w ith you. You know th a t I have never wished a single M uslim to get into any trouble o f any s o r t ; th en , how can I desire th at my friends (scholars an d theologians) should come to g rie f on account o f me? I have no com plaint, nothing to grum ble against anyon® ; on the contrary, I have a greater love an d respect for them all—for th e ir learn in g and status as they verily deserve. I f someone opposes an o th er m an, he is either a scholar and m an o f principle o r an evilhearted w rong-doer and a 1. Al-Kwakib ud-Durriyah, p. 181

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sinner. In the form er case he deserves our thanks and a goodly retu rn from G od ; an d , if he falls in the latter cate­ gory, one needs to pray for his redem ption as well as fo r1 m e and all the believers. I do not w ant th a t anybody should be avenged for m y sufferings o r for levelling false allegations against m e, for, I have already forgiven every­ one of them . I desire well-being of every M uslim —the sam e as I desire for myself. A ll those persons who discre­ dited ine or deposed false evidence against m e or caused trouble to m e are not th e least accountable so far as I a m concerned ; no responsibility lies upon them on my score.” 1

Teaching and Preaching in Egypt

D uring his stay in Egypt, Ib n T aim iyah took up w ith a renewed zeal the task o f explaining his view-point to the scholars and theologians. H e delivered several lectures in different educational institutions, p articularly in M adarsa Salehiya in which he dw elt upon the intricate dialectical issues in the p re­ sence o f select gatherings o f scholars, jurists and theologians. He opposed the m ystical traits show m g influences o f the GrecoIn d ian thought, exceeding th e lim its of Islam ic spiritual dim en­ sion set by the earlier mystics or m arking a break with the protecting mould o f the Sharfah ; for, he quite often praised the m asters o f spiritual p ath like Sheikh cA bdul Q a d ir J ila n i and Sheikh cA dI ibn M usafir A m aw l in his writings an d discourses. How ever, Ib n T aim iy ah ’s criticism o f pantheistic m onism was not taken kindly in a country w hich h ad a long trad itio n o f the neo-Platonic thought o f which the poet Ibil al-FS ridh (d. 632 A .H .) h a d built a stately rim e. A famous mystic of Egypt, Sheikh Ibn ‘A ta 1 U llah Isk an d arl,2 b ro u g h t up a case against Ib n T aim iy ah in the royal court on b eh alf o f the Egyptian mystics. A court o f enquiry instituted und er th e royal edict heard Ibn T aim iy ah ’s forceful exposition o f his view-point an d decided to 1. Abu Z«hra, p. 62 2. The author of Al-Htkam, a famous treatise on mysticism.

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dismiss th e com plaint against him. Soon afte r th at another com plaint was m ade against him . H e was now to stand trial for the view held by him th a t no cry for help except to G od, not even to the Prophet o f Islam , was permissible under the Sharfah. T h e doctors o f religion to whom the m atter was refer­ red could not again find fault w ith Ib n T aim iyah. T he C hief Q a z f only rem arked th a t Ib n T aim iy ah ’s view savoured, if at all, some disrespect to the Prophet although it neither am ounted to heresy n o r sacrilege. T he adm inistration had, however, grow n w eary o f the never-ending complaints against him and, therefore, he was asked either to retu rn to Dam ascus o r to go to Iskandaria (A lexandria), but in either case he was asked to comply with certain restrictions imposed o n him . I f none o f these alternatives was acceptable to him , he was told, then he would have to return to the prison again. Ib n T aim iyah pre­ ferred the th ird alternative but on the insistence o f his friends an d disciples he agreed to retu rn to D am ascus. H e set out for Syria on the 8th o f Shaw w al but he was brought back the sam e day an d sent to ja il. T h e detention, on this occasion, was analo­ gous to house arrest, for he was allow ed the services o f ail attendant an d anybody could come to see him . Shortly there­ after Ib n T aim iyah was set free on a unanim ous request m ade by the theologians an d jurists. Ibn Taim iyah again in Trouble :

Suddenly there was political change in Egypt w hich m ade the m atters w orse for him . N asir ibn Q alaw oon abdicated and went aw ay to K irk, leaving Baibers al-Jashangtr, as the undis­ puted ru ler o f Egypt and Syria. Ib n T aim iyah had been res­ pected by th e outgoing M onarch since the days o f his close association with him d uring the T a rta r w ar. Now, considered an enemy o f the new ru ler, he was also despised by Sheikh N asr al-M am bijl, the spiritual m entor o f Baibers al-Jashanglr an d a zealous defender o f the doctrine o f pantheistic monism. A royal edict for the exile and internm ent o f Ib n T aim iyah in Iskandaria was issued in the m onth o f S afar, 709 A .H . Ib n T aim iyah, how­

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ever, did not sit idle even in these unfavourable conditions and his forceful elucidation o f the Q u r ’an and Sunnah soon earned for him a respectable place in the literary circles o f Iskandaria.1 The city o f Ib n T aim iy ah ’s internm ent was a stronghold o f the Sabciniyah order o f mystics. Pantheistic cult of the sect preach­ ed em ancipation from the ritu al o f Islam ; its diffusion am ong the masses had led thousands o f reckless and profligate spirits to enter upon the path o f erro r. Ib n T aim iyah launched a pow er­ ful m ovem ent against the SabcIniyah o rd er and w ithin his short stay of eight m onths in Isk an d aria, he was successful in winning back a large num ber o f its adherents to the m oral law o f the Sha.fi'-ah.1 Dawnfall of Baibers al-Jashangir

As already predicted by Ibn T aim iy ah , th e rule o f Baibers al-Jashanglr cam e to an end within a year o f his assuming the im perial purple. N asir ibn Q alaw oon first established him self in Syria by gaining control over D amascus, w ithout any resis­ tance, on the 13th of Shc a b a n , 709 A.H. T hen he advanced tow ards Egypt where too he found a ready support from the elite an d the masses. Baibers al Ja sh a n g ir abdicated and Ibn Q alaw oon entered C airo on the day o f cId th at year. AlJash an g ir fled to Syria w here he was captured and executed by the governor o f Syria on the 7th o f Zil Q acad a, 709 A.H. Baibers al-Jashanglr was an able and popular prim e m inister but no sooner had he ascended the throne th an his eminence and authority began to peter out. “ H e was virtuous, tem perate, m odest an d dignified” writes the annalist o f Egypt, al-M aqrizl, “ but from the m om ent he assumed the title of Sultan and ascended the throne, his glory and eminence began to melt away an d he was taken as a weak ruler. T h e people began to make b o ld and the grandees as well as his slaves becam e defiant.

1. Ibn Kathir, Vol. X IV , p. 50 2. Letter of Sheikh Sharf ud-dln ibn Taimiyah to the people of Damascus and Ibn Kathir, Vol. X IV , p. 50.

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Unsuccessful in achieving his aims, he soon cam e to g rie f; his ru le cam e to an end an d he breathed his last.” 1 W ho knows th a t his unexpected dow nfall was not a punish­ m ent inflicted b y Providence for the unjust persecution o f a blessed s o u l! Release o f Ibn Taim iyah

- '

Sheikh *Alam ud-din al-Barzail, a contem porary o f Ibn T aim iyah, says th a t w hen Sultan Q alaw oon entered Egypt on the day o f c/cf, th e anxiety upperm ost in his m ind was to bring back Ib n T aim iy ah . Accordingly, th e royal summons to bring him back reached Isk an d aria the next day and he departed from th e city on th e 8th o f Shaw w al. A large crowed in Iskandaria h ad g athered to bid farewell to him . T h e king and his courtiers cam e out o f the royal cham ber to receive Ib n T aim iy ah . A fter w arm greetings extended to Ib n T aim iy ah by all, the king took him to the inner cham ber where the tw o rem ained alone for some time.® Ib n T aim iy ah later told Q azi Ja m a l ud-dln ibn al>QalanisI th a t w hen he was alone w ith the Sultan, the la tte r solicited his consent for the execution o f all those ju rists who had sided with A l-Jashanglr. T h e Sultan showed him th e legal verdicts given by these persons in favour o f A l-Jashanglr and said th a t these very persons w ere responsible for his own sufferings. Ibn T aim iyah adds th a t as soon as he cam e to know o f the Sultan’s intention, he began praising those jurists and told the Sultan th a t if these ju rists w ere put to sword there would be nobody to replace them . T h e Sultan, however, again said th at these per­ sons h ad left no stone unturned to put Ibn T aim iyah to the most grievous h arm . T o this, Ib n T aim iyah replied th a t he had already forgiven them . H e had , therefore, no claim upon them . Ib n T aim iy ah kept on u rg in g the S ultan until h e prom ised to p ardon the offending jurists.3 1. Khutat Misr, Vol. II, p. 418 2. Ibn Kathir, Vol. X IV , p. 54 3. Ibid.

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Ibn K a th lr relates on the authority of Q a z i Ib n M akhluf, ©ne o f the bitterest enemies o f Ib n T aim iyah, th a t he had not Men a m an m ore large-hearted th a n him . Ib n M ak hluf confesslid to Ib n K a th lr th at he h a d always tried to instigate and pro­ voke th e adm inistration to take action against Ib n T aim iyah, but the latter, when his tu rn cam e, not only forgave his misdeeds but also pleaded his defence. Ib n T aim iyah again turned to the pursuits o f teaching and reform ative endeavour. A num ber o f his adversaries expressed regret for th eir past behaviour, who Were all prom ptly acquitted Of th eir previous enm ity by Ib n T aim iyah, but a few still conti­ nued to h arbour a grudge against him . However, as they found it difficult to say anything openly against Ibn T aim iyah, they Itarted to m align him am ong the ignorant masses and instigated them to raise a tum ult against him . T h eir efforts bore fruit and on the 4th o f R ajab 7 11 A .H . a few persons, evil-m inded and wicked in spirit, m anhandled an d caused bodily injuries to him . Soon a large crow d g athered to take revenge on his behalf, but Ibn T aim iyah firm ly forbade th em to take any action. “ T here are only three alternatives’\ said he, “ an d th e first is th a t I 'have a Claim upon them . T his I forgo, and declare th a t they are released from every claim th a t I m ay have upon them . I f you have a claim against .them an d you do not also w ant to listen to me, then Sn and the i$unnah. H e also tendered advice to th e S ultan and got some im p o rtan t reform s introduced in Egypt and Syria. A royal edict sent to D am ascus in 712 A .H. prohibited I.

Abu Zahra, p . 74

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appointm ents to public offices being m ade on m onetary consi­ derations for the practice encouraged dishonest persons to hold these posts for m inting money out o f them . A nother order issued by the Sultan forbade unauthorised retaliatory action against a person charg ed w ith m anslaughter. T h e culprits were ordered to be arrested an d im peached in accordance with the law. Ibn K athlrsays th a t both these orders were issued by the Sultan on the advice o f Ib n T aim iy ah .1 Ibn Taim iyah returns to Damascus

R eports o f renew ed T a rta r efforts to invade Syria reached Egypt in Shaw w al, 712 A .H . T h e S ultan him self advanced to m eet th e th r e a t ; he left the cap ital on the 8th o f Shaw w al and arrived a t Dam ascus on the 23rd o f th a t m onth. Ibn T aim iyah also accom panied th e Sultan. In D am ascus, he was given a rousing reception by the citizens. Ib n T aim iyah had come with th e intention o f participating in the holy w ar against the T a rta rs, but on reaching Dam ascus he cam e to know th at the invading T a rta r arm y h ad retired. H e w ent to Jerusalem with the intention o f visiting B ait-ul-M uqaddas. H e returned to D am ascus after com pleting the pilgrim age on the 1st o fZ il Q acadaj Attention paid to Juristic Issues

Ib n T aim iyah again got him self busy, on his return to D am ascus, in the intellectual and religious pursuits, but there was a difference this tim e in his literary engagements. E arlier he had paid m ore atten tio n to the scholastical issues relating to th e cult an d creed, w hich w ere the subject o f a lively delibera­ tion betw een th e Ash*arites an d H anbalites, b u t now he devoted his thoughts to th e ju ristic problem s. I t seems th at Ibn T aim iy ah felt th a t the dialectical problem s d id n o t require his attention any m ore for he h ad clearly expounded its contentious issues in his earlier speeches an d w ritings. 1. Ibn Kathir, Vol. X IV , p. 66

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Ibn T aim iyah was a H anbalite like his forefathers, and most o f the legal opinions given by him conform ed to th at ichool, but he d id not follow th e H anbalite school exclusively. O f a tru th , no scholar o f Ib n T aim iyah’s compass o f m ind, having an insight into the teachings o f the Q u r’a n and the Sunnah as well as the objectives, principles and rules o f their Application evolved by th e earlier ju ristic schools, could possibly rem ain a blind follower o f any p articu lar ju ristic school. In ipecific m atters, therefore, he preferred the school which m ore appealed to reason o r which he found upheld by a greater num ber o f the Prophet’s com panions and their successors. But, in spite o f his eru d itio n and intelligence, he always praised the profound knowledge, creative thought, honesty and piety o f the precursors o f all the ju ristic schools, whom he regarded as icholars correctly basing th e ir rules o f interpretations on the principles o f the Q u r’an, the synnah, ijml a an d qiyas. H e never liked those who sought to destory o r discard w hat previous generations had built up, n o r he favoured those who showed dis­ respect to the earlier IniamSi1 The Question of Three Talaqs

Ju st as Ib n T aim iyah often rejected the H nnbalite view, in a few cases he drew up his statem ent o f legal position disagree­ ing w ith all the four principal juristic schools. In these cases too he claims to have in ferred directly from the express laws of the Scripture and th e T rad itio n s. O ne such case in w hich he differed w ith all the oth er ju ristic schools related to the repudia­ tion o f one’s wife by th ree sentences o f divorce, all given a t a time. T he question was w hether a divorce thus pronounced thrice Kt a tim e, although offending the law as well as irre g u lar and

1. Ibn Taimiyah wrote Raf*at Malam Ay^mmatil c7ilSm to show that the founders of all the four juristice schools were men of piety who endeavoured to expound the Shari'ah in the light of the Qpr^Sn and the Sunnah according to their own lights.

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sinful according to all ju ristic schools and the consensus o f the M uslim s, took legal effect o r n o t? T h e issues this question., raised w ere w hether revocation o f such a divorce was possible o r n o t ; w hether the th ree sentences o f divorce would be reck­ oned as one revocable pronouncem ent o r taken as an irreversible s e p a ra tio n ; an d w hether the wife so divorced could return to h er husband o r not w ithout halalah (i.e. until the divorced wife was m arried to another m an, the m arriage was consummated and then divorced by th e second husband) ? All the earlier jurists and T raditionists, such as Auza‘l, Nakh*ee, T h au rl, Is’h&q ibn R a h u w a ih , Abu T h a u r, B ukharl, as also a m ajority o f the Pro­ p het’s com panions an d th e ir descendants had held the view th at such a pronouncem ent, however sinful and heterodox, would sufficiently am ount to an im plied divorce taking legal effect. T his view found support from several T raditions o f th e Prophet in w hich he h ad held all the three sentences o f such a divorce as separate pronouncem ents and ordered the wife to be irre­ versibly divorced.1 Ib n T aim iy ah an d solne o f his friends and disciples, on the contrary, held th a t th e three sentences o f divorce should be regarded as one revocable divorce. H e form ulated this view on th e basis o f the Q u r’an, the T raditions an d analogy and gave sufficiently weighty reasons in support o f his view-point.8 Divorce by Swearing

T h e re was another form ofdivO rce in w hich Ib n Taim iyah held a view different from all other jurists an d w hich had had an im portant bearing upon the relationship between the then « governm ents and th e people.

1. Falawah Ibn Taimiyah, Vol. I l l, p. 38 2. Contrary to the views held by other jurists Ibn Taimiyah-proved th at the Traditions of the holy Prophet on which others based their legal opinion were not of unimpeachable veracity in accordance w ith accepted canons of criticism. For fuller discussion on the subject see ££rf-u/-A#«*aif by Ibn Qayyim and Ighathatallahfan.

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i A commoti form o f divorce, in those days, was to asseverate one’s veracity o r will to do a thing u n d er oath on the penalty o f divorcing one’s wife. Its common form was to say to one’s w ife : “ I shall do (or not do) this, otherwise you will be divorced.” D uring the governorship o f H ajjaj ibn Yusuf, the oath o f fealty m ade to the ru ler was also linked with it which Stipulated that in the case o f breaking that oath the separation from one’s wife would also autom atically take place. In response to a request for a statem ent on the juristic position o f such divorces, Ib n T aim iy ah expressed the legal opinion that such a declaration constituted a simple oath affirm­ ing to do or not to do a th in g ; and w here a sw earer failed in its fulfilment, expiation was incum bent on him , but the failure did not take the legal effect o f separation between him an d his wife. Ibn T aim iyah cited in his support the legal Opinions o f certain oarlier jurists,1 but his view deviated from the consensus of juristic verdicts on the point. This, naturally, caused vexation among the theologians who tried to forbid Ib n T aim iyah from expressing legal opinions in such cases. “ O n Tuesday, the fifth of R ab cI-ul-Awwal” , writes Ib n K a th ir u n d er the annals o f 718 A. H ., “ the C hief Q azl Sham s ud-din ibn M uslim m et Ibn Taim iyah and advised him not to express his legal opinions on cases pertaining to divorces by sw earing w hich m ight be referred to him. T he Sheikh accepted his advice an d promised to act likewise in deference to thfe wishes o f the C hief Q a z l and other jurists. T hen, in the beginning o f Ju m ad a-u l-U la, a royal edict was received from C airo w hich prohibited Ib n T aim iyah from giving legal opinions in such cases. T h e royal m andate was road out in a gathering and Ib n T aim iyah prom ised to 'ab id e by it.” 2 T h ereafter, it seems, Ib n T aim iyah reconsidered the ( m atter and reached the conclusion th a t the adm inistration had no right to interfere in this m atter, n o r was it proper for him to desist from expressing w hat he believed to be right for fear o f 1.

Ibn Kathir, Vol. X IV , p. 87

2.

Ab'ti Z°hrai pp. 436-37

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governm ent. A ccordingly, he again started giving legal opinions in these cases. O n Tuesday, the 22nd p f R ajab, 720 A. H ., a council o f theologians and ju rists was convened by the governor o f Syria to consider the com plaint against Ibn T aim iyah. It was decided to detain him in the citadel where he was transferred th e sam e day. H e rem ained in this preven­ tive detention for five m onths and eighteen days and was released, on the orders received directly from C airo, on the 10th o f M uliarram , 721 A . H .2 The Last Imprisonment

For about five and a h a lf years between 721 A. H- to 726 A. H ., Ibn T aim iy ah devoted him self again to the teaching in M ad rasa H anbalia and his own madrasa in Qassasin, pouring forth his encyclopaedic knowledge. H e also revised some o f his older works. H is ready pen would have, perhaps, produced some m ore classical works but his intellectual brilliance and pre-em inent individuality, w hich tended to overshadow his contem poraries was a constant cause o f trouble for him . Ib n T aim iy ah had expressed a legal opinion, seventeen years back, th at no journ ey to a shrine, even if it be to the grave of the Holy Prophet o f Islam could be undertaken as an act of devotion u n d er the Shancak. H e h a d based his opinion on the T radition which said : “ Do not saddle a dorm edary except for three mosques, the M asjid-i-H aram (K a 'a b a ), my own Mosque (the Prophet’s M osque) and the M asjid-i-Aqsa (Bait-ulM u q a d d a s').” Ib n T aim iy ah had explained how the pilgri­ m age to shrines o f saints opened the d oor to ascribing divine powers to th e saints a n d perform ance o f ceremonies which itnply reliance on beings other , than G od. In his support he had cited several other T raditions o f the Prophet sa y in g : “ The curse o f God be on the Jew s an d C hristians who have turned

1.

Ibn Kathir, Vol. X IV , p. 87

2. 3.

Ibid., p. 97 In Jerusalem

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55

the graves o f their prophets into places o f w orship,” 1 or, “ O Allah, do not make an idol o f my grave th at it m ay be worshipped.” 2 T he enemies o f Ib n T aim iy ah u nearthed this seventeen year old statem ent o f legal opinion to discredit him am ong the ignorant folk. It was given wide publicity in o rd er to injure the susceptibilities o f the masses, on the one hand, who consi­ dered it an act o f great m erit to visit the Prophet’s grave, and to enlist the support o f the theologians, on the other, against a m an a t odds w ith th e ir unanim ous view. T his did have the desired effect as the feelings o f the masses w ere stirred up to an extent th at the adm in istratio n felt obliged to intervene in the m atter. T h e o rd er to put him again behind the bars was issued on the 7th o f Sh‘aban, 726 A. H . W hen the news was com m u­ nicated to Ib n T aim iyah, he said, “ I was looking forw ard to it. It has a lot o f goodness and grace for m e.” Ib n T aim iyah was taken to the D am ascus citadel. A sub­ sistence allow ance was fixed for h im an d his b rother Z a in ud-din £A bdur R ah m an ibn T aim iy ah was allow ed to rem ain w kh him . D etention o f Ib n T aim iy ah was a victory achieved by his adversaries. H is friends and disciples w ere m anhandled and some o f them .w ere even o rd ered to be cast into prison. They were all released a fte r a few days, but H afiz ibn Q aiyyim , one of the devoted •disciples o f Ib n T aim iyah, rem ained w ith his m entor in detention till his d eath .3 Protest by the Scholars

Im prisonm ent o f Ib n T aim iy ah was a source o f satisfaction to his enemies, but it saddened the h earts o f a large num ber of scholars and doctors o f religion as well as th e m ajority o f the Muslims in Syria a n d oth er countries. N um erous appeals were m ade an d petitions p referred to the S ultan urging him to release 1. Bukhari and Muslim 2. Musnad Imam Ahmad 3. Abii %ahra, p, 84

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the Sheikh. T h e petitions subm itted to the S ultan from every p a rt o f the realm and from the far-flung lands o f the Islam ic w orld show the extent o f popularity and respect ib n T aim iyah enjoyed am ong the people O ne such petition sent by the scholars o f B aghdad to the S u ltan expressed deep concern and the sorrow ful gloom overtaking the intellectual circles a n d the o rthodox M uslim s o f eastern countries, p articularly Ira q , and the gleeful m irth exhibited b y the heretics and non-conformists over Ib n T aim iy ah ’s internm ent.1 A num ber o f religious doctors even sent th e ir own legal opinions in support o f the stand taken by Ib n T aim iyah. Ibn Taim iyah’s Preoccupations in the Citadel

T h e internm ent o f th e Sheikh, however, provided him , after a long tim e, the m uch needed repose an d rest w hich he fully utilised in prayers and literary endeavours. H e com pleted, along w ith his b ro th er Z ain u d -d ln ‘ A bdur R a h m an , eighty recitals o f the Q u r ’ Sn d u rin g th a t short p e rio d .2 T h e g reater p a rt o f Ib n T aim iy ah ’s w ritings during the period o f detention consisted o f exegesis o f the Q u r’a n which shows th a t th e tim e left by recitals o f the holy Scripture was spent in pondering over the Q u ran ic verses. H e also wrote a few m onographs explaining certain specific issues w hich were referred to him by the scholars. H e was thus enabled to carry on his literary activities undisturbed during the initial period o f his last detention, except, o f course, the sermons which he used to deliver for th e benefit o f th e people.

Further R estriction s T h e w ritings o f Ib n T aim iy ah w ere taken out o f the gaol and th eir copies sent to scholars in every p a rt o f the country. Among th e treatises an d m onographs w ritten by him d u ring this period, one lengthy dissertation was indited on pilgrim age which 1. Al KawakiHud-Duniyah. p. 198 and Al *Uqud ud-Burriyah p. 350 2. Ibn Kathir, Vol. X IV , p. 138

TRIALS

a n d t r ib u l a t io n s

57

he wrote in reply to an article o f a M alikite Q azl cA bdullah ibn al-A khnalJ. Ib n T aim iy ah showed at length how ignorant And unlearned the Q a z i was.1 Thereupon; —A bdullah ibn al-Akhnal’ lodged another com plaint in the royal court agaitist Ib n •Taimiyah which resulted in the issue of. another decree ordering th a t every book, paper and pen should be taken away from him. T he royal edict confiscated all the books and w riting m aterial possessed by Ib n T aim iyah on the 9th o f Jam ada-ul-U khara, 728 A .H . O n the first o f the following R ajab , even the m anus­ cripts and loose sheets o f p ap er w ere taken away from him and kept in the library of Ju d ic ia ry .2 Writings by Charcoal

Ib n T aim iyah neither protested nor even showed any resent­ ment over this attem pt to shackle his pen. A fter the ink and pen w ere taken away, he used to w rite w ith charcoal on loose sheets o f such paper as he could lay his hands on. Some of these writings were found later on an d preserved for a long time. H e seemed to have reconciled him self to his fate and accepted th e inevitable w ithout repining and regarded his tribu­ lations as trials and sufferings o f fighters in the way o f God. Expressing the same feeling in a letter he w rote . “ T h an k God that we a re now engaged in a fight in the way o f G od. T he battle we are fighting here is not a bit low er in o rd er th an our previous w arfare against G hazan, th e heretics o f the hills and the propagators o f pantheistic m onism . T h is is undoubtedly a blessing o f God on us, although most o f the people are not aw are 3f it” 3. 1. See Al'AkhnaHyah 2. The building now houses the office of Al-Majm*a ul-[Imi-ul-*Arbi. This was the place where Ibn Khallikan wrote his famous Wa/ay i t tl-'A yan and lectures were delivered by Ibn Malik who later wrote Al-Fih. The material confiscated from Ibn Taimiyah, under the Royal edict, com­ prised 60 books and i 4 folios of his maniscript. i,

Abu Z*A™

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Serene R esignation.

His serene contentm ent and calm submission to the will o f God bespeaks o f the faith delivered unto the saints. “ The grace and blessings o f G od” , w rote Ib n T aim iyah in another letter, “ lie in w hat G od decides for H is bondsm en. V erily, H e is the strong, the D om inant, the W ise an d the Know er. M an is put to h arm only by his ow n sins, for, says God : ‘W hatever of good befalleth thee (O m an) it is from A llah and w hatever of ill befalleth thee it is from thyself.’1 T herefore, it is incum bent on m an to be thankful to G od an d praise H im ever and anon, and seek forgiveness for his sins from the cradle to- the grave. For benediction to G od brings His grace and blessings, supplication for Divine forgiveness averts His w rath and punishm ent. W hat­ ever God ordains for H is bondsm an, it is always the best for him . T h e Prophet o f God is reported to have said* : ‘I f pros­ perity attends a believer, he is thankful (to A lla h ); and if adversity befalls him , he is patient ■and it is good for him .” But Ibn T aim iy ah was also convinced th a t he was without reproach : the only fault he owned was th a t he d id not yield obedience to the authorities in a religious m atter in >which he considered him self to be ju st an d right. H e acknowledged his intractability, if it could be so nam ed ; but, far from being sorry for th e shortcom ing, he considered it the harvest o f his conviction in the U nity o f G od. In yet another letter w ritten by him from the ja il he says : “ T h e ir greatest charge against m e is th a t the orders given by a m an were disregarded by me. But, if the o rd er given by a hum an being, w hether he be a m aster o r king, contravenes th e com m andm ents o f God an d H is Prophet, then th a t should never be obeyed. O n the contrary, the entire M uslim com m unity is agreed on the view th at no obedience is perm issible in anything opposed to an express m andate o f God and the Prophet.”

1.

Q,. IV : 79

2.

Muslim, on the authority of Suhaib ibn Si nan

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59

?h e Last Days

Z ain u d -d in cA bdur R a h m a n relates th a t after com pleting eighty recitals o f the Q u r ’an , Ib n T aim iyah started it again With him . However, w hen he reached the closing verses o f the SUrah al-Q am ar-^Lo! the righteous will dwell am ong gardens and rivers firmly established in the favour o f a M ighty K ing1— he expressed his desire to continue the recital fu rth er w ith cA bdullah ibn M uhlb and his b rother ^AbdullSh az-Z ara£ee. Both these brothers w ere pious and pure o f heart, and th eir recital was very m uch liked by Ib n T aim iyah. But he had not completed this recital o f the Q u r’a n when the knell sum m oning him to heaven was sounded. T he Sheikh had been indisposed for a few days when the governor o f D am ascus called upon him . O n his request to pardon him for th e inconvenience caused on his account, Ib n Taim iyah replied : “ I h av e alread y forgiven you and all those persons Who have beea hostile to me, T hey knew not th at I was in the right. I bear no m aliee nor have I any grievance against the K ing for putting m e in ja il at the instance o f the theologians. He d id not do it o f his own accord and is free from a ll responsi­ bility in this reg ard . I h av e p ardoned every m a n in this affair except those w ho a r e enem ies o f G od and H is P rophet.” Ib n T aim iyah was taken ill twenty-two days before his death. H is health gradually dw indled till the journey’s end drew near in the night o f th e twenty second o f Zil-Qa*ada, 728 A .H., when he quit this w orld a t th e age o f 67 years. “ Every­ one th a t is thereon w ill pass away ; there rem aineth b u t the C ountenance o f thy L ord o f M ight and G lory.” 2 T h e c rie r o f the citadel m osque announced th e death o f Ibn T aim iy ah from the m in aret, w hich was repeated by the guards in the tu rrets and soon it spread in the city like wild fire. T he gates o f the fort w ere throw n open to allow wave after wave of teem ing drowd com ing to pay its last hom age to the dep arted 1. 2.

Q.. LIV : 54-55 Q . L V : 26-27

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teacher. M any o f them kissed, w ith tears brim m ing in their eyes, the forehead th a t frequently rem ained prostrated before the Lord. T he bier was brought to the Ummayyacl M osque for funeral service. T he thronging crow d w hich was getting stronger every m om ent was so g reat th a t th e arm y h ad to force its w ay into it for carrying th e bier w ith g reat difficulty. In the vast m ultitude jostling an d pushing to get n e a r the bier m any lost th eir shoes. At last the procession ended in Suqral-K hall where another funeral service was led by his younger brother Z ain ud-dln ‘A bdur R ah m 3 n . A fter th e service, Ib n T aim iyah was la id a t rest in M aqbartis-Sufiyah1 by th e side o f his brother S h araf u d -d ln cA bdullah. It is estim ated th a t a train o f 60,000 to 1,00,000 persons o f which a t least 15,000 were women joined th e funeral procession.* ' ' In several Islam ic countries lying to the south and east o f Syria funeral services w ere held in absentia for Ibn Taim iyah. Ib n R ajab, a chronicler who w rote Tabqat-ul-HanSbilah, Says that th e funeral services w ere held in several n earer and far off lands like Y em an and China. “ T h e funeral service o f an expositor o f the Q u r’an will now be h eld ,” was th e announcem ent m ade a fte r F riday prayers in a fa r off city according to the travellers returning from China.

1. In this burial ground where such luminaries as Ibn fAsBkir, Ibn us-Salah, Ibn al-Ath?r, Abul HajjSj Al-Mizzi, Hafiz Im id ud-din Ibn KathTr were buried, only the grave o f Ibn Taimiyah now remains in an open space before the Hall of the University of Syria and the Hospital. 2. Hn Ktihir, Vol. X IV , p. 136-39

IV Character and .Achievements Intellectual Brilliance

Ibn T aim iyah occupied a p rid e o f place am ong his contem­ porary scholars and doctors o f religion, theologians and legists who had all to acknowledge, without any exception, his super­ lative m erits in every branch o f learning. T his was not due to his fire o f genius alone but also because o f his marvellous reten­ tive m em ory w hich was, indeed, a God-given gift granted to a few beneath the heavens. By Ib n T aim iy ah ’s tim e, the religious sciences h ad been vastly developed and encyclopaedic literature had been accum ulated on scores o f its branches. No scholar could, w ithout a prodigious m em ory, claim m astery over the whole o f it, m uch less sit in judgem ent over the thoughts and findings o f the savants in every field o f knowledge. But the rem arkable treasure house o f Ib n T aim iy ah ’s m ind enabled him to have a t his finger tips the whole o f the then extant literature on exegesis, T raditions, jurisprudence, dogm atic theology, scholasticism, history, biography, lexicography and syntax. H e could always utilize this store-house o f know ledge in his thrilling career o f intellectual and literary pursuits. His contem poraries an d successors both are agreed th a t he possessed a w onderful m em ory, nim ble m in d , quick grasp and a rad ian t flam e o f intellect. O ne o f his classmates, cA lam uddln al-B arzall, says that “ he enshrined in his m em ory w hatever he h ea rd , rarely anything faded from his m ind a n d , intelligent as

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he was, he h ad a w ide know ledge.’’1 Shams ud-dln al-Z ahabi, the famous historian and biographer has avouched th at he has not seen “ a m an m ore adept th a n Ib n T aim iyah who could rehearse the T raditions so correctly (w ith the correct w ordings and the narrative^ chains), recall these at the appropriate tim e and cite the correct references.” 2 Everyone conversant-with the! science o f T raditions knows how difficult it is to learn by heart the entire literatu re on T raditions. But, strange though it may seem, no contem porary scholar o f Ib n T aim iyah, not even his bitterest critics, ever disputed the testimony o f al-Z ahabi who sa id : “ It can truly be claim ed th at no T rad itio n would be acceptable i f Ib n T aim iyah pleaded ignorance o f it.” 3 K a m al ud-dln ibn az-Z am alkani disagreed w ith Ibn T aim iy ah on m any issues and h ad figured against him in several polem ical dispu­ tations. O nce he acknow ledged that “ no m an o f such prodigi­ ous m em ory has been born in the last four or five hundred years.” 4 T o quote al-Z ahabl again, Ib n T aim iyah was “ a flame o f intellect” and “ a m arvel o f sparkling intelligence and a sharp w it.” 5 Encyclopaedic Knowledge

Ibn T aim iy ah had so com pletely assim ilated all the know­ ledge o f his tim e th at even th e talented doctors in different fields o f learning w ere am azed to see his m astery in their own sciences. A num ber o f em inent scholars have paid glowing tributes to Ib n T aim iyah. T a q i u d -d in Ib n D aq lq ul-cId occupies a distinguished place am ong the teachers o f T raditions. His im pression, after Ib n T aim iy ah m et him in Egypt in 700 A.H. w a s : “ I felt th a t he h a d a ll th e sciences before his e y e s; he called up w hatever he liked and left w hatever he w anted.” '1 1. Ar-Raid ul-W afir, p . 6G 2. Al-Qatd-il-Jali, p. 101 3. A i-K m fik ib ud-Durtiyah, p. 145 4. Ibid p. 145 5. Ar-Radd-ul-W afir, p. 29 6. H id p. 31

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K arnal ud-dtn ibn az-Z am alkanl was a renowned scholar in several sciences. Expressing his astonishm ent over Ib n Taim iyah’s agility o f m ind he says, “ W hen he is asked anything, his reply gives the'im pression th at he has spent his whole life in acquiring the know ledge o f that very science alone an d there is none else who can equal Jiim in th a t b ran ch p f learning.” 1 T a q t ud-dln ibn al-Subki, one o f Ib n T aim iy ah ’s rivals who h ad w ritten many books to confute Ib n T aim iyah’s views on certain juristic issues, w rote in his letter to al-Zahabr. “ I am fully aw are that Ibn T aim iyah is an erudite scholar, his knowledge is profound and deep in all the religious an d secular sciences ; he is m ature in thought an d sparkling in intellect, an d I also know th a t his icholarship is beyond all praise. I have always acknowledged these qualities o f Ibn T aim iyah before my friends and asso­ ciates.” 2 Ibn T aim iyah was not a student o f history. H owever, his competence in this field too was acknowledged by a historian like Sham s ud-dln al-Z ahabl in these w ords : “ His knowledge of history is rem arkably astonishing.” Ib n Q ayyim has left an account o f Ib n T aim iyah’s am azing proficiency in this field as well as sliarpness o f m ind. H e writes in ul-Mal ad th a t once the Jew s (of either Syria o r Ira q ) produced as scroll o f crum b­ ling p ap er w ith a w riting in the old script w hich showed that the Prophet had exempted the Jew s o fK h a ib a r from the paym ent o f JiZyah (poll-tax). T h e docum ent h ad the signatures o f c All, Sacad ibn M a £5 z an d a num ber o f other companions o f the Prophet as witnesses. C ertain scholars, not so well-versed in .history, accepted it as a genuine docum ent and gave the decision that the Jew s should be exem pted from the paym ent o f poll-tax. But w hen th e docum ent was shown to Ib n T aim iyah he at once declared it to be a fake docum ent an d gave as m any as ten realo n rfo r holding th a t opinion. Some o f th e reasons given by Ib n Taim iyah for declaring th e docum ent as spurious w ere th a t it had 1. Ar-Radd ul-Wajir p. 30 2. Taiqat-1 t-Shife^iyah

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64

the signature o f Sacad ibn M al az but he h ad died before the battle o f K h a ib a r ; th ere could be no question o f any exem ption from the poll-tax because the Q u ran ic verses imposing the tax were revealed in th e y ear o f TabQk i.e. three years after the battle o f K h aib ar was fought. T h e exemption o f the Jew s from forced labour, a m ention o f w hich was m ade in the docum ent, was absurd for the Prophet o r his companions neither considered it lawful u nder the Sharfak nor they ever subjected anybody to forced labour ; and, lastly, no historian, T raditionist or legist had m ade a m ention o f the docum ent in question in his w ritings.” 1 A nother story o f his nim ble wit and facility o f poetization has been told by Saleh T a j ud-din. H e says th a t once a Jew brought a question about fate in the form o f eight verses. Ib n T aim iyah read the verses, pondered over the question for a few seconds and then started w riting its reply. W hen he had com pleted the reply it was found th a t he had composed 184 verses in the same m etre and rhym e in w hich the question had been indited. Saleh T a j ud-dln adds th at Ib n T aim iyah’s verses were so profound th a t a com m entary on them would h av e filled two copious volumes.* Ib n T aim iyah’s great store o f knowledge has been acclaim ed by his contem porary and succeeding scholars with such compli­ m entary rem arks as “ T h e M aster Spirit o f the Age,” “ The Grown o f Scholars,” “ L ast o f the Enlightened scholars,” and “ A Sign am ong the Signs o f G od.” Ib n Saiyid-in-Nas (d. 734 A .H .) says th a t ‘his contem poraries did not see another m an like him , nor did he him self witness his p eer.” 3 Sim ilarly, Shams u d -d ln al-Z ah ab i testifies: “ I f I w ere asked to testify before the K acaba I will sw ear by God th a t neither I saw a scholar like him nor d id he him self see a m an o f his stature.’’ Dauntless Courage

T h e T u rk chiefs an d m ilitary generals were am azed to see 1. Z i d ul-toa believe that the prophets m eant w hat has been explained by the philosophers. Q u ite a good num ber o f persons and sects have been m isled by these w ritings. O ne can clearly discern this duplicity in the works o f Ib n Sin5 and his follow eis.” 1 Critique of Dialectics

T he criticism o f Ib n T aim iy ah was not limited to philoso­ phy an d its camp-followers alone : he did not spare even those dialecticians who endeavoured to defend Islam but employed the philosophical doctrines and concepts and its terminology and syllogism to establish the facts o f unseen and unknowable re a lity ; for, the philosophical term s tended to im part a lim ited aind incorrect exposition to the transcendental realities owing to th e ir association w ith th e philosophical traditions and precepts. Speaking o f the dialecticians, he says in the An-Xabuwat: “ The w ritings o f these dialecticians affirming creation, resurrection, H ereafter and the existence o f the C reator are neither rationally persuasive n o r canonically reassuring, and this has been acknow ledged by th e dialecticians as well. Im am R a z i openly confessed when he h a d grow n old th at a fter pondering over the scholastic and philosophical subtleties he had reached the conclusion th at these could neither quench one’s thirst nor cure th e sick. T h e reasoning o f th e Q u r’ an, he adm itted, was the most convincing. Look a t the Q uranic verses : “ Naught is as 1. An-Nabuwat, p. 168

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His likeness”1 o r “ They camiot,fiampass it in k n o w l e d g e em phasiz­ ing negation o f similitudes to God or those affirming His a ttri­ butes, such as, “ Then (He) mounted the Throne,"* or “ Unto Him good wards ascend” * or “ Who is in the Heaven”* and you would arrive a t the same conclusion as reached fay al-R azi. G hazaJf and Ibn £Aqeel have also d raw n sim ilar inferences for, indeed, this is an incontrovertible tru th .” 9 In another passage of the same book Ib n T aim iyah high* lights the mistake com m itted by the dialecticians. “ They followed neither the path o f the rationalists nor followed the teachings o f ilie prophets w ith the result th at, on the one hand, they, deviated from their ingenuous nature, and, on the other, were also deprived o f the conviction im parted by the Shant d,h, T h eir rationalism led them only to u ncertainty and unnecessary quibbling and hairsplitting o f im aginary issues.” 1 A nother weakness o f the scholastics tow ards which Ibn T aim iyah invited attention was th a t “ w hen they deliberate upon prophethood they raise weighty objections but their defence is norm ally weak and unassuring. W e have already given m any examples o f th e ir specious reasoning. W hoever studies their writings to find credenc'e and conviction, holding them up as the defenders and m outhpieces of Islam capablc of proving the existence of prophethood on rational grounds, he is unable to get a satisfactory reply in their books. H r becomes a victim o f scepticism a n d m ental perplexity which b a r his way to faith and certitude o f knowledge. T he doors o f doubt, u n b elief and ignorance are thus opened for those whose knowledge is lim ited to the w ritings o f dialecticians.” 8 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

X L I I : 11 X X : 110 X III: 2 X X X V : 10 L X V II: 16 An-Nabuwat, p. 148 Ibid,, p. 148 Ibid. p. 240

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A Common Weakness of Philosophers and Dialecticians

In Ib n T a im iy a h ’s opinion both the philosophers as well as the dialecticians had com m itted a common m ista k e; since, despite their differences, the m ode of their reasoning was the same. T h e ir fundam ental weakness, or mistake, was that they tried to achieve that with the help of reason W hich could never be had through it. In the process they arrayed themselves against n atu ral hum an disposition as well as the guidance p ro ­ vided by the prophets. “ T herefore,” observes Ibn T aim iyah, “ the findings o f both these groups have m any mistakes, but little benefit to offer.” ' T he m ode o f reasoning employed by the philosophers and scholastics was, according to Ibn T aim iyah, extravagantly form al an d elaborate w ith the result th at they had to adopt a lengthy and roundabout m ethod for establishing those facts w hich could have been proved easily by taking to a sim pler but unsophisticated course more appealing to hum an intellect. He disagreed with the dialecticians that the logical syllogism was the only satisfactory m ethod o f reasoning to be applied by them . H e argued th at even if the prem ises o f th eir reasoning w ere sometimes co rrect, they were not fundam ental because experience and study o f hum an nature shows th a t God has m ade it easy for m an to u n derstand w hat is essential for him to learn . F or th a t very reason, there are am ple signs, indications and evidences o f the existence an d oneness o f the C reator and the prophethood o f His apostles, and so are the m eans to attain the knowledge about them . T here were, how ever, certain persons, said Ib n T aim iy ah , w ho had a flair for logical syllogism and argum entation b u t for others it was quite unnecessary.8 The Quranic reasoning

Ibn T aim iyah strongly pleaded that the Q uranic reasoning 1. Naqdh-ul-Manliq, p. 162 2. /Ir-Raddo'-alal Mantaqiyin, p. 255

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was not only m ost ap p ro p riate .but also most convincing for the avouchm ent o f m etaphysical an d unseen realities and leligious truths. “ T h e argum ents put fo rth by the Q u r’a n ,” w rites Ib n T aim iy ah , “ a re m uch m ore assuring and carry a deeper sense than the propositions o f the philosophers and dialecticians. A t the sam e tim e, the. form er do not suffer from paralogism w hich is a com m on feature o f logical disputations.” 1 At a n o th e r place) he says, “ K now ledge o f the reasons advanced by the Q u r 'a n as weil as the self-evident m arks and signs adduced in support o f the existence o f G od, His sustcntation o f the w orld, His Oneness, H is know ledge and pow er and the possibility o f resurrection an d retrib u tio n in the. H ereafter is essential for acquiring th e noblest h um an qualities. In support o f his contention he cites the exam ple o f the different form s o f reasoning em ployed in support o f the exist­ ence o f D ivine Being an d H is attrib u tes w hich also bring out the difference betw eeh the philosophical and Q u ran ic concepts o f G odhead . “ The Q u r ’ an is elaborate w here it affirms D ivine attributes but makes only a com pendious reference w here the negation is stressed (Naught is as His likeness) : this being also the way o f the prophets w ho explicate in d e ta il w hat He is and are concise in describing w hdt He is not. O n the oth er h an d , th eir rivals an d opponents (T he G reek philosopher?,) pay m ore atten ­ tion to the denial o f His attributes but m ake only a passing reference w here they have to av er th e m .” :! T h e w ritings o f the G reek philosophers and their votaries avouch the point m ade out by Ib n T aim iy ah . In fact, the pains taken by the philosophers to deny the positive attributes o f God have reduced His Being to a n im ag in ary and im potent entity. But, w hat God is, w h at know ledge and pow er H e possesses-th ere a re not m ore th a n a few w ords o r few philosophical term s t be found in their en tire work. A nd, as a result o f it, all

1.

A r-R a d d o (alal M a n la q iy tn . p. 32!

2.

I b id .. p . 150

'S.

Ib id ., p. 153

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those who h ad been inspired by th a t philosophy in G reece and outside it, have never developed any conscious relationship with God expressing itself in th e ir intellectual ideals and m oral aspirations or a heartfelt longing for His propinquity. T his has been so because a w aking consciousness o f God can be created only through His nam es, attributes and m anifestations indicating positive characteristics but the philosophy insists on the negation o f His qualities. T he history o f m an’s intellectual development bears witness to th e fact th a t m a n has never been enam oured of anyone about whose person and ch aracter he has h ad no know­ ledge. Every hum an affection going out to some other person o r object, w hether it is love o r fear, hope or disappointm ent, is directed only to know n persons or characteristics w hile philor sophy insists on the d enial o f D ivine attributes. T he historians o f religion and m orals a re unanim ous th at the ancient Greeks w ere not known for th eir devotion to God or religious genius— their religious experience h ad in fact no depth and substance w orth the nam e. In the w ords o f Ib n T aim iyah this was because “ a hund red thousand negations could never be equal to a single affirm ation.” N o religious structure can, in fact, be built on the foundations o f denial alone. A nd that is why G reek philosophy in the West and Buddhism in the East failed to reconstruct a society whose coi ner stone was a heart-felt sentience o f G od. Both these succumbed to idolatry and atheism because the in h eren t hum an propensities o f faith and conviction, devotion an d love can never be satisfied by any epistemology involving intellectual w rangling and forgeries of the b rain . Disconcerting Influence of Greek Logic

In o rd er to dem onstrate the fallacious bases o f logic purely on rational grounds, Ibn T aim iy ah subjected its prem ises to a close scrutiny in the sam e way as he had critically exam ined its counterpart, the philosophy. T h e Greek logic had, in fact cap­ tured the h eart o f the A rabs even m ore powerfully th an the philosophy o f the Greeks. According to S a 'ld Q a rta b l the

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writings o f the Greek philosophers on logic w ere being zealously studied by the Arabs as early as the th ird century of Islam ic era. By the beginning o! the fifth century these h ad been accorded such a pride of place in the A rab curriculum that even AlG hazall was carried away by it. H e considered logic to be the basic discipline o f all sciences. In the introduction o f his wellknown book al-Mustafa he rem arks th a t ‘logic constitutes the fundam ental discipline in every bran ch o f knowledge. Anybody who is not well-versed in this science, can never be sure o f the knowledge gained by h im .” 1 In Maqasid-i-FalSsifuh he observes : “ So fa r as the logical perm ises and its a priori principles a re con­ cerned, most o f them a re undoubtedly tested and true. Only seldom is there any m istake in them . W hatever differences the doctors o f faith have with the Greek masters o f logic, these relate to the term inology used by the two w ithout any diver­ gence o f opinion in regard to its aims and objectives. All are agreed that this science is m eant to reach conclusions by con­ nected thought.” 2 Ib n R ushd, who held A ristotle in the highest esteem, consi­ dered logic to be the w orthiest knowledge attainable by hum an beings and the m easuring rod o f one’s excellence. “ L ogic” , he said, “ opened the way to reality which could not be reached without its help even by the elite, m uch less the laity.” 3 Philosophy had been attacked by different scholars from time to tim e but nobody had undertaken a rational evaluation of logic before Ibn T aim iyah. H e was thus the first scholar to subject this branch o f knowledge to a m inute and critical study and express his independent opinion about it. First he w rote a small treatise entitled Naqdh-ul-Mantiq and thereafter another detailed dissertation u nder the title o f Ar-Raddo'-clal-Mantaqiym in w hich he discussed logical propositions like prosyllogism, major, m inor and m iddle term s, conclusions, etc. and showed

1. 2.

At-M ustafa, p. 10 Moqasid-i-Falasafah, p. 3

3.

Muhammad Lutfijam 'ah, p p . 120-121

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th eir defects and lim itations to dem onstrate th at the im portance accorded to logic by the M uslim scholars was far in excess o f its real w orth. In the opinion o f Ib n T aim iyah it was neither the. m easuring rod o f rationality nor its m ethod o f reasoning provided the surest way to attain credence, nor yet true knowledge. H e writes, “ These scholars claim th at logic constitutes the criterion o f discursive knowledge w hich saves one from com m itting mistakes in the same way as the rules o f m eter and rhym e help in lyrical composition o r th e etymology and syntax in the learn­ ing o f a language or else m echanical instrum ents in ascertaining the hours o f th e day. But this is not correct, for, the knowledge is achieved through perception and rational faculty endowed to hum an beings by G od. Its acquisition does not depend on the rules form ulated by another person. It m ight be necessary to im itate the A rabs for learning A rabic language for the simple reason that it is the dialect o f a nation which has to be heard and copied, but that cannot be true o f discursive knowie.dge...... T he people before the inception o f Greek logic possessed know­ ledge about the reality o f th in g s ; likewise there have been nations after it which have endeavoured to reach the tru th of the m atter without taking its help. Among every nation one can find sages who reach the core of realities w ithout learning A ristotelian logic. A little reflection by these people would convince them that they attained the knowledge possessed by them w ithout rccource to this m an-inade science.” 1 Much ado about nothing

Ibn T aim iyah pointed out quite a few weaknesses and defects o f syllogistic logic. H e held the view that it produced a vain and argum entative disposition, a copious and flexible idiom , and supplied the logicians w ith a set o f pompous words and term inology which actually m eant nothing. In the w ords o f Ibn T aim iyah the endeavour o f the logicians am ounted to m ere “ waste o f tim e and energy, and unnecessary m ental 1.

A r-R a d d o 'a la l M a n la q iytn , pp. 27-28

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exercise an d bragging which led people to useless disputation.” 1 He described these verbal engagem ents as m uch ado about nothing. A nother ill-effect o f excessive logical ratiocination according to Ib n T aim iyah was th a t th e logicians too often be­ come “ incapable o f expressing th eir ideas freely. It bridles their tongue and pen by restraining them from exercising th eir m inds independently.” 2 “ I t is a general rule th a t with w ider concepts and free thinking,” observed Ib n T aim iyah, “ the expression becomes uninhibited but the strait-laced thinking, as the logicians are w ont to resort, m akes th e ir m ind and tongue circum scribed by n arrow er lim its an d enchains th eir concept and im agination. It is because o f these restraints th a t those logicians who are m ore intelligent take to a circuitous course o f reasoning. T h eir only achievem ent is to express some known fact m ore explicitly but th e h ab it o f thinking hedged in by logi­ cal premises im parts a perverse bias o f m ind inclining tow ards scepticism an d incredulity. Those not betaking the course o f logicians a re saved from these dangers.” 3 Ibn T aim iy ah acknow ledged th a t there w ere a few exceptions to it am ong the logicians as, for exam ple, Ib n S in a whose w rit­ ings exhibited rem arkable eloquence an d flexibility. T his was because he d id not adopt the literary style o f earlier logicians laden w ith obscurities. Logic was taken by the dialecticians as an instrum ent to develop the unknow n o r m etaphysical truths from the known concepts practically in the sam e way as the fundam ental rules and principles o f other sciences a re employed to acquire further knowledge in those subjects. It is w qrthy o f notice th a t Ibn T aim iyah did not ad m it this proposition. “ It is clear th at the scales designed to weigh fire-wood, m etals and stones cannot be used for w eighing silver and gold. T h e tru th enunciated by

1. Ar-Raddtfialal MarUatjiyin, p. 31 2.. Ibid., p. 194 3. Ihid.. 1B7-

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the prophets and the reality o f prophethood is even finer and m ore precious than gold is considered am ong th e metals. Your logic cannot, therefore, be employed as a balance for the latter because it comprises both hum an ignorance and extrem ism . It is neither aw are of' th e ir weights and measures n o r it is cap­ able o f describing them . T his is a science o f ignorance for it denies th at which is tru th ; an d breeds e x t r e m i s m and obstinacy for it rejects th a t w hich is indispensable as well as inherent in hum an nature. No science can do without these im perative truths for hum an excellence an d nobility depend on th em .’’1 A nother scholar o f the ninth century who clearly u n d er­ stood the inadequacies o f reason arrived at a sim ilar conclusion. In his ‘Introduction to th e W orld H istory’ Ibn K hald u n (d. 80S A.H .) observed ; “ T h e m ind is an accurate scale whose record­ ings a re certain and reliable, but to use it to w eigh questions relating to the U nity o f G od, or the after-life, o r the n ature of prophecy, or the divine qualities, or other such subjects falling outside its range, is like trying to use a goldsm ith’s scale to weigh m ountains. T his does not m ean th a t the scale is in itself inaccurate. T h e tru th o f the m atter is th a t m ind has limits w ithin w hich it is rigidly confined ; it cannot therefore hope to com prehend God a n d His qualities, itself being,only one o f the m any atom s created by G od.” 2 Ibn Taim iyah’s Contribution to Logic

F ar from being negative, Ibn T aim iyah’s attitu d e tow ards logic was reasonably sensible as well as constructive. H e agreed th a t a p art o f it w a s 'n o t only correct and useful b u t even instinctive to a m an endow ed with reason. At the s a m e tim e he contended th at it also included falacious argum ents w hich w ere not heeded at all.8 He did not agree with th o s e

1.

Nuqdh-al-Mantiq, p. Ib4

2.

Muqaddamah Ibn Khaldun, p . 473

3.

Ar-Raddotalal M antaqiyln, p . 201

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wh6 thought th a t the logical principles, as adum b rated by the m asters o f yore, enshrined the wisdom th at was above criticism . O n the one hand, his criticism o f logic opened the way to its evaluation on rational grounds, while, on th e other, he contri­ buted to its developm ent by w orking out com plete and precise definitions and new standpoints alm ost untouched by his p re­ decessors. Ib n T aim iyah argued w ith severity against the syllogism o f Aristotle th a t proceeded from general principles, but he preferred the indu'ctive m ethod o f reasoning w hich he held to be an easier an d su rer way o f attain in g certain know ­ ledge. Ib n T aim iyah set him self to work out several new theories and propositions, as stated by Syed Sulaim an N adw l in his introduction to the Ar-Radd&alal Mantaqlyln. H e w rites : “ I f you go through this book carefully you would find several discussions on philosophical an d logical issues w hich have been touched upon for the first tim e by Ib n T aim iy ah . Some o f his views are in harm ony w ith th e analysis o f the reasoning process put forth by the w estern philosophers. T o give an exam ple, all the earlier M uslim philosophers h a d followed the A ristotelian view th a t the universals form th e basis o f knowledge, a n d , for th at reason, they had all d isreg ard ed th e particulars and induc­ tive process o f reasoning. C e rta in w estern w riters claim th at M ill was th e first philosopher to lay th e foundation o f m odern logic by form u latin g the principles o f inductive reasoning (al­ though Ib n T aim iy ah h a d w orked these out hundreds o f years before M ill). “ T h e w ay Ib n T aim iy ah analysed an d am plified the intri­ cate problem s relating to denotation o f term s, genus, division, causal connection, syllogism , inductive process and a priori reasoning an d proved th e v alidity o f th e views set forth by him bear witness to th e ag ility o f his m ind. So far as-the theory o f causal connection is concerned, he b rought out exactly the sam e doctrine as propounded later on by H um e in his w ritings. As everybody knows th e doctrin e o f causation is one o f those diffi­ cult problem s o f philosophy w hich has m ad e m any a m in d to falter from th e rig h t p a th an d led th em to scepticism and

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agnosticism. T his book contains a num ber o f enquiries w hich speak volumes o f Ib n T aim iy ah ’s intellectual gifts and literary attainm ents.” 1

I . Ar-RaddAiUl M tnUfW *, p. 3

VII Refutation of Christianity and Shiaism Ib n T aim iyah spent his whole life fighting those unrlslam ic beliefs a n d ideas which w ere m aking inroads in Islam from w ithin and w ithout. O f these only two, C hristianity and S h ia is m , are m entioned here since he has left two full-fledged works for th eir refutation. Perhaps Ib n T aim iy ah h a d to give m ore attention to these tw o because being well organised and vigorous, they posed a g reater th re a t to orthodox Islam than others. T h e weakening o f the Islam ic kingdom s alongw ith the dis­ location in the M uslim intellectual life produced first, by the long d raw n crusades, and then by the onslaught o f T a rta r hordes, h ad given h e a rt to th e C hristians to re-as*ert the supre­ m acy o f th eir religion against th e Islam ic faith. T he objections raised by the C hristians against Islam , who invited M uslim s to polem ical disputations, w ere m et by th e M uslim theologians but the im m ediate cause for Ib n T a im iy a h ’s response to th e th re a t from th a t q u arter was a new book w ritten in Cyprus. It attem pted to establish the superiority o f C hristianity oyer Islam th ro u g h ratio n al as well as theological argum ents and tended to show th a t the prophethood o f M uham m ad was not universal but lim ited to the A rabs only.

A l-Jawab ul-Sabih Ib n T aim iyah w rote Al-Jawttb-ul-Saktk liman baddala Din-41

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MacjA in four volumes in w hich he adequately m et all the objec­ tions raised against Islam , adduced entirely new and satisfying argum ents in support o f the prophethood o f M uham m ad, quoted the prophecies about him contained in the Bible, traced the history o f C hristian church and its scholasticism and exam ined the varying interpretations o f the C hristian faith as expounded by the church fathers from tim e to tim e. In the words o f ia m odern critic and biographer, Sheikh Abu Z ah ra, “ this book alone is sufficient to carve out a place for him am ong the thinkers an d learned doctors who endeavoured to revivify the fa ith .” 1 Ib n T aim iyah was the first am ong M uslim w riters who tu rn ed to the historical criticism o f C hristianity to show how the spiritual experiences o f the early C hristian com m unity were m oulded by the m ythological beliefs an d idolatrous practices o f the R om ans. H e says, “ T h e Christians have com bined two religions—-one preached by the prophets an d the other belonging to pagans—into one. A p a rt o f th eir religion consists o f the teachings o f th e prophets w hile the rest o f it is derived from the creeds and practices o f the heathens. It this way they have introduced m ythological abstractions which are now here to be found in the prophetic scriptures. In the place o f graven images casting shadows they have introduced anthropom orphic figures w hich do not spread any shadow. T hey began offering prayers facing the sun, m oon a n d the stars and started keeping fast durin g autum n w ith the object o f uniting th eir religious observances w ith the anim istic cults.” 2 Prevalent Christianity

Ib n T aim iyah m aintained th at the virgin purity o f the C hristian church was violated first by St. Paul and then again in the fourth century o f th e C hristian era during the reign of Constantine. H e says th a t “ th e ir prelates.and bishops continu­ 1.

Abu £ a h ra , p . 519

2.

A l-Jaw ab-ul-Sahih, p . 199

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ously went on form ulating and evolving th e C hristian creed and canon as, for exam ple, 318 bishops prepared durin g the reign o f C onstantine a copious creed. T his credal declaration showered invectives on A rius and others who did not subscribe to it, arid contained statements which were not to be found in the scrip­ tures. It ra th e r had those term s and definitions which were against th e teaching o f the revealed books and even against sound reasoning.” 1 “ In this form ulary o f episcopal consent,” continues Ibn T aim iyah, “ they did not follow Jesus C hrist o r, the earlier prophets but p roduced an entirely new cred al statem ent which cannot be traced to the teachings o f the prophets. In the sermons of Jesus C hrist or other prophets, neither there is any mention o f th e equality o f three or m ore D ivine Persons, nor o f three co-eternal substances having D ivine Essence. N ow here in the scriptures any attrib u te or essence o f God is spoken o f as Logos o r th e Son o f G od, n o r is th ere any m ention o f the Holy Ghost. N or is there any assertion th at G od has begotten a Son who possesses all the inherent perfections appropriate to the Suprem e Being, or who is composed o f D ivine Essence and is also a creato r like God. Expressions like these, susceptible of heretical sense, are not to be found in the utterances o f any prophet.” * Rank and Worth of the Gospels

M uslim theologians often m ade the m istake o f equating New Testam ent w ith the Q u r’an by assigning it the position o f a revealed scripture. Ib n T aim iyah held the view th at the books included in th e New T estam ent are m erely a n arrative of certain sayings an d acts o f Jesus C hrist like the biographical accounts of the life o f the Prophet o f Islam left by M uslim historians or, at the m ost, these can be equated w ith the records o f Traditions which a re not considered equivalent to the Q u r’an in w orth 1.

Al-Jawab-ul-Sahih, V o l. I . p . 18

2.

Ib id ., V o l. I l l , p. 134

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and au th o rity .1 E lucidating his point o f view he says : “ T he C hristians acknowledge the fact th a t the books o f Gospel they possess today were neither w ritten by Jesus, C hrist nor w ere these composed und er his guidance. These were w ritten a fte r the ascension o f Jesus by M atthew and Jo h n , who were his disciples, and M ark an d Luke, who h ad not even seen him . T he accounts o f the life o f Jesus C hrist n a rra te d therein were not rem em bered and h an d ed dow n by such a large num ber o f persons as to m ake them o f unim peachable au thority. Even the authors o f these books ad m it th a t they have n a rra te d only a p art o f the sayings an d actions o f Jesus C hrist an d have not attem pted to give the entire account o f his life. N arratio n o f any fact by two, three or four persons only is always liable to contain some m istakes; one conspicuous m istake these n arrato rs have m ade is about the person actually crucified. T his m akes th eir account doubtful.” 2 In T aim iy ah goes a step furth er and claims th at “ the books o f O ld T estam ent were put into w riting over a period o f tim e w ith long gaps. T h e Jew ish traditions tell us th a t after the destruction o f the T em ple and wholesale dispersal o f the Jews from Palestine, the final version o f the Pentateuch o r T o rah was got w ritten by E zra about whom th ere is a dispute w hether he was a prophet or n o t.” 3 Speaking o f th e difference between the Q u r’an and the Bible Ib n T aim iyah says : “ T h e text o f the Q u r’an as well as its m eaning have been transm itted by very m any persons in every age an d have always been accepted as authentic and genuine w ithout any doubt having been ever raised by anybody. Sim ilarly, M uslims have received the accounts o f the person and actions o f th eir P rophet through distinct sources whose authenticity can be ju d g ed in different ways as, for exam ple, unbroken chain o f n a rra to rs, consistent testimony o f the M uslims, circum stantial evidence, etc. E nshrined in the hearts of

).

A l-Jaw ab ul-Sahih, V o l. I , p . 10

2.

Ib id ., V qI. I , p . 368

3.

Ib id ., V o l. I I , p . 368

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Muslims, the Q u r’an has not to depend for its existence on the w ritten pages alone. If, God forbid, all the copies o f the Q u r’an were to be lost, it could still be reproduced from m em ory but, if the Bible w ere to disappear, there w ould be no continuous reproduction o f its text. T he C hristians have hardly anyone who has learn t the entire Bible by h eart an d w hatever is m em o­ rised by some is not trustw orthy. T h eir scriptures have been subjected to editing an d interpolation ever since these were handed dow n by the apostles and th at is why the Christians could not preserve the chain o f th eir narrato rs. N or have they evolved the canons for reception an d rejection o f their traditions or the d ictio n ary o f the n arrato rs like the M uslim s.” 1

C orruption o f th e Bible It is generally believed th a t Ib n T aim iyah did not subscribe to the view o f total corruption o f the Biblical text, w hich, he held, was also not the M uslims belief. In his opinion the C hristian an d Jew ish scriptures have been edited by th eir priests and redactors from tim e to tim e w hich has m aterially altered the sense carried by the original text.*

T he M istake o f th e C h ristian s Ib n T aim iy ah m aintained th a t the inability o f the Christians to fully com prehend the language an d message o f the prophets, in w hich figurative descriptions and expressions w ere used, led them to accept T rin ity w hich violates th e prophetic concept o f mono­ theism . Citing an exam ple in support o f his contention he says, “ T h e w ritings o f th e people possessing revealed scriptures show th at the prophets o f yore- h ad used the w ords ‘fath er’ an d ‘son’ but they m eant G od by the form er an d one n earer to G od by the latter. Nobody has stated th a t any prophet ever used the word ‘son’ for an attribute o f God n o r claim ed th a t such an attrib u te was begotten by G od. T o assert th a t by th e w ord ‘son’ occurring 1. Al-Jawai-ol-Sahih, Vol. II. pp. 12-13 2. Hid., Vol. I , pp. 373-380 and Vol. II, p . 4

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1 in the phrase ‘Baptize them in the nam e o f the F ath e r and o f th«| Son and o f the Holy G host’,1Jesus m eant th at he was co-equ^j an d co-eternal w ith the D ivine Essence is to charge him w ith a, b latan t calum ny. Sim ilarly, th e attribute o f God referring to His life was never expressed as Holy Ghost or Holy Spirit. In the term inology used by the prophets holy spirit stood for the thing or being descending w ith D ivine grace ?uid strength on the prophets and pious souls.” 2 In another passage addressed to the Christians he says, “ You would ad m it th a t the w ord ‘son’ has been used for others, too besides Jesus C hrist. You see Jesus Christ speaking o f ‘My F ath er and your F a th e r,” ‘F ath er which is in H eaven,’* and ‘my God and your G o d ’11 and th a t his disciples were ‘all filled with the Holy G host’.6 Likewise, in the T o rah you have one finds God asking Moses : “ T hou shalt say unto P haraoh, T hus saith th e L ord, Israel is my son, even my firstborn : and I say unto thee, Let my son go, th at he m ay serve me : and if thou refuse to let him go, behold, I will slay thy son, even thy firstborn.’* T h e T o rah further s a y s : ‘And all the firstborn in the lan d of Egypt shall die, from the firstborn o f P h araoh th a t sitteth upon his throne, even unto the firstborn o f the m aidservant th at is behind the m ill; and all the firstborn o f b e a sts/8 T hus the T o rah speaks o f entire Bani Israel as the son o f G od and all the people o f Egypt as the son o f P haraoh. It includes even the sons of beasts am ongst the son of P haraoh. In the Book of Psalms God says to D avid : ‘T hou art my Son, this day have I begotten thee. Ask o f m e, and I shall give three.’ ' A gain, the

1.

M a tt, 2 8 : 1 9

2.

A l-Ja w tii-u l-S th ih , V ol. I l l , p p . J81-I82

3. John, 2 0 :1 7 4. 5.

M att, 6 : 1 J o h n , 20 : 17

6.

A c t, 2 : 4

7.

E x. 4 : 22-23

8.

E x . 11 -..5

9.

l>s 2 : 7-8

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New T estam ent says that Jesus told his disciples, ‘I go unto the fa th e r ; for my F ather is greater th an I ’1 an d exhorted them to pray thus : 'O u r F ath er which a rt in heaven, H allow ed be thy nam e,........... ...G ive us this day our daily b re a d .’2 In the same way the Holy Ghost did not descend on C hrist alone, there are others as well who were filled w ith the Holy Spirit.” 4 Ibn T aim iyah then adds “ In short, neither in the earlier prophecies nor in the scriptures such as T o rah , Psalms or New Testam ent there is anything to show th a t the D ivine Spirit had transfused into Jesus C hrist or th at he had an indw elling effulgence o f G od’s glory as the C hristians believe. T h ere is nothing in these scriptures to justify Jesus being regarded as the Son o f G od, in an exclusive or unique sense. In reality he was no m ore than w hat the Q,urJan says: ‘T h e Messiah, Jesus son of M ary, was only a Messenger o f A llah, and His w ord which H e conveyed unto M ary, and a spirit from H im .’5 T h e fact is th at the scriptures granted to earlier prophets and th eir pro­ phecies confirm w hat the Prophet o f Islam told us about them . Each one o f them , indeed, ratifies the other. As for the predic­ tions quoted by tne C hristians in support o f the supernatural virtue an d pow er o f Jesus C hrist, all these signs an d prophecies can be applied to others besides Jesus Christ. T herefore, to appeal to these oracles for establishing the divinity o f Jesus C hrist is completely u n w arranted. T h e words, such as, the sou, M essiah, descent of or being filled w ith Holy Spirit o r being addressed as the L ord are expressions used in the scriptures for others too and so none o f these expressions prove th at Jesus C hrist possessed the perfections appropriate to the Suprem e Being.” * T h e evangelistic theologians very often take reso rt to the 1. 2.

J o h n 1 4 : 28 M a tt, 6 : 9 - 1 1

3.

A cts 2 : 4

4.

A l-Jaw ab ul-Sahih, V o l. I l l , p p . 185-186

5.

Q.. I V : 171

6.

A l-Jaw ab-ul-Sahih, V c!. I I , p p . 189-190

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mysterious argum ents d erived from the Platonic concepts o f the Logos and the soul o r spirit o f the universe to prove the subtlfe questions covering the n atu re, distinction and equality o f th e th ree divine persons. Ib n T aim iyah refuted all these argu­ m ents by showiiig, in accordance w ith the principles o f syllogis­ tic logic an d philosophical concepts, th a t none o f their presum p­ tions justifies the rem otest implications o f their opinion. Being unable to establish the tru th o f mysterious doctrines which could satisfy a rational m ind, the C hristian apologists try to d raw a veil o f sanctity over th e ir enigm atical b eliefs., They assert th at the doctrine o f T rin ity being em bedded in th eir Scripture, it is incum bent on them to have faith in it, and it is impious to doubt its authenticity, for, these a re abstruse questions o f infinite reality beyond the reach o f lim ited understanding possessed by the hu m an beings. But Ib n T aim iyah points out th a t this argum ent is equally Fallacious. “ T h e C hristian theologians fail to dis­ tinguish,” observes Ib n T aim iy ah , “ the things w hich reason holds as ridiculous an d contrary to reason or rath e r impossible from those which it cannot com prehend o r cannot pronounce its verdict in reg ard to th e ir n atu re and existence. T h e apostles of G od have really inform ed us only about the m atters falling in th e second category, since, the things belonging to the form er category cannot simply form p a rt o f the message brought by them . These pretenders o f knowledge could not m ake any distinction between th e facts revealed and the incom prehensible mysteries which elude o u r enquiry. T hey decided to compete w ith the polytheists who h a d invented an associate o f G od and a son for H im .” 1 Ib n T aim iyah arg u ed cogently to show th at revelation never contradicts th e facts acceptable to the norm al process of thought. T his also, in his opinion, brought out the basic difference betw een Islam an d C hristianity. Islam , he said, accepted certain facts' o f m ute reality w hich w ere beyond the ken o f senses but not against reason. O n the o ther h and, I. Al-Jawat-ul-Sahih, Vol. II, p. 89

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C hristianity subscribed to th e doctrines which were irrational. T he p h ristia n theologians agreed th a t these w ere reasonless but they also insisted on their acceptance by holding them as revealed facts beyond hum an com prehension.

E arly F ollow ers o f C hristianity In this book Ib n T aim iyah also gave an account o f those sects o f early C hristianity who h ad faith in the U nity of Suprem e Being and revered Jesus as a prophet and servant o f G od b u t which could not flourish due to a variety o f reasons. T he doctrinal subtleties separating different C hristian factions described m inutely by Ib n T aim iyah show how deeply he had studied th a t religion.

P rophecies about the L ast Prophet Ib n T aim iy ah listed all the prophecies o f the O ld and the New Testam ents concerning the advent o f the Last Prophet. H e explained the significance o f the oracles attributed to Isiah, H abakkuk, D aniel an d Jesus w hich could be appealed to foretell the com ing o f th e Prophet o f Islam .1 T o give an exam ple, the prophecy contained in Jo h n 14 : 30 w herein Jesus is reported to have said : “ H ereafter I w ill not talk m uch w ith y o u ; for the prince o f th e w orld com eth, an d h a th nothing in m e” was explained by him to show how it leferred to the Prophet o f Islam . “ T h | w ord prince” , says Ib n T aim iyah, "occurring in th is ' passage is a translation o f H ebrew artiun w hich m eans ‘glorious’, ‘illustrious’, ‘august’ an d ‘high in dignity’.” Dwelling fu rth er upon this passage he adds “ since it is a manifest and accepted fact, everbody would agree th a t M uham m ad was the only Prophet iafter Jesus whose tem poral and spiritual leader­ ship has been acknowledged by th e w orld. People obeyed him w ith a ll th e ir h eart an d soul. D u rin g his life tim e and after his d eath , in all tim es an d climes, in th e East and the W est his followers have yielded obediently to his com m ands. A llegiance 1.

Al-Jaunt-nt-S*hih, Vol. I ll, p. 265 to Vol. IV,p 20

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is owed to the sovereigns durin g th e ir life-tim e alone for, as the saying goes, authority forgets a dying k in g ; but for religion such an allegiance is valueless. T h e spirit o f reverence and im plicit submission elicited by the Prophets is even above the fear o f chastisem ent and hope ,of rew ard in the H ereafter.” “ Prophet M uham m ad (peace and blessings o f God be upon him ) brought to light the tru e faith o f the prbphets o f yore, confirm ed the message b rought by them and exalted their names. It was On account o f him th a t several nations acknow­ ledged Moses and Jesus as the prophets o f G od. Even am ongst those who h ad faith 'In the revealed scriptures, there w ere wide differences; they slandered D avid and Solomon an d d id not know m any other prophets like H u d , Salih and ShuaMb.” 1 Signs of Prophethood

In o rd er to assert th e prophethood o f M uham m ad, Ibn T aim iy ah discussed the m iracles worked by the Prophet. H e did not, however, m ention only the m iracles recorded in the T raff ditions an d biographies o f the P io p h et but also dealt extensively w ith the definition and n atu re o f m iracles, and extended their scope, according to the Q u ran ic vocabulary, to include the signs w hich m ake visible and confirm the tru th o f prophethood. In form ing an estim ate o f the character o f the Holy Prophet he m aintained that “ all these, his character and deportm ent, his sayings and his actions constitute a m iracle, as do his canons and his followers, their way o f life and piety. T h e pure-hearted am ong his followers a re the signs a n d wonders in support o f his apostleship.” 2 C oncerning the universality o f M u h am m ad ’s prophethood, he explained the significance and m erits o f the beliefs, doctrines and canons o f Islam , w hich, he claim ed, are com plete and satisfy the principles furnished by reason. T here is nothing founded on the d a ta o f reason w hich has been disallow ed by 1, 2.

Al-Jawat-ul-Sahih, Vol. IV . pp. 86-87 Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 187

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the Prophet o f Islam an d nothing against the dictates o f reason which was Upheld by him . T h e Book revealed to him corrected, completed an d Superseded the earlier scriptures while the Sharjah brought by him incorporated all the guidance provided by the prophets o f yore.1 Ib n T aim iyah brought forth a series o f cogent reasons to prove th a t anyone who believed in the prophethood o f any apostle of God could not deny the prophetic mission o f M uham m ad ; for, w hatever reasons he would adduce for the prophethood o f any one o f these messengers o f G od, they would equally apply to the last Prophet also. Sim ilarly, the denial o f the prophethood o f M u h am m ad , for w hatever reason it m ight be, would lead one to deny the apostleship o f all other prophets.2 Ib n T aim iy ah d id not overlook the argum ent often prefer­ red by the Christians th a t M uham m ad was a prophet to his countrym en alone. H e devoted m ore than 200 pages o f the first p a r i o f Al-Jawab-ul-Sahlh8 to refute this assertion. H e quoted th e Scriptures to show th a t it was essential for all men to beilieve in the mission of M uham m ad. H e also dw elt upon the grand object o f divine revelation w hich intended to show m ankind, through the apostleship o f M uham m ad, the right path o f salvation and to bring forth all th a t is noble and good in m an.

M inhaj-us-Sunnah Like Al-Jauiab-Al-Sakth, Minhsj-us-Sunnah is an o ther work o f distinctive m erit by Ib n T aim iy ah , w hich he w rote to refute the Shi‘aite schism, then posing a th re a t to the integrity o f orthodox faith. The-book consisting o f four volum es an d covering 1214 pages, was w ritten in feply to Minhaj-ul- KarZhmah o f Ibn-ulM u tah h ir al-H illl who had, in his excessive zeal to prove the divinely Qrdained office o f Irriamat, tried to m ake out the first three

1 Al-Jcwak-tu-Sahih, Vol. IV , pp. 81 -82 2. Hid., Vol I, p. 180 3. Ibid., Vol. I, pp. 28-230

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right-guided Caliphs not m erely hypocrites a n d im posters b u t also the vilest creatures steeped in inequity. T his, accprding,t Ib n T aim iyah, discredited Islam an d m ade the concept o f pro­ phethood untenable. Despite its polem ical natu re the Minhaj-usSunnah is rem arkable for the sobriety o f its style and the pursuit o f details and accuracy. Vilification o f the Prophet's Companions

Discussing the logical result o f the S h i'aite denigration o f the Prophet’s com panions, Ib n T aim iyah observes’ : “ T he followers o f the Prophet o f Islam constitue the best o f people and the w orthiest in excellence and m erit am ong them w ere those who first em braced Islam . But the picture d raw n by these slanderers shows th a t the earliest M uslims had neither any inkling o f the T ru th n o r th ey followed it faith fu lly ; since, according to the Shicahs, most o f them , particularly the first three Caliphs knowingly opposed the teachings o f the Prophet. All the com panions, they say, followed these tyrants because they did. not possess those intellectual faculties w hich a re required for discernm ent o f the tru e p ath o f Islam . Now, it is not difficult to conceive how lustful an d pow er-hungry, unenlightened and m indless m en the com panions and Caliphs were according to Shic ahs. T hey charge th e C aliphs o f laying a claim to the C aliphate to look after their own interests. Thus, all the followers o f the Prophet w ent astray by forsaking'" the path o f T ru th . I f this view is accepted, the Jew s and the Christians w ould, o f a fact, be better than the Muslims for God bears a testimoney in the Q u r’ an th at “ o f the Moses’ folk there is a com m unity who lead w ith tru th and establish justice there­ w ith .” * T he Prophet has foretold th at o f m ore th a n seventy factions o f th e Jew s an d Christians, only one would qualify for salvation but if we accept the Shicaite view there would not be a single sect am ong the M uslim s which could be deem ed as the 1. Minhij-us-Sunnah, Val. I, p. 152 2. Q,. V I I : 159

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standard b earer o f T ru th and Justice. I f the best in faith am ong the Muslims were so depraved, w hat can be said o f those coining after th em ? Does it not prove th at the Jews and the Christians are better eve* after the corruption o f th eir scriptures and faith, an d w orthier th a n those about whom God has said : Te are the best community that hath been raised up fo r mankind Ib n T aim iyah quotes Im am S h u 'eb l to show th at even the Jew s and Christians hold th e ir prophets in greater reverence th an the Shic ahs do. H e says, “ Asked to indicate the purest in faith am ong them , the Jew s replied th a t the Elders accom pany­ ing Moses an d th e ir followers Were the noblest believers. In reply to a sim ilar question the Christians said th a t the disciples of Jesus C hrist were the most pious am ongst them . But when the Shic5hs were required to suggest the most profane and, irreligious am ongst M uslims they pointed out to the companions o f the Prophet o f Islam . A h ! T hey w ere'com m anded to invoke blessings o f G od on these pious Souls but w hat they are doing is to curse and swear a t them .” * Denigration of the Companions

Ib n - T aim iyah' pointed out th a t the predisposing cause responsible for the S h ia h s stan d in g a p a rt from and almost in hostile attitu d e to the rest o f Islam lay in the impassible bitter­ ness harboured by them (©wards the first th ree Caliphs, in p arti­ cular, and the m ajority o f P rophet’s com panions, in general. The denigration o f the early' precursors o f Islam by them is really a cloak for their hostility to the P rophet whose life-long labour could not, in th e ir opinion, win over even a handful o f sincere followers. T h e stand taken by th e S h ia h s , says Ib n T aim iyah, also bespeaks o f the inability o f th e Prophet to fore­ warn the M uslim s about the secret designs o f the hypocrites and the events th at followed im m ediately a fte r his death although he had m a d e predictions about things th a t were to take place 1. Q. 111:110 2.

M inhaj-us-Sunm h, V ol. I , p . 6

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hundreds o f years after him . N ot only th%t, the respect a n d confidence of th e Prophet enjoyed by his em inent com panions shows th a t either the Prophet could not foresee the danger for the future o f Islam or h a d p m a false appearance upon his outw ard behaviour tow ards them . In either case, it would be difficult, to justify his action as behoving the dignity o f a prophet.” “ T h u s” , concluded Ib n T aim iy ah ” 1 only those would vilify the em inent com panions w ho either nourished a secret feeling o f ill-w ill against Islam an d its Prophet, like the originator o f Shicaism an d th e leaders o f th e Batinite m ovem ent, o r, the unenlightened folk p ro d d ed by their selfish desires and ignorance, as generally a re the rank a n d file o f th e Shi‘a schism .” Excellence o f the Companions

Ib n T aim iy ah d id not claim th at the com panions o f the Prophet o f Islam w ere w ithout a spot o r blem ish o r w ere not liable to sin like the apostles o f God. H e, how ever, d id assert th a t being th e m ost pious an d pure o f h eart in the entire com­ m unity, they w ere ju st, G od-fearing, tru th fu l, sincere and u p rig h t. I f they ever com m itted a sin, they repented and strenuously tried to atone for th e ir m istakes through prayers and fasting and virtuous actions. T h eir virtues and m erits outweighed th e ir faults. E xplaining his v ie w p o in t he says,2 “ W e have already stated th a t we d o not hold th a t there was anybody; impeccable after th e Prophet o f Islam , m uch less his not form ing a w rong opinion in ju ristic m atters. T he w rit o f G od runs for th e m : “ A nd whoso b ringeth th e tru th and believeth therein— such a re th e dutiful. “ T hey shall have w hat they w ill o f their L o rd ’s bounty.. T h a t is th e re w a rd o f th e good : i “ T h a t A llah w ill rem it from them th e w orst o f what! 1. 2.

Minhej-ut-Sunnah, Vol. IV , p. 123 Ibid., Vol. I I I . p. 238

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they d id , and will pay th em for rew ard the best they used to do. ” 1 , Ib n T aim iy ah has succinctly b ro u g h t out the unreasonable ness o f the Shic ahs in reg ard to th e com panions o f the Prophet o f Islam . T o borrow his w o rd s : “ T h e com panions were, regardless o f th e ir hum an shortcomings; the best group o f persons am ong the M uslims by virtue o f th eir faith an d righteousness. T h e ir deficiencies would ap p ear insignificant if we w ere to com pare th e ir m orals an d behaviour w ith th e com portm ent o f the followers o f o th e r faiths. , A ctually th e fault lies w ith those who can. see a black stain on a w hite sheet but are unable to detect the w hite scratch on a black bedspread* T his is, in fact, a great injustice as well as foolishness, for, one can easily find out the m erit and worthiness o f the com panions by com paring them w ith those known for th e ir purity of, faith and m orals am ongst the followers o f o th e r religions. H ow far th e stan d ard set by these persons can be deem ed to be. just i f they visualise a criterion o f righteousness u n attainable by m a n ? I f someone pictures to oneself o f an im peccable Im am o r a religious teacher who, sometimes not even nam ed as an Im Sm , is not liable to err,' a n d dem ands th a t every learn ed m an, religious teacher, ru ler o r king, notw ithstanding his eru d itio n , tem perance and the virtuous deeds perform ed by him , should be a replica o f th at id e a l; whose know ledge shoujd compass all the hidden mysteries of nature, who should be an acm e o f perfection free from all hum an shortcom ings an d w ho should never let his angry passions r i s e ; then, nothing can be done to deliver such a m an from the fantasy o f his m ind. T h ere are, in tru th , m any am ongst them w ho endue th eir Im am s w ith card inal virtues not possessed even by the apostles o f G od.” 2 A t another place he writes8 “ Any one who has studied the history o f various religions w ould know th a t th ere has never

1. Q . X X X IX -.33-35 2. Minhaj-us-Sunnah, Vol. I l l , p. 241 3. Ibid., Vol. I l l , p. 242

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been a group o f persons m ore pious an d devout and m ore m ind­ ful o f avoiding schism and b reach in religion th a n the com pani­ ons o f the Prophet. These Were the persons about Whom God has said : ' Ye are the best comm unity th at h ath been tfaised up for m ankind. Ye enjoin rig h t condtict and forbid indecency1; and ye believe in A llah.” 1 ! - •' “ W hatever goodness an d virtues M uslims shall posseis to the end of tim e” , adds Ib n T aim iy ah , “ w hether it be the Faith o r the Q u r’ an, know ledge o r prayers, entry in Paradise or pro­ tection against H ell, ascendency over non-believers or glorifica­ tion o f G od, it shall all be th e fruit o f earnest’ efforts m ade by th e com panions o f the"^Prophet Who1preached the religion and fought in the* w ay o f G od. Every m an w ho em braces Islam shall lie u n d e r ail obligation to them till the Doomsday. Even the virtues, the Shi^ahs a n d others have, are the gifts from the com panions, who, in tu rn , w ere inspired by the right-guided Galiphs ; for the latter w ere the'fotm t o f all the blessings w h eth er o f this w orld or th e next.”3 ff i Caliphate of Aba Bakr

Election o f AbU Bakr to the office of caliphate has been the greatest bone o f contention betw een the Shicalis and Sunnis. E xplaining the significance o f th e elective principle regulating the appointm ent o f th e Caliphs, Ibn T aim iyah observes .* “ It is w orthy o f note th a t the caliphate o f AbQ Bakr and ‘U m ar is really a sign o f th e perfection of divinely-appointed prophet­ h o o d o f M uham m ad (m ay th e peace and blessings o f G od be upon him ). T hey furnish a proof th a t he was not a king b u t an apostle o f G o d ; for th e kings always prefer to pass on the sceptre o f authority to th e ir nearest relations. T o the kings this is an essential step to save th e ir kingdom (from falling into the h a n d s o f bthers). So we also see the rulers and governors aro u n d us acting in a sim ilar m anner. T he Saljukids and the 1. Q,. I l l : 110 Minhajus-Sumuih, Vol. I l l , p. 245

2.

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133

Sultans o f S y r ia a n d Y em an pass on th e ir kingdom s to their kith an d kin, an d this ,h?is been th e practice followed by the C hristian an d h eath en k in g s as well. T h e kings o f the Franks a n d tho^e belonging to th e progeny o f G henghiz K hSn always ensure th a t the kingship rem ains w ithin th e ir fam ily. T hey are always m indful w hether the successor is a f th eir family and blood o r not. But, d isregarding th is universal practice, the Prophet d id not nom inate his uncle ‘ Abbas o r his cousin £A ll or cAqU o r an o th er relation like R ab ica ihn a l-H a rith ibn ‘Abdul M uttalib o r A bu Sufyan ibn al-H arith ibn cA bdul M uttalib as his successor, an d this shows th a t the P ro p h et was not guided by the regal preqepts an d conventions. Besides th e relatives already nained, th ere w ere ailso l U th m an ibn cA ffan, K h alid ibn Saceed ibn al-cAas, A ban ibn Saceed ibn al-‘Aas an d others belonging to Banu cAbd M u n a f —the m ost respected clan :o f the Q uraish and nearest to the, fam ily o f the Prophet— but none o f them was nom inated to succeed him . T his proves th a t M uham m ad was a prophet and s l a v e , G o d an d not a king. H e never bestowed his favour on anybody m erely on account o f th e nobility of blood or relationship w ith him but conferred his blessings only on grounds o f one’s faitW and piety. T h is was an indication for his followers th a t they shall not endeavour to establish the rule of any clan o r fam ily but uphold the kingdom, o f God on earth . T hey w ere not to follow even those prophets o f yore who h a d been gran ted kingship by G od because M uham m ad was allowed to choose betw een kingship an d th e slavery o f th e L ord and he chose to rem ain a slave and a prophet. T h e caliphate o f A bu Bakr an d ‘U m a r was thus a consummation, o f his teachings. H ad he nom inated someone o f his ow n household as his successor he would have been accused o f accum ulating w ealth and riches for his progeny.” 1 . T h e ShicHhs m ain tain the divine an d indefeasible right o f cAll for succession to th e caliphate on th e d e a th o f the Prophet T hey assert the rig h t o f cAli because he happened to be the 1.

M inh a j-u s-S u n n a h , V o l. I V , p. 126

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cousin an d son-in-law o f the P rophet. They also claim th a t ‘ All w as expressly declared by the Prophet as his successor under divine guidance. Ib n T aim iyah, how ever, points out th a t the “ claim o f cA lt’s succession, based on his nearness o f kindred to the Prophet bears resem blance to the conventions o f the pagan past w hen tho A rabs w ere unduly predisposed in favour o f their ow n clans an d kins.’ Likewise, th e unw arranted veneration of cAll and o th e r m em bers o f th e ’ P rophet’s household by the S h ia h s , as p artak ers o f divine nature, is looked upon by Ibn T aim iy ah as im pairing th e ir dignity rath e r th a n being compli­ m entary to them . “ T h e excessive veneration o f H usain’s progeny by th e S h ia h s ” , says Ibn Taimiyah.) “ exposes them to ; a b itte r tria l for/they adulate them in a way w hich brings them in to discredit. T h e contentions o f the Shi*8hs about th eir claims to succession o f th e P ro p h et a re also entirely unsupportable. In fact, h a d th e ir biographical accounts by Sunni w riters not been available, w h at the Shicahs relate about them w ould have been m ore o f a condem nation th an a com plitrient to th em .” 1 Al-HiJl! h ad profusely quoted T raditions and Q uranic passages to establish th e m erit an d excellence o f 1A lt and other Im m s o f th e S h ia h s o r to d e n ig ra te ife e first th ree Caliphs. Ib n T aim iy ah subjected each one o f these (quotations to a search­ ing scrutiny in o i d e r to show th at these b a d ' either been cited out o f context o r m isinterpreted in favour o r against someone according to th e w him s and prejudices o f th e au th o r o f Minhajul-Kramah. T o give one exam ple here, A l-H illl h ad cited the following Q p ra n ic verses : “ H e h a th loosed the two seas. T hey m eet. T h e re is a b a rrie r betw een them . T hey encroach not (one Upon the o th er). VVhich is it^ b f th e fsivours o f yOur L ord, th at y« deny ? T h e re com eth forth from both o f them the pearl 1 ! : a n d cbral-stone.” 3 I . Minhaj-us-Sunnah, Vol. IV , p. 287 *. Hid., Vol. II, p. 125 3 Q,. LV : 19-22

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13 5

Al-H illt then proceeded to expound th a t “ the two seas” alluded to ,1All a n d F atim ah , “ the b a rrie r” to the Prophet and “ the.pearl and coral-stone” to H asan and H usain. Ib n T aim iyah exam ined the exegesis o f A l-H illl in some d etail to show th at th e'interp retatio n given by him betrayed agnostic tendencies o f Q arm atians and Batinites who invested the Q u ran ic vocabulary with an enigm atic o r allegorical sense. Ibn T aim iyah then gave num erous reasons to disprove the contention o f Al-Hilll. H e show ed th a t th e abovem entioned verses w ere revealed at M ecca w hile H asan and H usain w ere born at M ad in a. A gain, these verses w ere elucidated fu rth er by another revelation which sa id : “ A nd H e it is W ho h a th given independence to the two seas (though they m e e t) ; one palatable, sweet, a n d other saltish, b itter.” 1 T hus, said Ib n T aim iyah, i f one w ere to identify cAlx an d F atim ah w ith th e “ two seas”, one w ould also have to accept one o f them as saltish an d bitter. Likewise, “ the b a rrie r” , i f taken to m ean the Prophet, would am ount to his disparagem ent, for the b a rrie r is always an obstacle or an agency th a t keeps tw o things a p a rt.2 iStijl jn o re significant is the section in w hich Ib n T aim iyah replied to the charges levelled by A l-H illl against the first three Caliphs. By applying th e sound m ethod o f criticism to the im putations o f A l-H illi a n d supplem enting it w ith accurate an d reliable historical d a ta , he showed how low a prejudiced m ind can stoop to m align one’s supposed enemies. Shicaite Beliefs

• r '-I:' Ib n T aim iyah also devoted a section o f Minhaj-us-Sunnah to the discussion o f the Shi'-aite tenets o f faith w hereby he dem on­ strated th e hollowness an d contradictions o f th eir beliefs. To give an illum inating illustration, he accuses the §hicShs of having com m itted alm ost the sam e m istake as the C hristians who h ad endued JesuS w ith divine attributes as the ‘Son o f G od’, 1. Q.. X X V : 53 2. Minhaj-us-Sutmah, Vol. IV , pp. 67-68’

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and then depicted him as ‘a meek and helpless preacher.’ “ The Shicahs subscribe to contradictory doctrines” , says Ibn T aim iyah. “ O n the one hand, they m agnify ‘ A ll’s prowess and courage to! such an extent th at he appears to be the chief defender o f the F aith , on whose help even the Prophet had to depend, and who was, in th at task, no less th an a partak er o f .Divinity. But, . afte r Islam becam e strong and pow erful, he grew SO' feeble and hum ble th a t he h ad to take recourse, like a helpless and shaky m an, to smoothing dow n and deying'his religious beliefs in order to save him self from persecution. T h en , there appears to be no other m a n 'm o re spineless and im portant th an cAlI, although th e fact is th a t his conversion to Islam had increased'his courage o f conviction. H ow could a m an supposed to be an ally o f God in establishing Islam and subduing the non-believers fail to bring his valour to his aid especially after em bracing Islam , to vanquish those who w ere denying justice to h im ? His adversaries w ere then fewer in num ber an d lesser in strength than the pagans "Whom he h ad earlier subjugated.” 1 Ib n T aim iy ah deprecated the lack o f interest on the p a rt of Shic ahs in the study o f the Q u r’an and the Sunnah, the perform ­ ance o f prayers arid oth er religious observances and the upkeep of mosques. H e traced the reason for this irreligious behaviour to the Shicaite b e lie fs'w h ic h carry the veneration for their ItnUws so fa r as to raise them to the position of a divine person. C oncerning the theory o f Imamat, particularly the reappearance o f the tw elfth Imam who is believed to have concealed him self in some secret place till th e day o f his m anifestation before the end o f the w orld, Ib n T aim iy ah explained the untenability as well as harrtifiil effects o f th at doctrine. H e dem onstrated through cogent reasoning and irrefutable evidences th at the Shicaite theologians genefally follow the M u£tazilites, although som e o f them have a'so been attached to the school of. Greek philosophers. Some of ihem , like the author o f Minhaj-ul-Kramah, h a d tried to com bine their know ledge o f Greek philosophy 1: M inhaj-us-Sunnah, Vol. IV, p. 56

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and logical syllogism o f the M u'tazilites w ith their Shilaite beliefs an d doctrines to provide a defence for their religion. How ever, for an erudite scholar of both th e religious and secular sciences, th at Ibn T aim iyah was, it was not difficult to refute the Shicaite argum ents, point by point, a n d to thoroughly expose th eir fallacies.

VIII Rejuvenation of Religious Thought in Islam Ib n T aim iy ah was b o rn at a tim e w hen the prevalent sciences, both religious and discursive, and particularly those like exegesis, T raditions, jurisprudence an d the corpus o f law h a d already been developed to an extent th a t the educated persons norm ally specialised in any one subject. Sufficient literatu re, enough to fill in a lib rary , h a d by then been accum u­ lated on each o f these sciences. T h ere w ere also several scholars o f outstanding intelligence an d ability, who w ere not only deem ed an au th o rity on th e ir subject, but w ere also known for th eir w ide know ledge an d strong retentive m em ory. T h a t this is no m ere speculation is proved by the w ritings o f the doctors like K a m a l u d -d in Ib n A zm ahkanl, T a q i ud-dln 1A ll ibn Subki, Sham s ud-dln az-Z ahabl an d A bul H ajjaj al-M izzi. T h ere w ere, a t th a t tim e, scholars who could have been called a living encyclopaedia for th e ir extensive know ledge. In sum m ing up th e intellectual attainm ents o f th e age, however, a m arked deficiency noted by every h istorian is th a t there was no m aster­ m ind who could not only ; com pare w ith his predecessors in extensive know ledge b u t could also m ake an estim ation o f their; views, analyse a n d determ ine th eir w orth and bring in his own v erdict in those m atters. I n other w ords, the extensiveness o f know ledge possessed by the then scholars was not m atched by th e depth an d originality o f thought o f the preceding ages. T h u s, the scholars o f the tim e, instead o f investigating afresh the

REJUV EN ATIO N O F RELIGIOUS THOUGHT IN ISLAM

m aterial already existing, w ere content to collect, edit and interpret them in a series o f com m entaries and classified glossaries. Ibn Taim iyah’s Intellectual Endeavour

A fresh intellectual elem ent was ushered by Ib n T aim iyah who, besides, digesting th e existing knowledge o f the tim e, presented it afresh with th e fullness an d critical guarantees behoving a creativ e thinker. • W ith his deep knowledge o f th e Q u r’an an d insight into th e purposes an d underlying objectives o f the Sharicah and the principles o f ju risprudence, Ibn T aim iyah could present w hatever subject he chose to scribe, w ith a m arked authority and comprehensiveness. T h ere is not a single compo­ sition by him whose range is not so w ide th a t it could not be described as an encyclopaedia o n th e subject—bringing into its compass all the existing knowledge o f th e tim e a n d opening new vistas o f vision. W e have already discussed in some detail two o f his works, nam ely, Al-Jaw&b-ul-Sahih an d M tniaj-us-Sm m k, but there a re still m ore outstanding m onographs on other subjects, such as, Kitib-un-Nabuwat, Ar-Raddo-^aLal Mantaqlyln and Iqiidka^-us-Sirat-il-Mustaqlm, to nam e only a few, w hich com bine comprehensiveness w ith critical thinking and provide food for thought to th eir readers. Exegesis of the Qur’ an

‘

T h e principal object o f Ib n T aim iy ah ’s literary endeavours was exegesis o f th e Q u r’ a n : an interest so predom inant' th a t its influence can easily be seen in his alm ost every work. W henever he quotes any verse from th e Q u r ’an in his w ritings, he does not proceed fu rth er Without giving its interpretation. A ccording to his disciples his com m entaries o f th e Q u r’an ru n into as m any as th irty volum es. U nfortunately, none o f these works survives today except in fragm ents consisting o f th e exegesis o f certain Q uraiiic chapters. H a d these volumes been available today they would have undoubtedly constituted one o f the most valuable collection on the subject displaying his rem arkable critical

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faculty an d acuteness o f th o u g h t. T h e com m entaries o f SSrat^uiIkhlas, Ma'-uwztain and An-Nur along w ith the exegetical excerpts taken from different works by Ib n T aim iy ah , published recently, exhibit his com prehensiveness, m ental g rit, reform ative zeal and th e developed sense o f in terp retin g the Scripture in accordance w ith th e cu rren t needs o f th e tim e. H e also w rote a m onograph on th e principles o f exegesis o f th e Q u r ’ an w hich is perhaps the first dissertation o f its k in d o n this subject. T h a t the surpassing interest o f Ib n T aim iy ah lay in th e science o f exegesis was acknow ledged by his contem poraries w ho on his d eath invited th e people to offer th e fu n eral p ra y e r o f the com m entator o f the Q u r’ an . Traditions

Ib n T aim iy ah has n o t left any book On T rad itio n s o r th eir interp retatio n . In fact, th e rem ark ab le advancem ent m ad e in this field by the seventh an d eig h th centuries after Hijrah, had hard ly left any scope for fu rth e r endeavour in th a t direction but his w ritings on th e principles o f T ra d itio n , bio-data o f the n a rra to rs, canons for th e reception an d rejection o f T rad itio n s, th e ir critical analysis a n d classification o f ju rid ic a l T raditions, scattered in his different w orks constitute his valuable co n trib u ­ tion to the subject. All th is m a te ria l, w hich is quite extensive, if collected in a single volum e, could serve to provide his au th o ­ ritativ e views on th e different issues o f this im portant science. Principles o f Jurisprudence

T h e task o f legal definition an d form ulation o f juristic opinion was an o th er en d eav o u r w hich absorbed Ib n T a im iy a h ’s in tellectual energies. H av in g a tta in e d m asterful proficiency in this field too, his w ritings o n th e subject contain discussions on in tricate legal issues. Ib n T a im iy a h ’s com positions on ju risp ru ­ dence com prise Iqtidfia^-us-Sirat-il-Musttqlm and a volum inous collection o f his ju ristic opinions along w ith some sm aller treatises like Al-QiyUs a n d Minhaj-il-W asul ila-cIlm-il-Usul. T h e w ork relatin g to th e com pilation o f legal precepts o f

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th e different juristic schools h ad alm ost been completed by the tim e o f Ib n T aim iyah. Still, he review ed several issued w ith the fullness o f a critical m ind w hich im parted a fresh dynam ism to the legal system. In expressing his legal opinions, Ib n T aim iy ah ’s constant endeavour was to provide guidance for the changing needs in the light o f the Sharil ah and to b rin g in a closer conform ity between the principles o f legal systems and th e :Q u r ’ an an d the Sunnah. T h e legal opinions as well as the principles governing them , enunciated by Ib n T a im iy a h have been preserved in four volumes U n d e r the title o f Fatawah Sheikh-ul-Islam lb* Ttdmyah.1 Dialectics

Ib n T aim iy ah ’s writings o n dialectics and credal issues constitute m ore than h a lf o f his entire composition. A few o f these a re nam ed a fte r different cities (from which the specific issues w ere referred to him ), such as Sharah Isbahanlyah, Wastiyah, Tadmuriyah, RisHlah-i-Hamwiyah, KtlUniyah, BaghdZdiyah and Atjhariyah. Each one!b f these furnishes evidence o f his p^tietratiitg intellect, logical thinking, com prehensive knowledge and religious fervour. Revival o f Religious Thought

Ib n T aim iy ah ’s literary endeavours, both extensive in scope an d deep in content, w hich com bined the dogm a w ith reason, served to clear aw ay th e cotfweb spun by im ita­ tive theologians during an age o f stagnation and immobility. T h e field o f his intellectual pursuits is so large th a t it can be coveted Only by a'' long and intensive study. H ere it would suffice to m ention th a t his insistence on adhering to the original teachings o f Islam firm ly established revelation as the sole

1. I t has since been published from Egypt in 1326 A , H . Recently, the collection of his Fatawa including his unpublished juristic opinions has , been brought out in 30 volumes in Saudi Arabia. These volumes really constitute an encyclopaedia on Islamic jurisprudence.

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criterio n o f any theological m ovem ent. H e brought out expli­ citly th e lim itation o f hu m an reason and the futility o f attaining know ledge o f G od th ro u g h ratio n al and philosophical methods in a way m ore appealing to the critical m inds, than the e a rlie r doctors* A longw ith these, his independent and c ritical attitude tow ards th e earlier authorities an d text-books, and the rejection o f the rigidity o f scholastic m ethod generated a process o f im provem ent by rejuvenating not only religious sciences but also by re-charging th e intellectual and m o ral life o f his tim e w |th renew ed vitality. L ike every fiery spirited reform er, having all the gifts o f intelloctual brilliance, wisdom and courage, he sounded a new note in literature and religious, thought which has ever since provided inspiration to the M uslim w orld. Ibn, T aim iyah stands out as indisputably the greatest thinker and, reform er in Islam whose influence extends to alm ost every reform ative m ovem ent started since the eighth century, an d particularly to those which gained im petus during the tw elfth century o f th e Islam ic era* H is intellectual heritage still continues to appeal and; stir the reform ative zeal o f the thoughtful elem ent ijrj Islam w ho w ant to re-state the truths cif Islam as a self-sufficing ideology based on a revelatory eschatology an d spiritual-m oral view o f life and the world as against the present-day m aterialistic thought-patterns and institutions. T hus, the greatest contribution o f Ib n T aim iyah to the Islam ic thought was to re-assert the supremacy o f the Scripture and the wary o f the prophet, and to dem onstrate how, m the changed circum stances, the whole o f the religious life and tho u g h t could be reconstructed on th a t basis. H e never com­ prom ised w ith any un-Islam ic thought o r practice which injured faith in th e Oneness o f G od an d the revelatory: basis o f creed an d d ogm a, be it the. popular belief o f the m isguided mystics and masses or the abuse o f intellectual subtlety o f philosophers an d dialecticians or else the dogm atism o f the theologians and ju rists. H e recognised only th e Q jlr’an and the Sunnah as the tWo v alid bases for the reconstruction o f religious thought w hich m eant, on the one h and, rooting out o f all the un-Islam ic

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beliefs and practices and, on the o th er, a positive m onotheistic interpretation o f all ideas and institutions. In setting up th e forgotten ideals and showing the way how these could guide the changing social, intellectual an d m o ral life o f the community, Ib n T aim iyah prepared the ground for a perm anent revivalist m ovem ent in Islam .

SULTAN.UL.MASHAIKH

KHWAJA NIZAM UD DIN AULI^A

‘! S«Itaa-«»l-Ma»hailih

KHWAJA NIZAM UD DIN AUL1YA

I

The Chihstiyah Order in India The sixth century of (he Islamic era (the twelfth century A. D.) was a ptriod of special significance when a new country, rich in natural and human resources, was being gradually added to the realm of Islam. The country was destined to become, in the near future, not only the centre of Islamic missionary endeavour but also of its creative, intellectual and social energies. In the beginning of the sixth centuiythe barbarous Tartar legions had swept over the lands of Islam a n d destroyed, as if by a torrent, great cities, centres of learning and education, m o s q u e s 'and monasteries as well as every semblance of civilized existence in the countries overrun % them. B u k h i r i , Samarkand, Ray, Ham id In , Zanj, Qazwin, Marv, NishftpOr, KhwXrism and then Baghdad, the metropolis of Islam, were reduced to ashes. The Mongol onslaught eclipsod not only the political ascendancy of Islam in all these lands lying in the West Asia but also paved the way for its social and intellectual disintegration. Only India, ruled by a strong, vigorous and zestful Tutkish clan, was then able to fend off the assault of the Mongols in this region. In the Islamic wot Id, only they possessed

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the prowess as well as religious zeal which m ade them a m atch o r perhaps superior to th e ir adversaries. T h e M ongok m a d e repeated assaults b u t were always repulsed. D uring the ; reign o f A la 3 ud-d ln K h ilji alone, they advanced five times against In d ia b u t w ere beaten b a c k : first in 6 % A. H . and then on th e occasion o f th e ir fo u rth and fifth attacks M alik Ghazi T u g h laq fought so bravely an d inflicted such crushing defeats on the Mongol^ th at, in the w ords o f a historian, “ dejected and d isheartened, they gave u p th e ir attem pts to conquer In d ia as a forlorn hope.” 1 W aves after waves o f refugees, m any o f whom were mfen o f culture and religion, w ended their way to the safety o f In d ia from Ira n , T urkistS n an d Ira q which soon m ade D elhi vie w ith G ardova an d B aghdad. Even some o f the sm aller towns an d sub-urbat* fjp tre s riv a lle d ^ R an k s’ to the conver­ gence o f num erous learn ed personages, such reputed centres o f learning as S h ira z an d Y em an. T h e historians o f the tim e like Z ia3 u d -d ln Barn) an d others haV elisted the nam es o f hundreds o f such persons belonging to ran k a n d nobility, learned doctors, m en o f letters a n d re n o w n e d m y stic s who had m igrated to In d ia ow ing to M ongol depredatiofts. Soon after th eir a rriv a l in In d ia they to@k u p p o st$ o f responsibility u n der the then adm inis­ tra tio n o r engaged them selves in teaching an d preaching. I t seems, as the annalists rep o rt, th a t In d ia had then inherited the entire intellectual p atrim o n y o f the Islam ic w o rld .2 T hese circum stances contributed n o t only to the develop­ m ent o f In d ia ’s creativ e genius but also pointed otit its future ro le , th a t it assumed n o t long after, as th e centre o f social arid cu ltu ral, religious a n d intellectual activities m the w orld o f Islam for m any centuries to come. The Builders o f Islam ic India

T h e discovery o f In d ia by th e sons o f Islam w as in no way 1.

Munltihtk-at-Tewerikh, p . 186 and Tarlkh Fltot ShShi, pp. 251, 302 and 323 2. T m '& k m n tS h tk l.p v . 111-113

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less m om entous th a n th e discovery o f A m erica by the West. M uslim adventurers h a d begun to push th e ir way to In d ia jn the first century o f Islam ic era. A fter M uham m ad ibn Q asim T h aq affl h a d captured the land lying betw een Sind and Muhajgi in 93 A. H ., num erous cloisters an d m onasteries o f M uslim saints an d sufis h ad sprung up like heavenly lights in the gloom o f surrounding polytheism and ignorance. But it was really MahmQd o f G azni (d. 421 A. H .) w ho carried th e M uslim arm s with unvarying success to In d ia an d S h a h a b u d -d ln M uham m ad GhorS (d. 602 A .H .) who firm ly planted th e standard of crescent in this country. Likewise, th e H eaven h ad pre­ ordained the spiritual conquest o f In d ia to th e lot o f the great mystic saint, Sheikh-ul-Islam Mo* In u d -d ln C hishti (d. 627 A. H .). Long before th e M uslim conquest o f In d ia, all the four mystic orders in Islam viz. Qadiriyah, Chishtiyah, Maqshbandiyah an d Suharwardiyak h ad alread y com e into existence. Each o f these has its share in th e regeneration o f Islam in In d ia but G od’s w ill had selected the Chishtiyah o rd e r for providing spiritual nourishm ent to the nascent sapling o f th e faith ia this country—‘T h y L ord bringeth to pass w hat H e w illeth an d chooseth’.1 Ways o f G od a re inscrutable, indeed, but it appears th a t th e Chishtiyah o rd e r, engaged -in enkindling th e flam e o f th e divine love in th e h earts ©f th e people in the adjoining la n d ©f Ira n , was bound by a neighbourly obligation t© In d ia . I t w as but easier as well as incum bent on it to w in o v e r th e in h a b ita o ts o f In d ia w ho faa#e ever been w illing to acknow ledge th e m essage o f love and devotion to the L ord. F o r w hatever reasons the Providence had selected the Chishtiyah o rd e r fo r dissem inating the religion o f Peace in In d ia, one o f th e C hishti Sheikhs, K hw aja A bu M uh am m ad C hishti,2 tu rn e d the direction o f his 1. Q,. X X V III: 68 - ' : ‘ .iA' f..2. KhwSja AbQ Muhammad Chishti (d. 409 or 411 A. H .) was the son and spiritual successor of K hw ija A baA bm ad Chishti who was a disciple of KhwSja Aba Is’hSq ShSmi. He was succeeded by KhwSja N ailr ud-dln f Continued on next page

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efforts tow ards In d ia. I t is related th at the cam paigns o f M ahm dd o f G hazni owed th eir success to his blessings. M a u la n a J a m i w rites in Nufhat-ul-Uns : “ W hen MahmQd had alread y left for Som nath,1 K hw aja Abu M uham m ad received the divine summons to jo in the expedition. Although he was then 70 years o f age, he joined th e cam paign with a retinue o f his followers.2 Khwaja Mo£In ud-din Chishtf

K hw aja Mot ln ud-d in belonged to Sajastan* in Iran . Some o f the older historians including Q Szl M inhaj ud -d in ‘U th m a n Jauzjanl, a contem porary o f K h w aja M ocln ud-dln Chishtl and au th o r o f the Tabqat-i-Ns'srl, asserts th at the K hw Sja accom­ panied Sultan ShahSb u d -d ln o f G hor, better known to history as M uham m ad G hori, w hen he gave battle to P rith v iraj and defeated him finally a t T a ra in . T he annalists o f the period relate th a t invocation o f divine blessings by the K hw aja was responsible for the spectacular success achieved by M uham m ad G h o ri against his foe.* T h e writings o f the later historians, however, show th at K hw aja M o 'ln u d -d ln h a d arriv ed in In d ia and taken up his AbQ YQsuf after whom the mantle of succession passed on in. this wise to one after an o th e r: KhwSja 'Q utb ud-dln lylaudQd, H Sji Sharif Zandnl, KhwSja UJtbmSn HSrwani and KhwSja Mo(in ud-din Chishti. 1. Sultan Mahniad attacked Somnath in the year 416 A. H . while KhwSja Aba Muhammad Chishli died in 409 or 411 A. H . If the story told by , M au lin a JSm i is correct, the incident should relate to an earlier expedit tion of MahmQd and not to the attack on Somnath. 2. Jtujhat-vl-lnt, p. 207 . 3. The KhwSja is commonly known as Sanjari, which is a corruption of Sajazi denoting an inhabitant of Sajastan which, according to the old geographers, formed p art of the then KhurSsSn, is now divided between Iran and Afghanistan. Its capital was situated a t Zaranj, near ZShidSn where its ruins can still be seen. Its limits once extended up to Ghazni; 4. 7aiq3t-\-MStri I, p. 120, Tirikk Ftrishta, II, p. 57 and Muntakhab-utI a w & fik h y f*. 50

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residence a t A jm er in the in itial period o f M uham m ad G h o rfs In d ia n expeditions extending from 571 A. H . to 602 A. H . A jm er was then the capital o f th e Im perial C h auhan (C hahw ana) K ings o f north ern In d ia as well as a celebrated place o f pilgrimage.* Prithvlraj Chauhan

P rith v lraj (571*588 A. H .) was th e son o f Som eshw ara, the only surviving son o f A noraj an d th e b ro th er o f V igrahrSj, also know n as Bisgldeo. Anorsij is considered to be the founder o f C h au h an K ingdom o f Ajm er. Som eshw ara is said to have w ield­ ed a n equal auth o rity over both th e C hauhS n court o f A jm er a n d th e T om ar' court o f D elhi. H aving been m a rrie d to the dau g h ter o f th e last T o m ar ru le r o f D elhi, A handpal, his son P rith v lra j claim ed lineage a n d relationship w ith the T o m ar b ran ch o f the RajpOts. Since A n an d p al was issueless, h e had adopted P rith v lraj as his son an d successor. T hus he succeeded, in d u e course, to th e tw o pow erful RajpUt kingdoms o f D elhi and A jm er. Brave an d courageous, he had shown his valour in num erous cam paigns against the surrounding RajpGt kingdom s. H is fam ous abduction o f J a i C h an d ’s d au g h ter from K annauj during th e course o f Soimbar, m ade him th e hero o f P rith v lra j R a is a , a g re a t epic by th e g raphic p en o f C hand Bard ffi w hich is still popular in th e north ern In d ia . H ow ever, it seems history has not forgiven him for his final defeat against M uham m ad G h o rl an d condem ned h im as a n inglorious sovereign despite his valour an d adventurous cam paigns. In th e late 586 A. H . o r 587 A. H ., M uham m ad G horl was defeated by P rith lrS j a t T a ra in 2 (how know n a s T ilondi), 14 miles ;from ThH nesar. In late 588 A. H ., M uham m ad G horl set o u t w ith a n arm y o f one lakh tw en ty thousand select horsem en to avenge 1. Seven miles from Ajmer lies Pushkar, a like of great sanctity, \yhich i* equalled only by th at of Mansarowar. I t is believed th a | here Brahma performed the Tajna and Saraswatl reappeared in five streams. (District Gazetteer of Ajmer, 1966, p. 736). 7 , 2. The name of the place has been given as Tarfiori hy certainhistorians.

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the d efeat. P rith v lra j advanced w ith three lakh horses and; three thousand elephants to m eet the enemy. T h e immense: a rra y o f horses an d foot was m arshalled u n der the foremost princes o f H industan. A g reat fight ensued, the RajpGts fought bravely but, a t last, P rith v lra j was slain w ith the best and bravest o f RajpQts. T his also signalled the end o f independent R a jp u t K ingdom s in In d ia .1 A few years before th e b attle o f T a ra in ended the sovereignty o f the C hauhans in 588 A. H ., as some chroniclers claim , an incident h ad sealed th e fate o f proud an d indepen­ d ent A jm er. P rith v lrg j is said to have treated unjustly a M uslim (perhaps one o f his courtiers), W hen th e K hw aja interceded on b e h a lf o f the ag g riev ed m an, P rithvlraj contemptuously replied : “ Since the tim e this m an h as come here, he is indulg­ in g in tall talk never expereinced o r h eard before by anybody.” T h e K h w a ja , on h earing th e r e p ly o f P rith v lra j, calm ly sa id : "W e have handed o v er P ith o raraj, alive and in chains, to M u h am m ad G h o rl.” I t was not long a fte r th is incident th a t th e p ro u d C h au h an was attacked an d defeated by M uham m ad G h o tl.2 The Saint and Preacher

W hatever m ay h av e been the sequence o f events n a rrate d by th e historians, th ere is h ard ly any doubt th a t K hw S ja Mot In u d -d ln had selected A jm er as the centre fo r propagating Islam and rad iatin g the message o f love a n d spirituality, sometimes in betw een th e cam paigns o f M uh am m ad G horl but before the latter h ad established his stronghold in th at political a n d religious centre o f m edieval In d ia. T h e KhwXja’s decision bespeaks o f his courage, determ ination an d unflinching tru st in G od w hich are the hall-m arks o f g reat conquerors and founders o f religions. His determ ined efforts coupled w ith his sincerity, reliance on G od an d ennobling sacrifice for his cause turned the country, steeped in th e darkness o f idolatry for thousands o f 1. Tarikk-i-Hasri, I, p. 468 ; Tarikh-i-Firishla, I, p. 176 2. Siar-td-daliJp, 147 and Maathar-il-KirSm.

'

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years, into a land o f religious scholars an d saints and m ade it a repository o f religious knowledge an d spiritual attainm ents. I t was because o f him th a t every p a rt o f this g rea t country began to-resound soon w ith 'th e calls o f Ailah-o-Akbar and was filled with the love-songs o f th e Q u r’a n and Hadith to th e envy o f th e entire w orld o f Islam . V erily, the w orld was moved by an illum inated Soul. T h e a u th o r o f Siar-at-Aulia* has correctly sum m ed up th e contribution o f K hw S ja M oin u d -d ln in these w o rd s : “ H industan, to the end o f rts farthest southern lim its, was a land o f pagans a n d polytheists. W hosoever held power m ade the claim : ‘I am the L ord, M ost H ig h / T he inhabitants o f the land m ad e alm ost every object an d being a p artaker o f divinity. Stocks an d stones, trees an d beasts, cow and cowdung w ere the things before w hich they prostrated. ‘ D arkened by th e gloom o f infidelity th e ir hearts h ad been securely sealed. All w ere strangers to th e faith in G od and His ordinances, the L o rd o f th e w orlds an d H is a p o stles; neither anybody knew th e tru e direction o f G od’s religion n o r h ad anyone h eard the call th a t ‘G od is G r e a t/ T h e m om ent K hw aja M o 'In ud-dln set his foot on this tandj th e dreariness d f paganism gave w ay to th e brightness o f Islam . T hanks to his efforts and blessings, the relics o f fetishism Were replaced by th e pulpit, the niche an d the a rch , an d th e lands ringing w ith the sound o f idolatrous cuhs w ere filled w ith th e cries o f Alfch-o-Akbar. W hosoever would be blessed w ith tru e faith in G od in this country an d whosoever shall partake this w ealth till th e D ay o f Reckoning and th e ir progeny as well as all those who will extend the bounds o f tru e faith in this land shall go on increasing th e m erits a n d rew ard? o f Sheikh-ul-Islam M ocin u d-dln H asan S ajazi.” 1 A nother chronicler, G hulftm cA h AzSd w rites in M a ith a ril-K ir& m : “ T h ere is not the least dou b t th a t the spiritual mentors o f Chishtiyah o rd e r have a rig h tfu l claim on In d ia.” * T h e 1. Siar-ul-Aulia'', p. 47 2. Maathar-U-Kirim, p. 17

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o f is l a m i c s p i r i t

author o f Siar-ul-Aqtab. sa y s: “ T h e blessed footsteps, o f M ocIn ud-dln dispelled the gloom o f infidelity in the land and led to propagation o f Islam .” 1 D uring th e life tim e o f K hw Sja MocJn ud-dln Chishti the political capital o f the land was transferred frdta A jm er to D elhi. A jm er, consequently, lost m uch o f its prom inence but th e K hw Sja rem ained at A jm er and sent his disciple and spiri­ tual successor, K hw aja Q u tb ud-dln Bakhtiyar K s k t, to deputise for him at the capi tal. H e gave him self up,- d u ring the rem ainder o f ‘his life, to p ray er and m editation, teaching his disciples to govern th eir conduct according to the principles o f the Shefriah an d preaching th e message o f Islam to others; None o f the num erous m em oirs an d biographies m ention the details o f his m issionary activities except th at his efforts were crow ned w ith success an d a vast m ultitude entered the fold o f Islam on acconnt o f him . In the words o f Abul F adhal “ he took u p his residence a t A jm er w here he spread th e light o f faith an d , because o f his sublime life an d preachings, legions after legions o f people em braced Islam.* Such was, then, the mission o f the K hw Sja to which he devoted him self for fifty years till his death at th e ag e o f ninety years in 627 A. H .3 K hw Sja Q jitb ud-dln Bakhtiyar K a k r had by then established him self firmly a t D elhi w here h e was engaged, like his m entor, in revivifying and illum inating the hearts o f a vast m ultitude o f people. T he then Sultan o f D elhi, Sham s ud-dln Iltutm ish, was also a devotee o f th e K hw Sja whose m oderating influence led th e Sultan to dispense justice w ith an even hand an d strengthen the roots o f Islam in India. K hw aja Bakhtiyar K akI

Born in the tow n o f Aush,* K hw aja B akhtiyar K a k l becam e Li Siar-ul-Aqtab, p.101 2. iin-i~Akbati, Vol. II, p. 270 . ,, 3. The year in which the KhwSja died is disputed by his biographers who have mentioned 627, 632 and 633 A. H. The authors o f Siar-ut-Aqtii and Kazinalul Atfia are agreed ihat the KhwSja died in 633 A. H.. 4. A town near Forghana in the Trans-oxiana region.'

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an orp h an a t the tender age o f. one a n d 'a h a lf years. His m other took, special care for his education an d got him adm itted in a prim ary school a t th e age o f five, w here he received educa­ tion from M aulanS Abu H afs Aushl. A fter completing his education a t Aush Qjatb ud-dln took the road to Baghdad w here his fate brought him in contact , w ith th at pure-hearted soul who helped him to a tta in th e h ig h e s t form o f spiritual existence and th en rad iate those lum inous qualities in H industan. H e was endow ed the robe o f spiritual-succession o f (the Chishtiyah order" by K hw aja M ocIn ud-dln in th e sacred m osque o f F aq lh cA bul L a ith S am arkandl, in the, presence o f a larg e num ber o f religious doctors an d celebrated saints. H e directed his course to In d ia at the bid d in g o f his m entor an d stayed over a t D elhi, capital o f the nascent Islam ic S tate in th a t country. T h e royal court a t D elhi was, a t th e tim e, filled with, poets, artists an d scholars from m any lands attracted by the S ultan’s generosity, an d h ad also m en o f a rts and learning d raw n from th e realm s over-run by Ghenghiz K h an and his successors. T his new m etropolis of In d ia h ad thus rapidly gathered the cream o f talent from th e entire w orld o f Islam . K hw aja Q p tb u d-din was held in veneration by Sultan Iltutm ish but he persistently refused to have anything to, do with the royal court a n d rejected all offers o f a fief o r a g ran t from the K ing. First in K ilokhri, an d then n e a r the m osque o f M alik cIzz ud-din, he continued to live like a m endicant although S ultan Iltutm ish continued to pay occasional visits to him .1 H e becam e so popular am ong th e masses th a t once when K hw aja M orln ud-din cam e to D elhi to see his disciple, the then Sheikh-ul-Islam N ajm ud-dln SuglirS m ad e a com plaint to the K hw 5ja. ; T hereupon th e K hw aja said to his disciple, “ B a b a Bakhtiyar, so soon have you gained em inence th a t th e servants o f G od have begun com plaining against you ? Leave this place and come to Ajmer, there I will be at your service.” * T h e I, Tarikh Firishta, Vol. II, p. 720 2- Siar-ul-Aulia3, p. 54

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Sheikh had said w hat could be expected o f a m an w ho h a d attained th e sum m it o f spiritual perfection. H e d id not like his disciple to be th e cause o f anxious concern to anyone, an d not th e least to th e Sheikh-ul-lslam o f th e Islam ic State. H e had also hinted th a t i f th e people a t D elhi w ere n o t aw are t»f the Stature a n d spirituality o f K h w a ja BakhtiySr K sk l, he knew it very well an d could acco rd h im the highest m arks o f respect. K hw Sja Q u tb ud*dfn gave th e reply expected o f him , “ M y L ord, w h at o f sitting in your presence, I h ard ly deserve to stand before y&u.’n T h e m entor asked th e disciple to accom pany h im to Ajmer, and th e disciple nodded his assent w ithout a d em u r. But no sooner had th e tw o com e o u t o f th e city, it daw ned upon the Sheikh th a t th e popularity o f his disciple was by the will o f G od. “ K hw Sja Q u tb ' U d-dln started on his journey to A jm er in the com pany o f his Sheikh’V records a n annalist, “ b a t the news o f his d ep artu re raised a clam our in th e city. T h e whole o f its population along w ith S ultan Iltutm ish cam e out t»f the capital to follow his steps w ailing a n d lam enting over his d ep a rtu re.” * K hw Sja MocIn ud-d ln d id not consider it p ru d en t to plunge in to sorrow such a vast m u ltitude for the sake o f one m an . H e allow ed K hw Sja Q jjtb u d -d ln to re tu rn to D elhi and rem arked: BSbS BakhtiySr, you b e tte r rem ain here. T h a t such a large n um b er o f people a re sorrow -stricken a t your d ep arture, T do not consider it proper to ren d th e ir hearts. Go back, I leave this city in y o u r charge.” * S ultan Iltutm ish thanked the Sheikh for allow ing K h w ija Q u tb u d -d ln to rem ain a t D elhi. Back in D elhi K hw S ja Q u tb ud*dln again took up his austere living and the task o f diffusing the spirit o f hum anity

1. Siar vl-Aviu* p. 54 ?. Hid., p. 54 3. IHd., p. 55. What the KhwSja m eant was th at he should carry on the mission entrusted to h im and continue to invite people o f the Capital to the p ath o f righteousness.

T H E G H B H TIY A H O RD ER W INDIA

m

am ong his followers and devotees. H e never had anything to do with the royal court. As a& earnest seeker o f truth he had renounced all w ordly w ealth an d earthly d e sire s; but the people still flocked to him as i f ‘‘the whole w orld, all the notables o f ran k an d authority deem ed it an honour to pay .respect to h im .” 1 Sultan Sham s-ud-dln Iltutm ish used to c a llu p o n him tw k e a week.* D elhi was then not only th e capital o f the Sultanate, but was also th e em erging stronghold o f Islam , in a countiy recently b rought u n d er its realm , w here m any a .sagacious m ind o f th e then Islam ic w orld h a d g athered. I t was no easy task to provide spiritual guidance to aD an d also to exert a m oderating influence over a n otherw ise autocratic form o f governm ent. A lthough K hw S ja B akhtiyar K a k l d i d n o t live long enough to com plete th e difficut task entrusted to his c a r e ; for he rem ained aliv e only fo u r o r five years after th e d eath o f h is spiritual guide, h e discharged his responsibilityw ith supreme success and also established th e Chishtiyah o rd er in In d ia on a firm footing for all tim es to come. H e was about fifty years o f age when the all-consuming flam e o f th e love o f G od, w hich he h ad kept subdued in his fra il bodily fram e for th e edification o f surrounding hum anity, burst fo rth in ecstatic trances an d transports. H e was often seen in th e state o f to tal absorption and elevation produced by D ivine illum ination o f his h e a rt, titt the day cam e when he h eard in th e cham ber o f Sheikh l A ll Sikizzi3 a singer recking the following couplet. U ng ru d g in g w ho a re in resignation a n d subm ission; A new life they get, ever and anon. H e fell into ecstatic tra n c e ; retu rn ed to his place after som e tim e, b u t rem ained a ttracted to th« sam e condition. H e desired th e sam e couplet to be repeated ag ain an d again until 1. Akhi£r-Ml-Jikj>4r, p. 46 TM kh-i-Frntba, VoL HU*. 71?

2.

3. Abe known *» Sheikh Ali Sftjurf, according to ioue bistariaa*.

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four days passed in the sam e condition. In between, when the tim e for p rayer arriv ed , he would perforin the observance, but would ag ain relapse into th e same state o f ecstasy and rapturous trance as soon as th e couplet was recited before him . O n the fifth nighty in the same condition, he preferred the deeper privacy o f the grave.' T his incident is reported to have hap­ pened in th e year 633 A .H .2 • W hile returning from 1 Idgnh to his residence, a few days before his death, th e K hw Sja happened to pass through an open ground; H e rem ained standing a t the place for quite some tim e until a com panion accom panying him politely rem inded : “ I t is '■Id today an d a large num ber o f people w ould be aw aiting your re tu rn .” H e replied : “ I find th e odour o f hearts em itting here.” L a te r he called for th e ow ner o f the land and purchased the field for his b u rial place. T his is the place where h isgrave exists today.3 K h w ija Q utub ud-dln h ad conferred the habit o f succession to nine o r ten o f bis disciples, but his chief successor who devot­ ed him self w hole-heartedly to th e com pletion o f th e task under­ taken by him was K hw aja F a rid ud-dln G anjshakar. Khwaja Farld-ud-din Ganjshakar

K hw Sja M o'in ud-dln Chishti was indisputably the founder o f Chishtiyah o r d e r in In d ia , but it was prom oted by K h w aja F a rid ud-dsn whose two disciples; K h w ija N iz im ud-dln D ehlavi and Sheikh ‘■Ala5 ud-d5n ‘ All S abir o f K alyar spread it fa r an d wide in the Country. T h e first nam e o f the K hw aja was M as‘ud, the surnam e F a rid ud-dln, but he is com m only known by the appellation o f G anjshakar.4 1. Siar-ul-AuliS>, on the authority KhwSja Ni*Sm ud-din AuliS*. 2. Certain mem oirsgive the year as 634 A. H . 3. Siar-ul-A ulia(p. 55), on the authority of KhwSja NizSm ud-d, p. 160

U F E SKETCH OF

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191

there w ere several persons who described the Khw'Sja’s bounti­ ful generosity an d popularity in a m anner calculated to arouse jealously in the K in g ’s heart but he never gave ears to them . T h e S u lta n ’s reg ard for the K hw Sja gradually developed into a respectful submission but he could never m eet the K hw Sja. 1Q ptb ud-din’s Animosity

A fter ‘A la 5 u d -d ln had b reath ed his last, his second son Q u tb u d -d ln M u b arak S h ah ascended the thrbne depriving the rig h tfu l claim ant and heir-apparent K h izr K hSn. Since K hizr K h S n h a d been devoted to the K h w aja, Q u tb ud-dln M ubarak S h sh nursed a feeling o f resentm ent against the K hw aja too w hich developed into hostility w ith the passage o f tim e. Q u tb u d -d in built a new Ja m ci M osque which he nam ed “ M asjid M trl” , a n d 'o rd e re d all the theologians and divines o f D elhi to perform th e F rid ay prayers therein. K hw aja N izam ud-dln, how ever, refused to comply with the royal com m and, replying th a t hfe ’h ad a m osque n ear his house w hich had a greater claim upon him . T his fu rth er enraged th e K ing. T he relations betw een the tw o w ere so strained th a t when the K hw Sja once saluted the K ing, o n com ing across him in the shrine o f Sheikh Z iS 5 ud-d ln RQml, th e latter refrained even from exchanging the greetings. A nother incident, how ever, provided the K ing with an opportunity to declare his foolish intentions w hich he m ight have concealed for long in his bosom. A ccording to the custom followed in those days, all the grandees, officers and res­ pectable citizens w ere required, on the first day o f every lunar m onth, to present, themselves before the m onarch for salutation an d presentation.O f gifts to him . : T h e K hw Sja, however; never w ent on these occasions but used to send his servant, Iqbal, as his deputy. Feeling slighted by* th e proxy, the K ing ordered th a t none am ongst his chiefs and officers should henceforth visit G hiyathpO r to pay respect to the K h w aja. A m ir K husrtt relates th a t th e king even said : “ W hoever would bring the head o f th e Sheikh, he shall be rew ard ed one thousand Tankas."1 1. The tilver coin of the time.

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T h e K ing publicly announced his intention : “ I f he does not tu rn up next tim e I w ould k n o w how he comes.” T h e K in g ’s intention perhaps was to have K hw aja N izam ud-dln brought to the court as a prisoner or he m ight have even decided, to get rid o f him once for all. T h e K h w aja was told of the K ing’s resolve. But indifferent to the peril threatening him , the K h w aja rem ained quiet. O ne a fte r one the days "were running out. “ T h e m onth began to d raw to a close” , says M a n a z ir Ahsan G lla n i ,1 “ and with it every w ell-wisher o f the K hw aja began to w orry him self sick. A t last, the new moon was alsq sighted. Now everyone entitled to adm ittance before the K ing shall pre­ sent him self before the m orach on the com ing day. But the K hw aja is still ad am an t an d has decided not to visit the K ing, w ho, o n his p a rt, is also firm on his declared resolve : ‘I would know how he com es.’ O nly the n ight is to pass for the day, d re a d e d by the citizens o f D elhi, when the two Sultans, one o f th e tem poral w orld and th e other of the spiritual realm shall clash th e ir arm s. T h e fateful night had still not folded up when th e K in g ’s doom was sealed. K h u sru K h a n 3 seized the K ing by th e h a ir, th e tw o grappled each other but KhusrQ K h an succeeded in thrusting a dagger in the abdom en o f the K ing who cam e crashing dow n to the ground. K husru K han severed his head* from th e body and flung it dow n into the courtyard o f

1. Nizom-i-T'alim, Vol. II, p. 230 2. KhusrQ K han, in whom the Sovereign placed implicit confidence, was a low caste convert to Islam. His acceptance o f Islam was merely the cloak under which he concealed his deadly hatred o f the faith and lib determination to conspire against the King in order to gain the throne for himself. 3. The author of Siar-ul-Aulii5 does not give the datfj. when the king was beheaded. Firishta fixes the incident on the fifth of Rab*>-ul-Awwal, 721 A. H. (Vol. I, p. 227) but a t another place he gives the date as 29th ShawwSl (Vol. II, pp. 740-41). But greater reliance can be placed on Amir K husru's Tughlaq A'ctrch which was composed during the reign Of SultSn GhiySth ud-dln Tughlaq. I t states th a t the- incident happened in Jam lda-nl-U khrfi, in the night the new moon was sig h ed (p. 19).

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th e Im p e ria l Palace o f T housand P illars . ” 1 The M ysterious Repast

. D uring th e period w hen S u ltan Q u tu b u d -d ln h ad forbidden his courtiers to pay a visit to th e K h w aja, spies h a d also been deputed by h im to b rin g .intelligence how th e K h w aja m anaged his im p e ria l k itch en a fte r th e cessation o f a ll gifts a n d presents by th e roy al entourage. Sheikh N a slr u d - d ln , ChitZgh D thli re­ lates th a t “ w hen the Sheikh was apprised o f th e K in g ’s o rd e r, he directed his atten d an ts to increase th e Quantity o f victuals cooked in his kitchen. A fter a few days th e K in g enq u ired about the m a tte r a n d was to ld th a t the quan tity o f food-stuff h ad since been doubled by th e K h w a ja .” Surprised to h e a r the reply, he rem arked ; “ I w^s m istaken. H e seems to get his sustenance from unknow n sources . ” 2

G hiyath ud*din T u gh laq D u rin g th e br>ef p eriod o f his despotic ru le, K h u u Q K h a n let no opportunity go by p f insulting a n d ridiculing the faith w hich be h ated a t h e a rt. In 721 A .H . G hiy 3 th u d -dln T u g h laq (M alik G hSzI) m arch ed upon th e capital an d established the T u g h laq dynasty a fte r putting th e u su rp er to sword- G hiyath ud-dln was not a scholar but h e showe’d due deference to the Shari1ah an d th e doctors o f teligion. T h e K h w a ja used to have sittings o f m usical recitations w hich h a d then becom e popular in t^ e capital. A c e rta in person n am ed H osam u d -d ln F a rja m , who, h a d been w ith th e K h w aja for quite some tim e b u t h a d rem ained unenlightened despite the pray ers an d penance u n d er­

1.

Qajr-i-HazBr Situn, as it was naifted because of the large num ber o f pillars utilized in its construction, was built by CAH* ud-din in 1303 A. D ., oil the place he encamped outside Delhi to give battle to the Mongol invader Targhi. The Qasr m ust have been as grand and beautiful as other buildings o f *AU’ ud-din, but unfortunately its complete destruc­ tion later on renders it difficult to locate its site with any am ount o f certainty. 1 . Khair-ul'Majdlis, p. 310-11

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taken by h im , was a tru sted councillor o f the K ing. Qaz! J a lS l u d -d ln , th e D eputy C h ief o f State was also hostile to the m ystics. The Q a z l a n d few other theologians prevailed upon H osSm u d -d ln F a ijS m to bring it to th e notice o f th e K in g th a t th e K h w a ja ’s p articip atio n in these m usical rhapsody's, deem ed un law fu l b y I m a m A bu H a n lfa , p ro v ided an excuse to others to indulge in an d prom ote a p ractice p rohibited by th e Shari1ah. T h e K in g being unaw are o f th e legal position lto this re g ard , was am azed to h e a r 1th a t a scholar and divine revered by all co u ld be accused o f an y th in g im perm issible by the SharPah. A n u m b er o f ju ristic opinions d eclarin g m usical recitations unlaw ­ ful w ere produced before th e K in g w ho agreed to convene a council to exam ine th e co rrect legal position in this reg ard . T h e m eeting was convened an d th e K h w a ja invited to it, w hich has been thus described by M ir K h u r d : “ T h e K h w aja was sum m oned to th e Im p erial Palace. H e w$s accom panied by Q a z l M u h l u d -d ln K a sh a n l an d F a k h r u d -d ln Z a rrS d l, both Of w hom w e re eru d ite scholars. Q a z l JalS l ud-dTh opened the proceedings w ith a serm on calling upon the K hw Sja to desist from th e p ractice. T h e w ay he addressed the K hw Sja w as not only unbefitting but he even proceeded to th re a te n h im w ith punishm ent if he still persisted in looking upon it as al law fiil p ractice. In d ig n a n t a t the a rro g a n t rem arks o f Q a z l J a la l u d -d ln , th e K h w aja rem arked : ‘You shall be dism issed from th e office w hich m akes you b ra g your tongue.’ A nd tw elve days th e re a fter th e Q a z l Was dism issed a h d m ade to leave D elh i. In fine, a ll th e scholars, ju rists a n d theologians, an d th e K ing too, anxiously aw aited th e K h w S ja to expound th e correct ju ristic position in re g a rd to th e m a tte r u n d er discussion. H osam ud-dJn F arj 5 m levelled th e charge th a t people w hirled a n d d a n c e d an d m a d e loud excited utterances in th e m usical sittings held by th e K h w a ja * ‘Dont m ake noise. Instead of continuing y our allegations first define m usical recitatio n ,’ d em an d ed th e K h w S ja fro m H osS m u d -d ln . F a rja m a d m itted th a t h e d id not know w hat constituted a m usical recitation but a d d e d that the ju rists held it unlaw ful. ‘T h e n ’, replied th<

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195

K h w aja, ‘I need not answ er the charges levelled by a m an who does not know w hat th e issue is.’ H o sam u d -d in F a rja m was thus .put to sham e. T h e K ing gave e a r to th e speech o f the K hw aja an d forb ad e others to speak loudly o r in terru p t him . A m ong tjie scholars present in the m eeting H a m id u d -dln and S h ah ab u d -d in m ostly kept quiet. T h e fo rm er, how ever, deposed th a t th e description o f ^he K h w a ja ’s sittings o f m usical recitations, as given by F a rja m a n d others w ere incorrect as he had him self atten d ed .these sittings as well as those held by other saints,and fria rs......... ......I n the m ean tim e ‘ A lam ud-dln, the grandson o f Sheikh-ul-Islam Bah a 5 u d -d ln Z ak ariya M u lta n f arriv ed . T h e K in g .asked him w h eth er m usical sittings w ere perm issible o r prohibited. H e replied th a t he h a d discussed the m a tte r a t length jn his m onograph o n th e subject. I t was law ­ ful for those who listened to these recitations to w arm the cockles o f th eir h e a rt for sp iritual elevation b u t unlaw ful for those who w anted to g ratify th e ir senses. I n reply to a fu rth e r ques* tion asked by th e K in g he said th a t in B aghdad, R u m 1 and Syria th e mystics atten d ed these recitations b u t nobody ever raised any objection. H e a d d e d th a t th e practice was followed by tbe mystics even d u rin g the tim es o f J u n a id and Shibll. J a la l u d -d ln im plored th e K in g to forbid m usical recitations by a royal decree in o rd e r to uphold the ju ristic view held by the theologians o f H anaB te school. T h ereu p o n th e K h w aja asked the K in g not to issue any edict on th e subject. T h e K ing accepted th e K h w a ja ’s recom m endation an d did not issue any o rd e r .2 ♦ Q a z i Z ia J u d -d ln Barn! writes in Hasrat Jsaman th a t when the K h w a ja retu rn ed from th e m eeting he called for M uhi ud -dln K S sh an i and A m ir K hu sru . Me told them th at the theolo­ gians an d ju rists of D elhi w ere filled w ith bitterness and envy ; they gave vent to th e ir in d ig n atio n w hen they found an opportu­ nity b u t it was surprising th a t they gave preference to the 1. Modern Turkey 2. Siar-ul-AuliV (Summarised), pp. 527-32

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ju ristic opinions o f th e , Im am ? over the T rad itio n s o f th e P ro p h et. T h e K h w aja w as grieved to find the theologians rejecting a T ra d itio n m erely, because Im a m ShafecJ h ad T e l j e d upon it w hile th e ir ow n Iih am s h a d disagreed From him . A t last th e K h w aja observed ; h a d n ever seen a scholar who refused to give heed to a n au th en tic T ra d itio n o f the Prophet. I d o not know w hat is going to h appen Ito th e city ? N o city can flourish w here a behaviour so outrageous can be to lerated . No w o n d er i f this city goes to rack an d ru in ! W here the K in g and th e nobles a n d th e com m on folk h e a r the Q ,azls and the l ulama assert:ng th a t they d o n o t follow th e Prophet’s: T rad itio n s, how w ould they continue t o h av e faith in th e m ? 1 fe a r th a t the d isb elief o f th e religious scholars o f this city m ig h t invite the curse o f H eaven in th e shape o f calam ity an d disaster, fam ine a n d p estilence .” 1

D e tr a c tio n o f D ellfi T h e fe a r expressed by K h w a ja N izam u d -d ln was not u n fo u n d ed . Exactly six years a fte r his foreboding, M u h am m ad T u g h la q , the son arid successor o f G hiyath u d -d ln T u g h lak , suddenly issued a d ecree for vacating D elhi an d m ig ratin g to D ev ag iri, ren am ed by h im a s D au la tab a d . H e enforced his o rd e r w ith such a haste a n d u n reaso n in g obstinacy th a t th e cap ital becam e desolate. In a city w here form erly it was difficult to p ro c u re a house, no living being except wild beasts , w ere seen. M u h a m m a d Q a sim B ijapuri w rites in Tarikh Firishta : “ T h e functionaries o f the State d id not allow a single in h a b ita n t p f th e city, h a b itu a te d to its clim ate, to rem ain there. T h ey despatched everybody to D ev ag iri, and D elhi becam e soj d evastated a n d d epopulated th a t no voice except th a t o f th e | jack als, foxes an d o th er w ild beasts was to be h ea rd th e re .” 1 | A ll those theologians an d ju rists w ho h a d arraig n e d them*! selves again st th e K h w a ja in th e Im p e rial Palace h a d to leavqg 1. Siar-ul-Aulid* (Summarised1, pp. 527—32 2. Tarikh FirishtS, V. I, p. 243

L IF E SK ETCH O F K H W A JA NIZAM UD-DIN AULIA

197

D elhi alongw ith o th e r s ; m any o f them perished in th e course of the long an d strenuous m arch to w ard s D ey ag iri } those who reached th e new cap ital w ere destroyed by fam ine an d pestilence a n d , thus, th e g rim p red ictio n o f th e K h w a ja cam e tru e w ithin a deca.de. ? D aily Routine of the K hw aja

T h e K h w aja used to com e dow n from his a p a rtm e n t for tisha') prayers. A fter p erfo rm in g th e sam e w ith congregation, he w ould re tu rn to his ch am b er ag a in w here h e spent some tim e in the recollection o f G od. T h e re a fte r hg took a little rest before th e atten d an ts h anded over to h im his rosary. T h en nobody excepting A m ir K hu sru was allow ed to see him . A m ir K h u sru used to sit dow n n e a r his cot relatin g the topic o f the day o r o th er m atters. T h e K h w a ja often nodded his head to signify his assent o r asked: “ T u rk , w hat is th e,n ew s.” T h is gave an o pportunity to A m ir 1 to p u t tw o and tw o together and m ake it five. T h e K h w a ja asked about som ething and A m fr Ittfliged the opportunity to relate the w hole story* O ften the K hw aja also p erm itted th e ch ild re n o r relatives to come and join the sitting a t th is hour. Nocturn'al Occupation

A fter A m ir KhUsrQ an d others present at the tim e h ad taken leave to d e p a rt, th e Khyyaja’s personal atten d an t Iq b a l used to b rin g a few jugs fille d ; w ith w ater for perform ing ablution. T h e re a fter th e K hw aja used to bolt the doors from inside an d then nobody knew how he occupied him self to attain 1. The biographies as weJl as the poems of (Ainir K husiu speak volumes of his deep, quiet and enduting affection founded upon his attachm ent and esteem for the K hwaja. The Khwaja’s kindly feeling for his disciple is disclosed by w hat he once said to Amir Khusru : “ I sometimes get tired of myself bu t never with you.’ (Siar-itl-Aiilia3, p. 302). Another time the K hw aja told Amir K h u sru : “ A man asked me to lay my eyes upon him as I look upon you. I kept quiet but I thought of telling him first to prove himself worthy of it.” (Ibid., p. 302}.

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th e p ropinquity o f G od o r tb w hat lofty stations he was raisied by th e D iv in e grace. ' Sahur

W hen th e tim e cam e for Sahur, the atten d a n t used to tap th e d o o r. H e b rought dishes o f different cooked victuals b u t tile K h w aja took but a little o f these and instructed to keep them for th e ch ild ren . K h w a ja cA bdur R ah im , w ho was ch arg ed w ith this duty relates th a t sometimes th e K h w aja ate alm ost nothing a t Sahur. W hen he was requested to take a bit m o re since he h ad eaten very little a t the tim e o f I f tar, he w ould break out into tears an d say : “ H ow m any destitutes and poor w ould be lying h u n g ry on th e stairs an d platform s o f the m osques ? H ow cah I take all th is'w h en they a re in such a great distress.” T h e food b ro u g h t to the K h w S ja for Sahur had vefy often to be taken back untouched by him . In the Day

T hose who saw th e K h w a ja in th e m orning found his eyes re d d ish b y th e night-long vigils b u t his face would be lit up With heavenly grace, as if by an indescribable happiness o f inrie'r bliss, w ith o u t the least trace o f w eariness. N obody could say th a t th e K h w aja w ould have p erfo rm ed fo u r o r five h u n d re d r a ta ls o f p ray er in ad d itio n to th e chantings in praise o f God. Besides th e in w ard illum ination o f his purified soul, the onfy occupation th a t em ployed h im was consolation o f the hearts broken by th e tu rm o ils o f e a rth , th an w hich th ere is no nobler task. The K h w aja could be seen whole day sitting on the prayed m a t o f his spiritual guide absorbed in the ocean of Diving presence. A streiam o f visitors w hich included saints ana scholars as well as persons o f ran k a n d authority continued aU . day . T h e K h w a ja conversed w ith th em bu t he also kept himsefl in w ard ly absorbed in the contem plation o f D ivine p erfection .1 1.

Sia r-u l-A tilia 3,

pp. 125-129

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199

A fter th e K h w aja h a d perform ed th e m id-day p ray er, th e visitors.; com ing from outside w ere called in. H is kind and com fortable w ords consoled the w earisom e hearts and instructed th e m in th e w ay o f salvation. But nobody, not even the savants and th e saved could d a re to cast th e ir eyes on the rad ia n t countenance o f th e K h w aja. End o f the Journey

T h e K h w a ja w as o v er 80 years o f age when he h ad a prem onition th a t his jo u rn ey ’s end was draw ing n ear. O ne day he told his a tte n d a n ts : “ I saw th e P rophet in th e dream . H e said, “ NizSm , I am anxiously w aiting for yo u ’ . ” 1 D uring his illness, th e K hw S ja gave out w arrants o f vicegerency to several disciples. T hese w ere d rafted by F ak h r udd ln Z a rrS d l a n d Copied by Saiyid H usain K irm SniJ 'O

.

:

■' .

; T o w ard s th e hum anity, a t la rg e , a n d th e M uslim s a n d those w ho w ere in any way; connected to h jm , in partipular^ the K h w S ja h a d such a deep a n d kindly feeling w hich, it wo^tld.not be ex aggeration to say, m easured .-up to affection o f a m o th er fo r h e r ch ild ren . Of, a fact, a ll those w h o are perfect in faith in h e rit th e P ro p h e t’s solicitude a n d c a re f o r ih e hum anity thus p o rtray ed in th e w ords o f G od : , ? ,t h “ T h e re h a th c®0?e im to you a m es»6 Bger J (offe), o f yourselves, unto w hqpi, a u g h t th a t ye a re Qyserbvrdened is ; . grievous, full o f ■ T o be Jcind, gentle an d consid erate w ith others is seally to foUqwim Jhe footsteps o f th e P rophet w ho h a d bpen enjoined th u s by G od ; fe , .■ T “ A nd low er thy w ing (in kiqdness) unto those believers w ho follow th ee.” A kindly affection, deep, ten d er an d constant, going

1. Suar-ul-AuliV, p. 142 2. Q,. I X -.128 3. f t . X X V I: 215

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out to o th er h u m an beings im p arts such a feeling o f oneness and sp iritu al -affinity th a t the pleasure an d pain o f others is directly felt by th e h e a rt o f th e person developing such a ten d e r affection. A m ir H asan ‘A la 1 SajazS relates th at once, in a g ath erin g w hich was being ad dressed by the K h w aja , a few persons w ere sitting in the sun. T h e 'K hw aja stopped his discourse to say, “ B rothers, com e closer so th a t those sitting in th e sun m ay ,g et a p lace in shade. T hey a re sitting in the sun bu t I am getting b u rn t .” 1 * O nce th e K h w a ja quoted some one, perhaps to refer indi­ rectly to his ow n feelings, who h a d s a id : “ G o d ’s creation takes . I know o f a few disciples

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o f th e Sheikh who h ad been blessed w ith m iraculous pow ers u n d er th e spiritual guidance o f th e Sheikh....... S u ltan ‘ A la ’ u d -d ln a n d his household m em bers w ere devoted to the Sheikh. T h e nobles as w ell as th e com m oners had taken to righteous, ways. T ransgression o f the law like im m ora­ lity, gam bling, drunkenness an d o th e r vices w ere unheard o f d u rin g the last few years o f cA laJ u d -d ln ’s rule. People h a d begun to equate heinous sins w ith apostasy. No M uslim d a re d to charge interest o r indulge in hoarding. - T h e trad ers h a d given up the h ab it o f barg aining, shortw eighing an d ad u lteratio n . M ost o f the students and disciples an d num erous o th er people who kept com pany w ith th e Sheikh h a d grow n fond o f studying mystical tracts like Qoot-ul-Qulub, IhyaP-ul-Uloom, cAwarif, Kashf-ulMahjub, Sharah T carruf, RisUtah Quskiri, Mirsad ul-cAbad, MaktUbut-i-cAin-ul~Qfldhat, FauiaPd-ul-Fuwad an d Lewalh wa Lawamtk w hich w ere in g reat d em an d in those days. M ost o f th e people sought m ystical treatises from the book­ sellers. In fine, G od h ad m ade Sheikh-ul-Islam N izam ud-dln a pu re-h earted soul like Sheikh Ju n a id and Sheikh Ba-Yazld o f th e bygone ages.” 1 The Love M art

I t was th e tim e w hen the potent influence exerted by the K h w aja h ad b ro u g h t a healthy change in the life o f the people in every w alk o f life including even th e inm ates o f th e Im p erial Palace o f T housand Pillars. V anity an d self-conceit, m entaldisquietude an d depression o f spirits, the end-products of free living an d self-indulgence h ad given place to the fervour o f lo v e-d iv in e; the w hole atm osphere seem ed to be surcharged w ith the sp iritual love w hich arises from the h arm ony o f souls. M ir K h u rd relates in Siar-ul-Aulia5 : “ T hose w ere th e days w hen everyone soaring to the h ig h er dom ains o f spirituality was d raw n tow ards th e tilting notes, harm onious melodies, 1,

Tarihh Firoz Shahi} pp 46 and 341

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love-exciting tales a n d verses. Sincerity, hum ility, kindness an d solace w ere th e winsom e qualities o f the Sheikhs w hich m ad e everyone bow his head in reverence to th em .” 1 Training o f the Disciples

K h w aja N iz5m u d -d ln h a d taken special cafe to tra in his disciples w ho w ere to diffuse the yearning o f eternal love far a n d wide. T h ro u g h prayers an d litanies, education and edifi­ cation he guided his spiritual successors on the p ath o f his m ystic o rd er. F or those who possessed th e capability but were n o t le a rn e d he a rra n g e d for th e ir education, reproved those who w ere keen on debates a n d polem ical disputations and p rom pted others w ho preferred penance and prayers to enter collective life and b e a r w ith equanim ity the high-handedness an d oppression o f th e people. H e p a id p a rticu la r attention to each one o f his disciples to p rep are h im for the g reat task o f spreading piety an d sp iritual gifts an d m o ral reform ation o f the people. H e spared no pains n o r allow ed any obstacle to stand in th e way o f th e m ental an d spiritual developm ent o f his disciples. I t has been stated in th e Siar-ul-Aulidc>th at once “ a few o f his disciples, belonging to O u d h , decided to m ake a jo in t request to th e K h w aja to p e rm it th em to have a d eb ate on certain religious o r ju ristic issues. T hese disciples being scholars, p erhaps, w anted a little respite from the continuous prayers an d rem em brance prescribed by th e K h w a ja for them . M a u la n a J a la l u d -d ln was th e ir spokesm an, but w hen they a rriv ed in th e presence o f the K h w a ja , th e reflection o f D ivine grace rad ia tin g from his countenance, m ad e everyone dum bfounded. At last M a u la n a J a la l u d -d ln g ath ered his courage an d asked w hether they could occasionally devote a little tim e in debates am ong them . T h e K h w a ja replied, “ W h a tsh o u ld I say? I have to take an o th er w ork from you !” 2 1.

" 2.

S i a i - u l - A p. 510

Ibid., p. 306

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Saiyid N aslr u d-dln M ahm Q d, who was la te r to becom e the spiritual successor o f th e K hw Sja and whose fam e travelled to the four corners o f the country as Chiragh-i-Dehli (the L am p o f D elh i), intensely desired to lead th e life o f a recluse in a fa r off hill o r w ilderness. H e com m unicated his wish to the K hw aja throu g h A tn ir K h u sru but got the reply : “ T ell him th a t he has to live am ong the people an d to b ear the insolence and illbehav io u r o f th e people and to req u ite it w ith generosity and sacrifice.” 1 N % K hw aja N izam ud-dln was followed by a long line o f em inent suf i successors who acquired great rep u tation for piety an d spread th e Chishtiyah fratern ity all o v er the country. A fter N aslr ud-dln M ah m u d Chiragh-i-Dehli who, like his spiritual m entor, kept his b an n er aloft an d continued to exert a potent influence over the capital for 32 years, one o f his disciples, Saiyid M u h am m ad Gesu D araz (d. 825) established him self at G ulb arg a in D eccan. His oth er noted disciples w ere K am al ud-dln cA U am ah, Sheikh A bul M u q ta d ir K in d i, Sheikh A hm ad T h an esri, S heikh.Jalal u d-dln H usain, also known as MakhdUm Jahanian JahUn Gashl,, w ho becam e g reat leaders o f the Chishtiyah o rd e r. T hey all contributed to th e revival o f Islam in In d ia and infused sp iritu al ferv o u r am o n g th e people. T hey easily w on th e fav o u r o f th e m ultitudes, w hile a num ber o f th e ir sp iritual successors becam e influential guides o f the sovereigns, not only in sp iritual b u t in political affairs as well.

Siar-ul-Aulia*, p .

237

VII Religious and Moral Revival In th e m oral-spiritual guidance o f his disciples, th e K hw Sja was always cautious, discreet an d w atchful. O n e o f K hw Sja N izam u d -d ln ’s disciples,M ucid u d -d ln held a responsible post in th e co u rt o f Sultan ‘A la3 u d-dln K h ilji. Soon A fter pledging devotion to the K hw aja, M ucid u d -d ln resigned his office and becam e a n inm ate o f the K h w aja’s m onastery. An able and com petent officer th a t Mu*Id u d -d ln w as, Sultan ud -d ln keenly felt his absence an d conveyed his displeasure to th e K h w aja th ro u g h one o f his courtiers. “ I t seems th a t the Sheikh w ants to m ake everybody like h im ,” said th e K ing. T h e K h w aja sent the reply, “ N ot like m e, b u t b e tte r th a n m yself.” 1 T h e K h w aja not only guided his disciples to advance on the p ath o f spirituality th ro u g h prayers, litanies an d m editations but also infused in th em an a rd e n t zeal for p reaching and upholding righteousness w ith am azing perseverance. T h e spiritual preceptorship o f the K h w aja m ade his disciples so bold th a t they could d arin gly a n d unhesitatingly put forw ard w h at they consi­ d ered to be rig h t before th e kings and despotic rulers. O f a tru th , a m an o f G od can never be in tim id ated , cowed o r discourag­ ed, for, tim id ity is b o rn out o f a desire to avoid o r escape a m a te ria l d etrim en t o r disadvantage. But a m an w ho has alread y expelled all w orldly desires and longings also casts off 1.

Siar-ul-Aulia*, p. 311

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th e em otion excited by a th re a t to his person o r belongings. T h e m ystical yearning for ecstatic illum ination o r th e strivings to a tta in th a t perfect know ledge o f G od w hich is know n by the nam e o f Tawhid or U nity o f G odhead invariably leads to th e explusion o f fear— fear o f everything except G od. T o a m an attain ­ ing th a t stage the dem onstration o f w ealth an d pow er a n d the g ran d an d stately cerem onials o f royalty begin to ap p ear to be no m ore th a n th e c h ild ’s play. N othing in the w orld can then d e te r such a m an from speaking out the tru th in the face o f h au g h ty and despotic em perors. Fearlessness

E very student o f history is aw are o f th e unbounded p rid e a n d p om p o f S u ltan M u h am m ad T u g h laq . O nce th e S uit i n happened to cam p n e a r H an sl. M ukhiisul M ulk N izam u d -d ln N a z a rb a ri was d ep u ted by S u lta n M u h am m ad T u g h la q for inspection o f th e fo rt a t H ansl. W hen th is m an , know n fo r his heartless cruelty, happened to pass by th e house o f Sheikh Q u tb u d-dln M u n aw w ar, one o f th e K h w aja’s disciples and sp iritu al successors, he expressed surprise th a t the Sheikh h a d not com e to p ay his respect to th e K ing. O n re tu rn in g fro m his e rra n d h e b ro u g h t th e m a tte r to th e notice o f th e K ing. T h e S ultan, enraged by th e rep o rt, o rd ered H asan S ar B arahna, a n o th e r m an o f despotic ch aracter, to p ro d u ce the Sheikh before h im H asan com m unicated th e royal sum m ons to the Sheikh and also told him in reply to a query m ad e by th e Sheikh, th a t he h ad no choice b u t to tak e th e Sheikh w ith him . T h e Sheikh thanked God th a t he h a d not to seek th e audience o f the K in g o f his own accord. T hen, com m ittin g th e m em bers o f his household to the c are o f G od, he set o n foot w ith H asan w ith his staff in his han d a n d th e p ray er m a t o n his shoulder. H asan offered a carriag e b u t th e Sheikh p re fe rred to w alk o n foot. W hen he reach ed the cam p o f th e K in g , h e was o rd e re d to proceed to D elhi. O n entering th e royal co u rt a t D elhi, he found th e grandees an d the chiefs, atten d an ts a n d g u ard s a rray ed to th e rig h t a n d left o f th e im p erial throne. T h e Sheikh was accom panied by his son

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N flr u d -d ln w ho got overaw ed by th e pom p a n d pageantry o f th e royal court. T h e Sheikh atonce said loudly to his s o n : “ B aba N flr u d-dln, G reatness a n d M ight belongeth to G od alone.” NBr ud-dln la te r told th a t as soon as h e heard those w ords, his frig h t disappeared an d he felt th a t the K ing and his courtiers w ere as m eek as goats. W hen the K in g saw the Sheikh appro ach in g him , he feigned occupation in archery but as th e S heikh got n e a r him , he got up to shake hands w ith him . T h e Sheikh firm ly grip p ed his h and w ithout exhibiting the least traces o f fear. T h e K in g said : “ I w ent to your neighbour­ hood, b u t you d id n o t com e to guide m e on the p a th o f rig h te ­ ousness n o r d id you honour m e by your visit.” “ A recluse th a t I a m ,” replied the Sheikh, “ I do not co n sid e r m yself w orthy o f m eeting th e K ings. Betaking m yself to a c o rn e r o f your kingdom I spencfr m y days in praying G od for th e w elfare o f th e K in g a n d the M uslims. I need to be exem pted from all form alities.” Pleased w ith the reply given by the Sheikh, the K in g asked his b ro th e r F iro z Shah to d o w h atev er the Sheikh liked. T h e Sheikh p re fe rred to re tu rn to H a n sl an d was allow ed to do so. L a te r on , th e K in g told his courtiers th a t he h a d m et m any divines but none h ad d a re d to shake h an ds w ith him so firmly as d id Sheikh Q u tb u d-dln M unaw w ar. “ H e gripped my han d so firm ly as if he h ad no speck o f fear in his h e a rt,” observed S ultan M u h am m ad T u g h laq . Before Sheikh Q u tb u d -d ln M u n aw w ar left D elhi thp K in g sent F iro z S hah a n d Z ia 3 u d -d ln B arnI w ith a purse o f one lakh T an k as.1 T h e Sheikh refused to accept th e present saying th a t tw o seers o f rice an d a dang* o f ghee* w ould be enough for a m en d ican t like him . T h e K in g th en o rd e red to let him h av e fifty thousand T ankas. T h e Sheikh refused th a t too. U ltim a­ tely th e am ount was b ro u g h t dow n to tw o thousand T ankSs, but 1.. Tanka, derived from Turkish vocabulary m e a n t‘W hite’ and was the silver coin o f those days. 2. A unit of weight '

3. Clarified butter

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w hen th e Sheikh ag ain refused the present, F iroz S hah and Z i8 3 u d -d ln B arn I p rev ailed upon th e Sheikh to accept th e p re ­ sent lest th e K in g should ag ain get annoyed and p u t h im to harm . T h ereu p o n th e Sheikh accepted th e am ount b u t d istri­ buted it to th e p oor an d needy before leaving D elhi.1 A t th e tim e S ultan M u h am m ad T u g h la q d ec id ed -to tran s­ fer th e inhabitan tsio fD elh i-te-© eV ag iri, he h a d also conceived th e id e a o f cap tu rh ig T u rk istan a n d K h u rasan to exterm inate th e progeny o f C henghlz K h a n . H e h a d o rd ered th a t all the em in en t doctors o f religion should be invited to deliv er serm ons in o rd e r to arouse th e people for tak in g p a r t in his projected holy w a r. In th is connection a few o f th e K h w a ja ’s em inent disciples, such as M a u la n a F ak h r u d -d ln Z a rra d l, M au lan a Sham s u d -d ln Y ahya an d Sheikh N aslr u d -d ln M ahm O d w ere also asked to ap p e a r before th e K in g . M au latia F a k h r u d -d in Z a rra d l was first b ro u g h t before th e S ultan although he very m uch detested to see th e K in g a n d often used to re m a rk th a t he saw his h ead ro llin g on th e g ro u n d in th e royal court. W h at he m ean t was th a t he w ould in any case speak o u t th e tru th a n d th e - K in g w ould have h im beheaded. H ow ever, w hen M a u la n a F a k h r u d -d ln e n tered th e royal court, one o f th e K in g ’s secretaries a n d a disciple o f th e M au lan a, Q utb u d -dln D a b lr took u p his shoes an d stood behind h im like a servant. T h e K in g s a i d : “ I propose to w ipe out the progeny o f C henghlz K h a n fro m th e surface o f th e e a rth . W ould you help m e in accom plishing this task ? “Insha Allah” ( if G od so w ills), replied th e M aulana. “ B ut y o u r reply bespeaks o f your 4 o q h t.” reto rted the K in g . “ T h is is w h a t one should say ab o u t th e fu tu re ,” the M a u la n a rep lied calm ly. “ A lrig h t, te n d e r m e y our adv ice ” th e K in g said ag ain angrily. “ S ubdue your a n g e r,” was th e reply given by M au la n a 1.

Siar-ul-Aulia*, pp. 253-55

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Z a rra d l. S till m o re en rag ed , th e K in g asked, “ W hich a n g e r? ” “ A nger th a t behoves w ild b easts,” prom ptly replied the M au lan a. T h e tovfering fury th a t swept aw ay th e K ing was now visible fro m his face, b u t he kept quiet. A fter a short w hite he o rd e re d th e servants to b rin g food. T he K in g invited M au lan a Z a rra d l to take food w ith him . T h e tw o shared th e ir m eals fro m th e sam e dish . T h e king presented pieces o f m eat w ith his ow n h a n d s b u t th e M au la n a took very little o f it as if he d id n o t like to h av e food w ith th e K in g . B efore giving a send off to th e M au lan a, th e K in g presented a robe o f honour a n d a p urse to h im . But before M au lan a Z a rra d l could refuse these, Q u tb u d -d ln D a b lr stepped a h e a d a n d took the presents from th e K in g on b e h a lf o f th e M au lan a. A fter th e M au lan a h a d d e p a rte d , th e K in g called for Q u tb u d -d ln D a b lr an d s a i d : “ W h a t a treacherous m a n you a re ! F irst you took up his shoes a n d th e n th e presents. Y ou thus saved h im fro m my sw ord b u t exposed yourself to d a n g e r.” Q u tb u d -d ln D a b lr replied, “ M a u la n a F a k h r u d -d ln Z a rra d l is m y teach er a n d the succes­ sor o f m y sp iritu al m en to r. I oug h t to have ca rried his shoes on m y h e a d r a th e r th a n in th e a rm p it; w h at to speak o f the present? you m a d e to h i m !” T h e K in g th re a ten ed to have h im p u t to sw ord. L a te r o n w henever th e n am e o f M a u la n a F a k h r u d -d ln Z a r r a d l was m entioned to th e K in g , h e used to r e m a r k : “ Alas, he escaped from m y sw o rd .” 1 Guidance o f Adm inistration

■n i\ T h e precursors o f th e Chishtiyah o rd e r h a d , f r o m th e very beginning, k ep t them selves a lo o f fro m th e ru lin g elite but thejjj w ere never u n m in d fu l o f p ro v id in g necessary guidance to them* W henever they w ere called upon to te n d e r th e ir advice o r w h o i ev er they got a n o p p o rtu n ity to exercise th e ir influence o v er tfil ru lers, they alw ays trie d to show th e m th e p a th o f com passid| 1. Siar-ul-Aulia*, pp. 271-73

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an d h u m an itarian ism . M any am ong th e kings o f In d ia and the governors o f provinces held these sp iritual guides in th e highest reg ard o r w ere often united w ith th em by o a th o f fealty w ith the result th a t they pursued, u n d e r th e benign guidance o f th eir Sheikhs, policies designed to m itig ate th e sufferings o f th e ir sub­ jects, enforced ju stice an d acted on th e injunctions o f the Sharjah. O nly a few ru lers o f In d ia could co m p are w ith a king so ju st, m ild , kind -h earted a n d respectful o f th e injunctions o f the S h a ffn h as S ultan F iro z Shah T u g h la q . Sham s-i-Siraj eA flf a n d Z ia5 u d -d ln B a ro i speak o f th e achievem ents o f th is good n atu re d Sultan. T h e au th o r 6 f Tilrikh-i-Firishta, A bul Q&sim H in d u Shah, w r ite s : “ H e was a learn ed , ju st, graciobs an d softhearted ru le r. H is subjects as well th e arm ed forces, w ere well-pleased w ith him . D u rin g th e reig n o f this sovereign no ty ra n t could oppress th e w eak.” 1 T h is noted h isto rian h as en u m erated th re e characteristics o f his ru le unm atch ed by th a t o f o th e r rulers o f the age. F iro z S hah never h a d to take recourse to the m ethods o f chastisem ent for his benevolence a n d generosity left no room fo r it. T h e land revenue w as fixed by him acco rd in g to th e paying Capacity o f the people a n d all th e tithes an d taxes unjustly im posed by the form er rulers w ere abolished. H e n ev er en couraged anyone to m ake false reports to h im ab o u t his subjects. A nd, lastly, he appointed G od-fearing a n d sym pathetic governors to ad m in ister the provinces w ho em ulated th e K in g in th e ir k in d tre a tm e n t o f the people.* B ut only a few persons a re a w a re o f th e fa ct th a t S u ltiti F iro z S h s h ow ed his accession to th e th ro n e to K h w aja N aslr u d -dln M ahm Q d Chiragh-i-Dehli.* S ham s-i-Siraj ‘ A fif grap h ically relates h ow F iroz S h ih as­ cended she throne. H e says : “ Sheikh N aslr u d -d ln accom panied

1. Tirtkh Firishta, Vol. 1, p . 278 2. H U ., Vol. I, p. 271 3. Ibid., p. 259

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S ultan M u h am m ad T u g h la q w hen he w ent to suppress the revolt in T h a th a . T h e S ultan d ie d 1 an d F iroz Shah called a m eeting o f th e nobles an d courtiers. Sheikh N aslr u d-dln, how ever, sent th e w o rd to Firoz Shah w hether he would dispense ju stice to th e people o r he should p ray G od fo r another ru le r fo r th em ? F iroz Shah sent back th e reply : ‘I shall be ju s t a n d kind to th e creatures o f G 6 d .5 T h ereu p o n the Sheikh rep lied ; ‘I f you w ould do w hat you prom ise, then I would request G od A lm ighty to g ra n t you forty y ears.5 A nd the S ultan really ru le d for forty y ears.” 2 S ultan M u h a m m a d Shah B ahm anl (759>-776 A .H .) was acknow ledged as th e ru le r a fte r the d eath o f his fath e r ‘ A la5 u d -d in B ahm an S hah3 by all th e m ystic Sheikhs o f D eccan w ho took o a th o f allegiance to h im b u t Sheikh Z ain-ud-dln (d. 801 A .H .) refused to take th e p ath oh the ground th a t the K in g Was a d ru n k a rd an d indulged in acts d eclared unlaw ful by th e S h a rja h . I n 767 A .H ., w hen th e S u lta n \cam e to D au latab a d , b e d em an d ed th a t Sheikh Z a in u d -d ln should either personally c a ll upon h im o r acknow ledge his suzerainty in w riting. T h e reply given by th e Sheikh was : “ O nce a religious scholar, a Saiyid a n d a n eunuch happened to fall in th e hands o f c e rta in heathens w ho offered to sp are th e ir lives only if they p ro strated before th e ir idols. T h e scholar p ro strated b efore th e idol acting on th e perm ission given by th e Shari1ah to save one’s life in such circum stances. T h e Saiyid too follow ed suit but the eunuch said th a t since he h a d spent his w hole life in transgressing the co m m an d m en ts o f G o d a n d h a d n o hope o f Salvation like the sch o lar o r th e S aiy id , it w ould be b e tte r fo r h im to give his life in th e w ay o f G od. T h u s he p re fe rre d d e a th to pro stratio n be-, fo re idols. I a m also p re tty m u ch like tb a t e u n u c h ; I shall 1. Sul ti n M uham m ad T ughlaq died on 21st M uharram 752 A. H . (Sunday, 20th M arch 1351 A. D .). 2. Sham s-i-Sirij Afif, p. 28 , 3. Firishtc reports th at he died in Rabi'ul-Awwal, 759 b u t according to TSrikh- ul-Mutuk Bahman died in 761 A. H .

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b e a r eyery h ard sh ip b u t w ould n e ith e r call upon you n o r take the o ath o f alleg ian ce." T h e S ultan got enrag ed a n d o rd e re d th e Sheikh to leave th e city atonce. Sheikh Z a in u d -d ln took only his p ra y e r m a t an d set out to th e shrine o f his spiritual guide Sheikh B urhan ud-din. H e sat dow n th ere an d to ld the em issaries o f th e K in g th a t nobody could m ove h im fro m th a t place. F ailin g in his effort, th e K in g sent a m essage to the Sheikh th ro u g h one o f his m inisters w hich said : “ I a m thine, be thou m in e .” Sheikh Z ain u d -d ln replied : “ I f the S u lta n G hazI upholds the laws o f th e Sharfah, closes dow n all w ine shops th ro u g h o u t his dom inion, gives up d rin k in g an d follows in th e footsteps o f his fath er in charg in g th e Q a ’z ls, c Ulama an d th e governors to ensure th a t th e p a th o f righteousness is betaken an d th e ways o f sin forbidden, then he shall not find anybody a b etter frien d and w ell-w isher th a n m e.” T h e tw o couplets Sheikh Z ain u d -d in w rote concluding his letter to th e K in g w ere : So long as the chain o f b reath keeps us living ; N othing shall we do but chaste as m orning. F o r those w ho cast on us a glance b e lig h tin g ; F ro m us a w orld o f good shall they ever be getting. T h e S u ltan was so pleased to find him self addressed as G h azl by th e Sheikh th a t he issued an edict th a t henceforth it should form p a rt o f his royal title. T h e re a fter Sultan M u ham m ad Shah B ahm anl im m ediately retu rn ed to G u lb arg a, p roclaim ed the b a n on sale o f liquor, enforced S h a ifa h as the law o f the lan d an d m ad e energetic efforts to root out theft, b u rg lary and robbery. T h e S u lta n took about six m onths in com pleting his reform s but, in the m eantim e, h e kept corres­ ponding w ith Sheikh Z ain u d -d ln a n d seeking his advice about the Conduct o f his ad m in istrativ e policy.1 In oth er p arts o f th e country, too, w here th e Sheikhs o f Chishtiyah o rd e r h ad set up th e ir m onasteries, they continued to guide the rulers to keep th em on the straight an d even path 1.

Tarikh Firishta, Vol. I, pp. 560-62

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ch alk ed o u t by th e SharV-ah. T h e fam ous Chishtiyah m onastery o f P a n d w a h in B engal was a source o f strength for the M uslim K in g d o m in th a t p a rt o f th e country. Professor K h a llq A hm ad N izam i has related , in Tarlkh Masha? ikh-i-Chisi, how the saints o f Chishtiyah o rd e r helped to re-establish M uslim rule in Bengal.1 “ N u r Q u tb —i-cA lam was” w rites P ro .N iz a m i, “ the son o f Sheikh t A la, -ul-H aq. D u rin g th e p erio d he was holding charge o f the m onastery, B engal was passing th ro u g h a political crisis. R a ja K an s, a local Z a m in d a r belonging to B hitoriah in R ajshahi district, u su rp ed th e th ro n e p f th e R a ja, a vassal o f D elhi, and trie d to d riv e aw ay im perial forces. N u r Q utb - i- cA lam estab­ lished contact w ith S ultan Ib rS h lm S h arq i, as well as m ade efforts th ro u g h S aiyid A sh raf J a h a n g ir S am nanl to persuade the S u ltan to in v ad e Bengal. T h e collection o f letters w ritten by S aiyid A sh ra f J a h a n g ir S am n an l giving the details o f th e then political situation obtaining in Bengal are particularly instruc­ tive. T h e le tte r w ritten by Saiyid A sh raf J a h a n g ir S am nanl in reply to th e com m unication sent by N u r Q u tb —i-^Alam sheds considerable light upon the efforts m ad e by the su fi saints o f B engal.” 2 H ere w e have given but a few exam ples to illustrate the p a th o f m ysticism tro d d e n hy th e saints o f Chishtiyah o rd er w hich d id not m ean m erely a w ith d raw al from the w orld for penance a n d p ra y e r a n d purification o f th e ir souls but also burdened them w ith th e d u ty o f diffusing righteousness, speaking out the tru th in th e face o f au to craft a n d ty ran t rulers, putting th eir lives a t stake to check grossness an d , above all, keeping the m asses as w ell as the ruling elite on the rig h t p ath. The Preaching o f Islam

F ro m th e very first day the sufi sheikhs o f Chisliyah o rd e r entered In d ia they rem ain ed itin eran t preachers o f Islam . T h e

1.

For fu ller details see Riyaz-us-Salatin {Tarikh Bengalah) by Ghul&m H usain Salim .

2.

Tarikh Masha?ikh-i-Chisht, pp. 201-202

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accessions to Islam th ro u g h K h w aja M ocIn u d d in C hishtl w ere quite num erous. Ju s t how m uch was th e success achieved by him can never be m easured in the absence o f records kept by his contem poraries. I t is, how ever, an established fact th a t the spread o f Islam in In d ia was the fru it o f th e K h w a ja ’s piety and religious zeal. A larg e n u m b er o f people w ere attracted a n d inspired by th e sp iritual pow er an d divinely endow ed popularity enjoyed by th e K h w aja. In d ia has alw ays h ad quite a num b er o f w andering m endicants who h a d developed occult pow ers w ith th e help H ad not the condescending favour o f God been conferred on m an on th e day he was created, he would not have been accosted w ith salutation a t His first m eeting.”3 Many the Confidant o f Divine Secrets

But, why has m an been allow ed to occupy th e most distin­ guished place o f honour ? T h e reply given by M akhdum to this question i s : “ O f all the beings inhabiting eighteen thousand w orlds created by G od, none was bestowed an am bition higher th a n th a t o f m a n ; no other being was told : ‘I have fashioned him an d breathed into him o f M y s p irit;’* no apostle was raised

1. 2. 3. 4.

50th letter f t . X X X V I: 58 51*t letter Q , X X X V III: 72

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------------------------ ---------i - a e from am ongst any other c re a tu re ; n o r a book conferred on o n e : ' !O n o r yet God sent H is salutation on any one o f them . I t was m an alone whose ard en t love m ade the pangs o f separation unbearable for h im a n d th a t is why his heart was allowed to subsist by the,'1 Essence o f D ivine Beauty in this w orld and £ > • ’ 1 perm itted to behold H im in the next. M an has nothing d earer to his h eart th a n the love o f God in this w orld and no other longing th a n fo w j t n ^ H is ra d ia n t countenance unveiled in tlie • 'it /. • • w orld to come. 'Khiaiis the lesson m an has learnt from the Q u ran ic v e rs e : ‘T h e eye turned not aside nor yet was over­ bold.’1 ” * M an, Superior to Angels

“ I t was assuredly m uch too precious,” writes M akhdam , “ th a t m ad e the angels prostrate before m an—the creature envied by the heavens. H ow soever ignoble and earth-born a m an m ay appear to be, he is so holy an d consecrated in his essential natu re th a t neither the celestial intelligence nor hum an reason is capable o f plum bing b is secrets. W hen the lustre o f his true being radiates, the angels a re bew ildered and the heavens dum foun d ed . H e is m odest an d meek yet others are terror-sm itten w ith his awe. I f thy essence, th e angels w ere to behold ; P rostrating w ould they arriv e a t T h y threshold.” 3 The Cognizant Heart

M akhdOm m aintains th a t the value, excellence and super­ iority o f m an springs from his heart which is the abode o f invaluable w ealth bestowed on him . In a letter he w rote o f the hum an h e a r t : “ T h e L o rd created the em pyrean and com m itted it to the care o f heavenly h o sts ; fashioned the paradise and appointed

1. Q,. L I I I : 17 ?. 53rd letter 3. 58th letter

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Rizwfin1 to guard it; m ade the hell and deputed Malik* to k e e p w atch over i t ; but when H e chiselled the h eart of the believer, H e cam e out with the an n o u n cem en t: ‘his heart is between the two fingers o f the M ost M erciful.” 3 H ere is another letter w ritten by M akhdum Yahya M aneri throw ing light on the w orth o f this ad m irab le gift o f God. “ H ad there been anything m ore worthy and precious than the h eart o f m an, then God would have assuredly laid the jew el o f H is gnosis in that. A T rad itio n o f the Prophet speaking of G od’s will says : ‘N either M y heavens can contain M e nor My e arth ; but if anyw here there isro o m for M e, it is the heart o f a believer;’ H eavens a re unable to store up the perfection o f D ivine knowledge and the earth is incapable o f bearing its b u rd e n . T hus, the heart o f the believer can alone bear this heavy charge. A stud could c a rry a m an like Rttstarn but when the sun o f D ivine R ad ian ce shines over a m ountain, th an which there is nothing m ore massive an d Solidly pitched in the earth , ‘it comes crashing dow n’* below. But this very sun o f eternal Beauty shines day in and day out on the heart o f the believer who raps out the cry : “ Is there any m ore to com e1' and greedily seeks . still m ore o f it, to quench his unqcenchable th irst.” 0 T h e B ro k e n -H e a rte d W hatever is broken into pieces becomes valueless, but a dis­ consolate and broken h eart is th e only exception ; for, it becomes m ore precious in the eyes o f its C reator. M akhdum expounds this tru th in these words : “ A h b rother, breakage renders everything w oithless but a h eart becomes m ore valuable if it is m ore m elancholy and broken. Moses once w hispered : ‘W here should I seek T h ee.’ 1 2 3 4. 5. 6.

Name of the angel guarding the Paradise • Angel guarding the Hell 43rd letter Q . V I I : 143 Q . L :3 0 Q . 38th letter

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SAVIOURS O F ISLAMIC SPIRMF

‘W ith those.’ cam e th e reply, ‘whose hearts a re ren t for rrrf sake.’ :■:» ";r Realm o f Love

' ■'f

T he most precious w ealth a heart possesses is love—a love th a t encompasses all the spheres and states and whose authority extends over this w orld as m uch as over the next. MakhdOm vividly describes how love signifies thfe highest reach o f m ankind. ' rl “ Love e'nwraps the en tire d u ratio n o f tim e, the past, pre­ sent and future. I t encircles the first and the last, whence an d whither:. A gnostic has said th at this w orld as well as. the world beyond are for preferring a dem and. I f some one asserts th a t the other w orld is not m eant for dem anding he is abso­ lutely wrong. C ertainly there would not be fasting a n d prayer in the w orld to come b u t one would beseach G od for things still higher an d nobler. O n the D ay o f Judgem ent the Law will be abrogated, no doubt, but, th e two things—Love for G od and Praise o f God—shall ever rem ain .” 2

1. 6th letter 2. 46th letter

IX Intuitive. Insight : T he letters o f Sheikh S h a ra f ud-d in Y ahya M aneri shed light on some of the m ost in tricate problem s and highest m ani­ festations o f in tu itiv erelig io u s perception experienced by*highly evolved and elevated, sensitive a n d self-conscious souls; T h e gnostic im agery and mystical tru th s vivid ly d escrib ed a t different places and in different contexts in; these letters b ear an eloquent testim ony to the h igher plane o f consciousness attained by M ak hdum th ro u g h prayer an d ' penance - a n d his researches into the in ner content o f religious experience as also his endeavour to com bine speculative reason w ith th e intuitive experience. These indescribabletruths given form s o f expression by M akhdum so enchant and evoke rapturous joy as a few poetical com posi­ tions or'elegan tly w ritten tracts can claim to produce; Unity of Manifestation

T he w ritings o f M akhdum contain certain concepts and doctrines w hich a re generally believed to have been articulated a few centuries after him . O ne such m ystical doctrine know n as U nity o f M anifestation ( Wahdat-us-Shahvd), was propagated in th e eleventh century o f th e Islam ic e ra by M ujaddid A lf T h a n I to contradict the then prev alen t concept o f U nity o f Being ( Wahdoiu! WojUd) It is tru e th a t M u ja d d id A lf T h am was par txctlhtice the greatest exponent o f th e doctrine o f the U nity o f M anifestation but one is surprised to see th a t M akhdGm Y ahya

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SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIR IT

M an erl, too, had clearly delineated the fundam ental position o f this concept about fwo an d a h a lf centuries before it was revived by th e M u jad d id M akhdum has explicitly stated in his letters, in the light o f his personal religious experiences and intuitive knowledge, th a t w hat was commonly known by U nity o f Being o r annihilation o f every created being in the D ivine Essence was really no m ore than a state o f eclipse o f other beings and objects in the presence o f D ivine light exactly in the same way as the dim light of the stars is deprived of its brilliance before the lum inuous lam p o f sun; H e succinctly describes the process by pointing out th at the extinction o f any object is altogether different from its becom ing invisible. H e explains th a t the tenuity and evasiveness o f the im m anentist feeling deludes m any an elevated soul in the ecstatic state of D ivine effulgence unless grace o f G od and guidance o f a n illum inated' teacher give shoulder to lead h im on the right path. “ T h e effulgence o f D iv in e Essence is so m anifested before the traveller o f spirit th a t its rad ian ce blots out every other object an d being from his view. T h e tiny particles o f dust a re p u t out o f sight in th e light o f the sun but it does not m ean th at these particles becom e extinct o r g et absorbed in the sun. W hat it actually m eans is th a t these m inute atom s cover up th eir faces in sham e before th e lum inuous lam p o f heaven. M an never becomes God for God is E xalted, G lorious .and G reat. N or is ever a created being sw allow ed up, incorporated o r united w ith the D ivine Essence. Becoming extinct is quite different from being invisible. A gnostic poet has lent articulation to this tru th in these words. F o r the E tern al O ne nothing is old o r n e w ; All others are insignificant, H e is th at H e is. “ W hen you look into a m irro r, you get absorbed in the reflection o f your own self a n d forget the m irro r : then you do not a v e r th a t the m irro r has becom e extinct o r th a t it has turned into your reflection o r th a t your reflection has m elted into m irro r. T his is the substance o f annihilation in Divine Oneness w hich m anifests itself in a like m anner

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H e talks funny who speaks o f it, but does not know T o set a lim it between one’s annihilation and H is refulgent glow. “ T his is the tenuous path w here m any have slipped. No trav eller o f spirit can forge ahead unless the grace o f God and the guidance o f an elevated m entor, who h a d him self w aded through the billows’ rage o f this furrow ed sea, help him to find out his w ay.” 1 Transformation of Attributes Alone

H ere it m ight be contended th a t a lam p brought before the sun loses its lustre so completely th a t its existence becomes m erely illu so ry ; for, nothing can be existent and nonexistent both at one and the same tim e. M akhdOm says that such a contention is not correct'because the transform ation undergone by the lam p is o f attrib u te and not o f essence. H e writes in a le tte r: “ Some say th a t when the sun shines the lam p practically loses its entity : the sun is then the only, reality that exists. W hat is th e use o f a lam p, they say, w hich melts into nought, for its entity and light rest on an even-keel. I f anybody con­ tends th a t th e existence and non-existence a re each o th e r’s a n ti­ thesis an d the tw o cannot be found at one and the same tim e, then he ought to know th a t we a re talking about the attributes and n o t about the essence. T h e essence does not undergo a change but the attrib u te does. T h e sun .■•hiries over a stream and w arm s its w ater. Its quality is changed but not its n a tu r e ; the rays o f sun act on the attrib u te an d not on the essence. T h ere is no contradiction a t a ll in it.” 2 Upward Ascent of Spirit

T h e spiritual ascent o f those who have attained the pinnacle rem ains, quite often, hidden from th eir com panions and friends. 1.

1sl letler

2.

Ntith le tte r

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T h e prophets o f G od an d such >o f the illum inated souls w h# have reached th e stage o f A cquaintance, are gifted with courage, endurance and a soaring am bition. They neither w hirl nof shout, n o r yet they work m iracles or lay a claim to it. They always try to conceal th e ir attainm ents from the public gaze. M akhdum writes in a letter th a t th e higher is this upw ard, progress o f spirit, th e less it is noticed by the people around tR* mystic. “ T h e faster the speed, the m ore its movement becomes im perceptible. D on’t you see th a t when the stone o f the wind*, m ill gains speed, it appears th a t th e m ill is not w orking. Some* body asked Ju n a id B a g h d a d !: ‘W hy don’t you stir during the m usical recitatio n s?’ In reply lie recited the verse from th e Q u r ’ an : ‘And (O M an ), th o u shalt see th e m ountains, which thou thinkest a re fixed firm ly, shall float (in the air) even as clouds.’1 Y ou cannot see sw ift speed. W hen it goes ahead a t full speed, it cannot be seen. O ften the zephyr moves so gently th a t nobody notices its speed.” * Control o f Carnal Desires

T h e developm ent o f c h a ra c te r an d spirit, according to some, depends on com plete extinction o f carn al desires. T his, says M akhdOm , is not correct. H e holds th a t th e aim should not be to stam p out the desires o f flesh but to put bridle on them . G h azali too has explained”, in Ihydf-ul-Ulaom, th at the reform a­ tio n o f a m an does not req u ire com plete suppression o f vices like anger, m alice etc. but in subduing these .natural propensities and hold in g them in leash. M akhdflm ’s treatm ent o f the subject is inspiring an d creates a profound impression on the readers H e w rites in a letter : “ H e is an ignoram us an d d o tard yvho considers th a t th< Shan1oh dem ands sm othering o f th e carn al appetites an d n a tu ra ’ instincts o f m an. H e has not given thought to w hat the Prophei I .. Q . X X V II ;8B 2. 4th letter

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said : ‘I am a m an and sometimes I get an g ry .’ Sometimes his indignation becam e ap p aren t on his face. T h a t is why God loves those who ‘con trol their w ra th ’1 and not those who do n o t possess th a t em otion a t all. H ow can th e Sharf'oh dem and extinction o f sexual d esire.w hen th e P rophet contracted nine m arriages. I f some one has lost his sex-urge, he ought to take m edical treatm ent so that this n a tu ra l instinct is restored. F o r the loving care o f one’s fam ily m em bers a n d children, anger over the enemies o f G od in fighting against them and preserva­ tion and propagation o f one’s race spring from the natural instincts m an possesses, even the apostles o f God have shown eagerness for these. T hy longed to have th e ir line o f progeny unbroken. T h e Sharjah only dem ands th a t these instincts should be kept u nder strict com m and o f the L aw . A h unter needs a steed an d a w ell-trained dog which go a fte r the chase on his bidding. T h e horse, if untrained, will th ro w away the rid er and the wild dog will pounce a t him . It is thus essential th at the horse an d the dog should he w elt-trained for hunting. So a re the instincts o f sex an d anger needed for capturing the rew ards o f H ereafter. But, your aids should be under your c o n tro l; for i f they gain a control over you, your ru in is inevit­ able. T h a t is why p rayer and penance seek to bring these under one’s com m and.” * The Idol o f Miracles

I t h as been stated elsewhere th a t the w orking o f m iracles by the saints had become so popular durin g the tim e o f M akhdum th a t it h a d come to be regarded as an indisputable evidence o f one’s piety an d sainthood. H ow ever, M akhdum m aintained th a t indulgence o f certain mystics in preternatural acts constituted a veil and signified th e ir interest in objects other th an those leading to Divine propinquity. It was also an idol, in his vjew, which req u ired to be rejected and given up 1. Q.. 111:134 2. Q,. 40th letter

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altogether, if need be, for the health of soul. “ T he working o f m iracles,” writes MakhdOm in letter, “ is nothing short o f idolatiy. T h e unbelievers w orshipping idolk deny the overlordship o f God but no sooner do they give them up and m ake a public announcem ent o f their rejection o f idols:, they turn into His friends. So is the m iraculous pow er wielded by a gnostic : his journey o f spirit gets beclouded and suspended if he is satisfied with w onder w orking ; but, if he gives it up he is elevated an d rew arded w ith nearness. As a gnostic poet has said : T h e ir gaze fixed on the heaven, the pious are ; Sm acking their, lips in the lock-up, the lovers are. His m eicy is for all, noble and laity,.good and bad, Bold and intrepid one has to be, to bear his w rath. “ This is the reason why when God bestows m iraculous powers on an elevated soul, be becomes m ore G od-fearing and hum ble. H e becomes unpretentious, meek and yielding and inculcates a g reater aw e of. G o d .” Ill-disposed Miraculous Powers

“ It is possible,” says M akhdum , “ that the secret truths revealed to certain God-m oved souls through D ivine grace or penetrating intellect or prognostication o f coming events may be denied to some m en o f G od, but that does not signify any defect in the em inence o f spiritual attainm ent o f the latter group. Defect or fault lies in deviation from the rig h t path. T h e secrets revealed to the blessed ones increase th eir faith, strengthen their virtues an d m orals and lead them to glorifica­ tion o f the L ord. But if such pretern atural powers are enjoyed by a m an who transgresses 1the injunctions o f the SharV-ah, then, in very tru th , they becom e the means o f lead ing him a fa r from the path of virtue. H e is then deluded and befooled for he ■begins to regard others as his inferiors and underlings. At li mes he even forsakes Islam a n d Marts d e n y i n g the lim its set by ]. oth

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God for the perm issible and prohibited, lawful an d unlaw ful. H e begins to consider recollection o f God as the only way o f His glorification and discards the way o f the Prophet, and this ultim ately leads him to infidelity and apostasy .” 1 Social Service

Explaining the m erits o f social service M akhdum writes in a letter : , “ R endering social service is highly meritorious for the seeker after tru th , for, it helps to inculcate those virtues which cannot be produced by any other form o f litany and p ray er. It deadens the love of self, expels pride an d vanity, produces modesty and humbleness, beautifies the m orals, teaches one to follow the p ath q f the Prophet an d th at o f the blessed mystics, elevates the spirit and illum inates his ego from w ithin and without. These are the ennobling gifts o f service. O nce a seer was asked : ‘How m any ways a re there to attain fellowship o f God ?.' ‘As many as the atom s this w orld contains,’ replied he, ‘bijt none m ore straight and easier th a n consoling the broken­ hearted . : I have attained G od th ro u g h this way an d I bid my followers to do the sam e.’ T h ere are others, too, whose devo­ tions to God attain a higher virtue because o f their selfless service to th eir fellow beings .” 2 Criterian for Self-purification

T h e criterion for self-purification prescribed by the mystics is sufficiently high. In fact, it is so high that one can never be sure w hether all vestiges o f self-conceit, earthly desires and sexappetite have been completely eradicated from one’s self. O ne can never confidently claim to have reached that stage o f self­ purification where one’s spiritual ascent takes wing unfettered by his base desires. H ow ever, in M akhdOm ’s view, a m an reaches the desired stage o f self-purification when he gives up 1.

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acting according to his ow n predilections and wishes an d begin* to pursue, in all seriousness, th e p a th chalked out by the Shar1**11 In th e letter quoted h ere M akhdum sets forth jthe essential requisites for self-purification. “ M y bro th er, th e S elf o f m an is deceitful and treacherous^, I t always boasts and brags a n d makes false claims. It always advertises th a t it has p u t a b rid le on its cravings and appetites, b u t it ought to be asked to furnish the proof o f its claim . And th e only evidence sufficing to establish its claim is th a t it does n o t take a step o f its ow n b u t acts according to the injunctions o f the L aw . I t is tru th fu l, i f it acts z&tfully on injunctions o f th e Skorit ah, b u t if it avails o f th e leave or interprets the Law to suit its longings, it is assuredly a blasted slave o f its desires. I f it is a helot o f anger, it is a dog in the g arb o f m a n ; if it is a serf o f its appetite, it is a b e a st; if it is a captive o f its despicable desires, it is a greedy h o g ; if it is enthralled by style and taste, it is effeminate. But the m an who adorns his Self w ith the com pliance o f the Shartah, puts it to test from tim e to tim e, gives the reins o f his desires in th e hands o f the L aw a n d m oulds him self in its cast, then alone can he claim to have gained control over his Self, its propensi­ ties an d inclinations. T o th a t end only prudent and sagacious m en, enlightened w ith the core o f tru th , bridle th eir Self with the chains o f righteousness a n d -fear o f G od .” 1

1. 96th letter

X Defence of Faith It was undoubtedly a great achievem ent o f Sheikh S h a raf ud -d ln Yahya M a n e rlth a t he guided a large num ber o f people on th e p a th o f G od, purified an d anim ated th e ir spirits, created a longing in their hearts for attain in g th e knowledge o f D ivine Being, lit the flame 6 f love-Divine in them and expounded the intricate an d subtle realities o f intuitive experience in an elegant, m oving and heart-w arm ing diction like other great reform ers and renovators o f th e faith. But this was not all. H e protected the purity o f faith as th e earlier revivalists and defenders had done, against th e antifiom ian tendencies an d pantheistic monism im ported by m isguided sSfl cults w hich eluded every effort to tie them dow n by th e classifications and definitions o f th e Sharf ah. H e also endeavoured to eradicate the influence o f B atinite an d philosophical concepts im bibed and propagated through neo-Platonist pursuits o f religious expe­ rience. In a country, like In d ia , Where the people d id not have a direct access to the D ivine'revelation an d the T raditions o f the Prophet, th e rapidly grow ing popularity o f th e heterodox belief and practices had sharpened th e conflict between them arid the sound and puritan ical faith o f Islam . M akhdGm’s letters refuted, in a peculiarly vivid an d direct way, this incredible confusion, m ultiplicity, an d often absurdity 6 f ideas. H e fell ba'dk on th e S crip tu re and the Sunnah and rejected all hvfellectual c6 nsthictions and intuitive subtleties which cam e in

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conflict w ith the authorised in terpretation o f the Q u r’ an and the Sunnah. He also balanced and corrected the intuitive im agination and m ystical experience o f his tim e by accommo­ d atin g these in the fram ew ork o f fundam ental religious attitudes. T h is was m ade possible solely because o f his own spiritual insight gained through personal ecstatic experiences and illum i­ nations which m ade him not only an exponent o f mysticism but also an authority on the subject whose interpretations and experiences could not be brushed aside by o ther mystics.

P rophethood and Sainthood An erra tic concept prevalent for quite a long tim e am ong th e th en mystics was th a t sainthood occupies a place m ore exalted and sublim e th an prophethood : the saints being always attracted to D ivine perfection severed all relationship w ith the w orld and sentient beings around them w hile the prophets’ mission being to p ro p ag ate an d expound the revealed tru th , the la tte r had , very often, , to rem ain in contact w ith th eir fellow beings. A nd, since, the fellowship o f Got} was a task m ore consecrated than th e fellowship of hum an beings, the saints held, a m ore elevated an d hollowed place than the prophets did. Som e other mystics, how ever, m ade a distinction between the two states o f th e prophets when they w ere absorbed in D ivine propinquity and w hen they w ere busy dissem inating the divine message am ong th eir fellow beings, an d thereby concluded th a t the prophets in th e ir form er occupation enjoyed a higher position than when tlity perform ed the function o f th eir m inistry. Even this view signified an inferior position o f the prophethood and its mission by a lig n in g a m o re exalted status to th e engrossm ent in D ivine Being, the ch ief pursuit o f the saints^ , T hus, how ever interpreted, this blasphemous proposition was derogatory to prophethood and involved im pairm ent o f th a t exalted office besides paving the way to agnostic and irreligious way o f thinking. W ith characteristic vividness and vigour o f his w ritings an d discourses, MakhdOm Y ahya M anerl

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set in to give the lie to th e nonconform ist belief o f the mystics and established, through his clear and logical reasoning, th at th e prophethood, in all its states and stages, was infinitely higher th an sainthood. -He dem onstrated th a t the shortest span o f prophetic existence, a single breath o f any prophet,- -was decidedly m ore blessed and sacred th an a whole life-time spent in th e state o f saintliness. T h e argum ents brought forth by M akhdum -to clinch his point were draw n m ore fr6m the higher reaches o f his ecstatic illum inations th an cold an d logical form ulations o f discursive reason. M akhdum writes in reply to a letter w herein Shams ud-dln h a d sought a clarification in re g a rd to the position o f prophethood. “ Sham s ud-dtaj my d ear brothers you ought to know th at there is a consensus o f opinion am ong all the mystics tr.eading the path o f spirituality th at the saints, in all states and stations, are subordinate to the prophets who a re always superior to the saints. W hat is incum bent on th e saints to translate into action is the guidance vouchsafed by th e ’, apostles o f G od. All the prophets are saints, but no saint can claim the honour o f being a prophet. T here is not the least difference o f opinion in this reg a rd am ong th e doctors, o f divinity bearing allegiance to, the w ay«if Ahl-USunnat Wal-Jwriefal. A sect am ong th e renegades* howevef, claim s th a t th e saints surpass the prophets on the ground th a t th e latter, are ever engrossed in effulgence s>f the T ranscendent Being w hile the prophets are busy ever and anon in the pursuit o f their mission of preaching the message o f God to the hum an beings. T hus, they argue that a m an who is totally effaced and lost in beholding the Beauty of the Lord takes precedence over one who seldom engages h is-m in d -in contem plating the presence o f G od. A nother group which venerates the saints and claims to be their followers goes even fu rth er to assert th a t th e saints a re higher-up than the prophets for the reason th a t form er a re in itiated into the divine m ysteries w hereas the latter have access only to the knowledge revealed to them . They infer from it that th e saints are acquainted with

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the secrets nbt known to the prophets. T hey avouch th a t th e saints have intuitive know ledge not possessed by the prophets. T hey d ra w th isin feren ce from the story o f Moses and K h id h r and assert th a t K h id h r was a saint and Moses a prophet* who got revelations from the L ord. T h e la tte r was unable to fathom th e secret o f any mysterious event unless a revelation descended from on H igh. But, K h id h r the saint, endow ed w ith intuitive know ledge could im m ediately plum b the secret o f every mystery in as m uch as Moses h ad to subm it him self as a disciple o f K h id h r. This, they say, clearly proves their point, for, a disciple is'always an u n derling o f th e m entor....... But one should never lose sight o f th e fact th a t all the precursors o f righteous p ath o f religion, o n whom reliance can be placed, have vehem ently protested against such sacrilegious creeds and ideas. T h ey have never accepted this profane dftctririe th a t any saint can ever excel o r even be a m atch to a prophet o f G od. As for the story o f Moses and K h id h r, the latter was granted a m om entary prim acy by virtue o f his intuitive know ledge on a p articu lar occasion w hile MoSes enjoyed an enduring param ountcy an d . as you know, abiding suprem acy cannot be overshadow ed by a passing pre-em inence. T ake M ary, for instance, who was g ran ted a tem porary ascendancy over other women because o f the b irth o f h er child w ithout being touched b y a m an, but this tem porary advantage could not eclipse the p erd u rab le superiority o f ‘ Ayesha and F atim a an d th eir illim it­ able suprem acy over all wom en for all tim es to come. H ark y e ! m y b rother, the. entire life spent in litanies and prayers, transports and illum inations by all the s a in ts 'o f all times shall com e short o f a step taken by a prophet. W hat the saints endeavour to achieve th ro u g h penance, and devotion, flight o f spirit an d diving into the treasure o f D ivine m ysteries; that know ledge is attain ed by th e prophets straightaw ay. T hey are charged w ith th e responsibilities o f their apostolic m inistry a fte r being illum inated by th e lam p o f sanctity and th a t is the reason w h y th e y are able to aw aken the zeal for fellowship o f God in thousands o f th e ir followers.

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“ H ence, a breath o f the prophets outw eighs the entire life o f saints. T h e saints are able to cast off th e ir hum anly veil and speak o f th e secrets o f spiritual existence only a fte r attaining the highest degree o f sanctity b u f they still rem ain under the shadow o f the weaknesses hum an flesh is heir t o ; but the prophets, on the other h an d , find th e secrets o f nature unveiled before them on th e very first step o f th eir m inistry. T he last lap o f the saints is the starting point o f th e piophets o r, to be tru th fu l, even th e destination o f saints cannot com pare w ith the outstart o f th e prophets. O nce someone asked K hw aja Bayezld al-B istam l: ‘W h at do you say about the life o f the prophets'. ‘H eaven f o r b i d h e replied ‘we can never gain entrance in th eir realm .’ T h e way th e stations an d stages o f sainthood rem ain hidden from th e eyes o f uninitiated masses, the exalted reaches o f prophethood are beyond th e im aginative flight o f the saints. Prophets take to strides w hile saints s tro ll: one rides the skies w hile th e oth er creeps on th e earth . “ In clarity and purity o f spirit, virtue and sanctity the entire bodily fram e o f th e prophets is lik e th e head an d heart o f the saints, intoxicated w ith th e love o f G od. T h ere is thus a great; difference between the m en w ho have found en tran ce to th e place which, for others, is th e goal o f th eir h e art’s yearning.1” Param ouatcy of Sksri‘ sh

A nother indecorous thinking th a t h ad gained popularity am ong certain mystics t>f th e day w as th a t the established religious institution could be brushed aside by them , for, according to them , one needs to follow th e com m andm ents o f th e Shan'-ak up to a certain s ta g e ; but w hen he reaches th e stage o f A cquaintance and attain s the fellowship o f D ivine Essence, he could reject th e dem and for external conform ity to the Shartf-ah. T h e w ide diffusion o f this e rra tic idea h a d given reins to m any illiterate an d m isguided mystics w ho, acting as 1.

2 0 th l e t t e r

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impious ministers o f evil, were spreading infidelity and irre li­ giousness am ong the superstitious masses. Even cet ta in educated persons had started citing the Q uranic v erse: ‘A nd worshipthy L ord until there com eth unto thee th e d eath .’ 1 to support this contention. T hey arg u ed th at the Sharfah need be follow* ed in letter an d spirit until one attains the stage o f certitude of; th e transcendental T ru th , but once one reaches th a t stage the chains o f Law fall to pieces for him . MakhdOm Yahya M anerl raised his voice in defence o f th e authentic religious view and dem onstrated th e fallacy o f th e antinom ian practitioners o f sufism. H e set forth argum ents to show th a t w hatever stage o r station m ay be attained by a trav eller o f spirit, he has to follow the rules o f th e Shari1ah to th e end o f his life’s journey, for they are never suspended o r superseded by the elevation o f spirit. ' T h e following quotation from one o f his letters will show th a t MakhdOm severely taxed those who opposed the authority o f \h e established religious institution finding expression in the laws o f th e Shari1ak. “ B rother Shams ud- I b n 1 A bdul H a d l : Al-cU q S d -u d -D u m y ah , M atbfa H ijazI, C airo (1356/1938). ■■■.«' Ib n Abi A sablah (d. 668 A. H . ) : cOyfin-al-AnbS 5 fi T abqSt-il-A tibba, A l-M atb^atul W ahbiyah (1299/ 1882). a-us-Sacad a h , Egypt (1351/1932).

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10.

Ib n K h ald Q n : A bdur R ah m an (d. 808/1406): M u qaddam ah Ib n K h aldtin, al-M atbca Sharfiyah, Egypt (1327 A .H .) Ib n T aim iyah, H afiz A hm ad T aqI ud-dln : Al-cA qldatul H am aviahlul-K ubrS , M ajm uca tu r R a sa i’l il-K ubra, M atbca A shrafia, Egypt (1323 A .H .) T afslr SGrat-un-NOr, T a fslr Jam l-uI-B aySn, D elhi (1296 A .H .) A r-R add-al A qw am cala m a fi Fusus-il-Hekam , M ajm uca tu r R a sa i’l, C airo (1323 A .H .) A l-W astali Bain-ul-K halq w al-H aq, M ajm uca tu r R a sa i’l-us-Sughr a, C airo. F ataw ah Ibn- T aim iy ah , M a tb 'a K urdistSn-il‘Ilm iyah, C airo (1326-29), K itab -u r-R ad d -o -lalal M antaqiyln, Bombay (1368/ 1949). Iq tid a 1 Sirat-ul-M ustaqim fi M ukh Slafati Ash5b-ilJ a h lm , Egypt (1326 A .H .) Raf^a-ul-MuljSm ‘A nil A yim m atil Aclam , M ajm ul atu r R asai 5l-as-Sughra, C airo. T afslr SG iat-ul-Ikhlas, M atb*a M unlrjyah, C airo . (1352 A .H .) M in h aj us Sunnat-in-N abaw iyah, C a iro (1321 A.H .) A l-Jaw ab-ul-Sahih lim an B addala D ln-al-M aslh, M atb4a N il, C airo (1322 A .H .) K i»ab-uI-IstaghStha al-M carO f bi-A r-R add-o-lalal B akrl, M a tb 'a Salfia, Egypt (1346 A.H .) K ita b u l R add-o-‘ala l A khna’l w a Istahbab-o-Z iarati-K hair-il-B arriyata Z iarata-al-Sharlcah, M atbca '• ; ' Salfia, C airo (1346 A .H .) Q a i’d atu n J a llla h ,flt-Tawassul w al-W asilah, M atbca M anar, C a iro (1327 A .H .) Z iaratu l Q ab o o r w al-Istanjad bil-Q aboor,; M ajm uca tu r R a sa i’l-as-Sughra, Cairo.A l-Furqan Bain-al-H aq-w al-Butlan, M jm ^ a R asS i’l: il-K u b ra, C airo (1323 A.H.)

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\

345

K itab -u n -N ab u w at, M atbca M uniriyah, C airo (1346 A .H .) N uqs-ul-M antiq, al*M atb£a al-M in n atah al-M uham m adiyah, C airo (1370/1951). M a 'a rij ul-W asul, M ajum ca tu r R a sa i’l il-K ubra, M atbca Sharlfiyah, C airo (1323 A.H.) M a jm u 'a tu r R a sa i’l w al M asS i’l, al-M inar Press, C airo, Vol. I (1341 A .H .) V ol. I I an d I I I (1349 A .H .) A l-M ehnah, M ajm u‘ a h ‘Ilm iy ah , C airo (1372/1953). Ib n Q a y y im : H afiz Ib n Q ayyim (d. 751/1350): Zad-ulM a 'a d , al-M atb‘a M isrlyah, C airo (1347 A .H .) Ig h ath atu llah fan , M u stafa al-Babl Press, C airo (1357/ 1939). Im S m H an b al, A hm ad bin (d. 241 A .H .) : M usnad Im am H anbal, D a ru l M aca rif, C ario. A1 M aq rlzl, T a q l u d-dln A hm ad (d. 845/1442): K itab ulK h u tat, Egypt (1270 A .H .) M u h a m m a d b in ‘A bdul K a rim Shahristani (d. 548 A .H .) : A l-M ilal W an N ahal, M a tb ca al-A dbiyah, Egypt , (1317 A .H .). M u h am m ad bin Abl Bakr as-Shafe4i (d. 844 A .H .) A rRadcl-ul-W afir, M atb‘a K u rd ist an-il -1 Ilm iyah, C airo (1329 A .H .) M uh am m ad bin A hm ad al H a n a fl (d. 1200 A .H .) AlQ a u l ul-Jall, M atb‘a K urdistan-il-‘Ilm iyah, C a iro (1329 A .H .) M uham m ad.ibn Is’h&q a l-B a g h d a d l: F ih rist Ib n N adlm , R ah m S n iy ah Press, C airo (1348 A .H .) M uham m ad L u tfl Jum.ca h : T a rik h F alasafatil Isla m filM ash riq w al-M aghrib, M a tl / a al M a*arif, Egypt (1345 A .H .) M uham m ad Y tisuf M usa, O r . : FalSsafatBl Ik h laq fil* Islam w a S ilatuha bil-FalsSfatil Ig h rlq iah , E gypt (1942) T arlkh-ul-A khlaq, Egypt (1943)

346

SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT

21.

M uslim , Ibn-ul-H ajjaj al-Q iishairi (d. 260/875): Al-Jamius-Sahih, D elhi. Sa*ld AndlQsl, Abul Q jSsim : T abqat-ul-U m am , Beirut (1912). A l-ShaukSnl, M uham m ad ‘ A l l; N ail-ul-A utar, C airo (129? A .H .) Sheikh M are1! bin YOsuf H anbali (d. 1033 A .H .) : AlK aw akib ud-D urriyah, M atbca K urdistSn-il -1 Ilm iyah, C airo (1329 A .H .) As-Subkl, ‘A bdul W ah ab ibn ‘Alt (d. 771 A .H .) : T a b q a t us-Shaffe'lyah-til K tirb a , M atb‘ a H usainiyah, C airo (1324 A .H .) T irm izi, A ba cIsa M uham m ad (d. 279 A .H .) : Al-Jamius-Sahlh. W all ullah, S h a h ; Izalatu l K hifa’, M a tb 'a Siddlqi, B areilly, (1286 A iH .)' YakGt-al-Ruml (d. 626/1229): M u ^jam -ul-B uldan, M a ttfa as-Sacad a, Egypt (1323 A .H .)

22. 23. 24.

25.

26. 27. 28.

29.

A bul F adhl, Sheikh : Ain-i-A kbarl, N ew al K ishore Press, Lucknow (1310 A .H .) 30. A m ir KhuSrO : T u g h laq N am ah, H y derabad. 31. ‘A rabl, Z ain B a d r : W a fa t N am ah, M u fld l A m Press, A gfa (1321 A .H .) 32. Al-BadaunI, c A bdul Q a d ir bin M aluk S h a h : M untakhibut-T aw arikh Bibliotheca In d ic a Series o f th e Asiatic S c d e ty o f Bengal, C alcu tta (1669) • 33. B arnl, Z ia u d -d in , T a rlk h Firoz ShaUt, Asiatic Society o f Bengal, C alcu tta. * H asrat N am ah . it ; ■ 34. Bilgram I, G hulam ‘ All A zad : M acatM r-u l-K iram , M ufld • *Aril Phss§,! A gra (1910.) ‘ 35;"> ChirsLg-i-Dehli; fchW'Sja N^asir ud-d!n : (discourses), Siraju l-M ajalis (U rd u V ersion K hair-ul-M ajalis) Q azl H am id Ali (ed.) LuckntSw (1968.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

36.

37. 38.‘

39. 40. 41. 42. 43.

44. 45. 46:

47. 48-

49. 50.

347

Chishti, Sheikh A llah D iy S : Siar u l A q tab , N ew al K ishore Press, Lucknow (1881). M SS, N adw atul U lam a Library* W ajid *Ali Collec­ tion, No 54i i '< D ehlavl Sheikh cA bdul H a q M u h a d d ith ; A khbar-ttlAkhyar, M atb4a M u jta b a l5, D elhi; (1309 A.H-j) D urvesh Jam S l, Sheikh H am id bin Fazlullah j Siar-ul1 A rifin , D elhi. M SS N adw atul 'U la m a L ib rary , No, 684 F aru q i, Ib rah im Q aw w am F a rh a n g Ib rahm l F ird au si, M akhdDm Shah Sfaua'lb: M anaqib-ul-Asfia, N ur-ul-A faq Press, C alcutta F irishta, Abul Q asim Hindtx Shah : G ulzar Ib rah lm l, also known as T&rlkb F iris h ta , Bombay (1832). G anjshakar, K hw aja F a rid u d -d ln : (discourses), R&hatul-Q ulub : M ujtab ai Press, D elhi, 1309 A .H. Gesti D araz, Saiyid M u h a m m a d : (discourses) JawamM -ulK alim , S.M . A kbar H usaini (ed.) lntaz& ml Press, H yderabad. G h u lam S arw ar, M a u la n S : K h azln atu l Asfia, M atbca T ham ar-i-H in d , Lucknow (1290 A .H 0 Iq b a l, D r. Sir M uham m ad ; A srar-i-K hudl, L ahore. Im am R ab b an l, M u jad id A lf T h S n l : N asim A had F arid i (ed.), M aktQbat Im am R a b b a n l, New al K ishore Press, Lucknow (1906). J a m i, M aulana ‘A bdul R ah m an , N ufhat-ul-U ns, N ew al K ishore Press, Lucknow (1893). Jauzjan l, M inhaj u d-dln ta n Siraj u d -d ln ; T abqat-i-N aslrl, Bibliothec* In d ica Series o f A siatic Society o f Bengal, C alcutta (1864). K allm l, M olvi M uham m ad Q.aslm ( e d .) : M aktubat K alim li-N adw atul M usan n afln , D elhi (1953). M an erl, Sheikh A hm ad S h a ra f ud-dln b in Y a h y a : M aktQbat Seh Sadi, Sheikh Z a in B adr ‘ A rabl (ed.), K utub K h an a Islam , L ah*re. M al adan-ul-M a‘ an i, M atb*a Sharaf-ul-A khb5r, L ahore

348

51.

52. 53. 54.

55. 56. 57.

SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC S P IR IT #

K hw an P u r N ic arnat, M atbca A hm ad I it M ir K h u rd , Syed M u b a ra k cA lv l; Siar-ul-Auliya, D elhi (1302 A iH .) M uham m ad Fazil A k b a ra b a d i: M ukhbir-ul-W aslIn, Lucknow (1265 A .H .) R um i. M au lan a Ja la l u d-dln (d. 672/1273) M athnaw l M olvl M acanaw i, Newal K ishore Press, (1326/1908). SajazI, A m ir ‘ A la 5 H asan, F aw ai’d-ul-Fuw ad, New al K ishore Press, Lucknow. Salim , G hulam H u sa in ; R iaz-us-Salatin, Bibliotheca Indica' Series o f the Asiatic Society o f Bengal, C alcutta, (1890). Sam nanl, A sh ra f Ja h a n g ir : M aktubat A shraf Jah an g ir, M uslim U niversity M anuscript. Siraj-i-t A flf, S h a m s : T a rlk h Firoz S hahl, Asiatic Society o f Bengal, C alcutta. Y am anI, N izam ud-dln, H aji G a r tb ; L a ta i’f A shrafi, N asrat-ul-M atabe, D elhi (1295) A .H .) MSS N adw atul ‘U lam a L ibrary, No. 324 S lrat us-Saraf, Lucknow (1369) MSS N adw at-ul-‘U lam a library, No. 1742 U ^dn

58. 59. i 60. 61. 62.

G llSnl, M a u la n a M an azlr A hsan, H industan m en M uslam anon ka Nizam -i-T*allm , Vol. I I . N iz a m i: K h a h q A h m a d : T arlkh M ashaPkh-i-C hist, N ad w atu l M usannafia, D elhi (1953). Saiyid A hm ad K h an , S i r ; A thar us S anadld, D elhi (1965) Saiyed S ab ah Ud-dln cA bdur R ah m an , Bazm-i-Sufia, D aru l M usannafin, A zam garh. S u h arw ard l, Sheikh Shahab ud-dln, M isbahul H idfiyat (U rd u tran slatio n o f cA w arif-ul-M a*arif), Newal K ishore Press, Lucknow (1291/1875).

E nglish 63.

Abul H asan ‘ A h N a d w l; Saviours o f Islam ic Spirit,

BIBLIOGRAPHY

64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69.

349

Vol. I, Lucknow (1971). A rnold, T .W .; Preaching o f Islam , L ahore. C laud Field : Confessions o f A l-G hazali, L ahore. Dewick and M u rry T . T itu s ; T h e R eligious Q uest o f In d ia , O xford U nivw sity Press (1908). D istrict G azetteer o f A jm er, 1966. Im p erial G azetteer o f In d ia , V ol. X X and X X I, O xford (1908). N icholson, R eynold A . : T h e M ath n aw i o f J a la l ud-dln R fim l, L ondon (1926-27). Secrets o f th e Self, L ah o re (1944).

Chronological Table A.H.

A.D.

93

712

136-158 198-218 208 339 409/411 416 421 428 5.3.8 563

753-774 813-833 824 950 1017/1020 1025 1030 1037 1143 1168

569

1173

571-588 571-602

1175-1192 1175-1205

584

1188

586-87

1190-91

588

1192

595 602

s 1198 ! 1206

Events and Personalities

M uham m ad ibn Q asim T aq affi captured Sind R eig n o f C aliph M ansur R eign o f C aliph A l-M am un Saiyida N aflsa (d.) Abu N asr A l-F arabi (d.) K hw aja A bu M uham m ad C hishtI (d.) S ultan M ah m u d attacked S om nath S ultan M uhmQd o f G hazni (d.) AbO ‘A il S in a (d.) M uham m ad Ja ru lla h Z am akhsharl (d.) K hw S ja Zia? u d -d ln Abul N ajlb ‘ A bdul Q a d ir F irdausi B irth o f K hw aja F a rid ud-dln B akhtiyar K aki R eign o f Prithviraj Chauhati Expeditions o f Shahab ud-dln M u h am m ad G ori against In d ia K h w aja F a rid ud-din meets K hw aja Q u tu b ud-din S hahab ud-dln M uham m ad G hori de­ feated by P rithviraj P rithviraj defeated by M uh am m ad GhorJ Ib n R ushd (d.) S h a h a b ud-dln M uham m ad G h o ri (d.)

352

SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC -S P IR IT

E\

A.H.

A.D.

606

1209

10 th Ja m a d a ul-tJla

27th K hw aja N ajm ud-dln K u b ra (d.) Septem ber 1213

610 627 632 633

1230 1235 1236

636 638 647 647 650 652 655 657

1239 1240 1249 1249 1252 1254 1257 1259

658 658 661

1260 1260 1263

10 th R abi-ulAwwal, 661

22 nd J a n u a ry 1263

5th 17th M u h a rra m O ctober, 664 1265 672 677 678-689 682

1273 1278 1279-1290 1283

683

1284

id personalities

M ongol’s attack on In d ia repulsed

K hw aja M o 'in ud-dln C hishtl (d.) Ib n A l-Fariz (d.) K hw aja Q u tb ud-dln Bakhtiyar K aki (d.) B irth o f K hw Sja N izam ud-dln Auliya M uhJ u d -d ln Ibn ‘ A rabl (d.) A l-M alik al-Salah AyyQb (d.) cIzz u d -d ln Aibeck ascends the throne H asan ibn M uham m ad As-Saghanl (d.) A bul Barkat M ajd u d -dln ibii T aim iyah (d.) NOr ud-dln cAli ascends the throne S a if u d -d ln K atz deposes Nfir ud-dln ‘ All S a if ud-dln K atz slain R ukn u d-dln Baibers ascends the throne B irth o f Sheikh S h a ra f ud-dln Y ahya M aneri B irth o f Ib n T aim iyah

K hw aja F arid ud-dln (d.)

N aslr ud-dln Tflsi (d.)

Saiyid Qutb ud.dln M adnl (d.) Reign of Al-Malik al-N4sir Qalawoon Shahab ud-dln ‘Abdul Halim Ibn Taimiyah (d.) Ibn Taimiyah’s first speech

353

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE

A.HL

A .D .

684 690

1285 1291

691 692 694 696 697 698 699

1292 1293 1295 1297 1298 1299 1300

E vents and p erso n a lities Sheikh K am al u d -d ln Z ahid (d.) Sheikh Y ahya M aneri, father of M akhdQm ul-M ulk (d.) Sheikh N ajib u d -d ln F irdausi (d.) Ib n T aim iy ah goes for Haj Conversion o f G hazan to Islam M ongol hordes Inv ad e In d ia L an d R eform s by H osam ud-dln L aieer T u m u lt kicked u p against Ib n T aim iyah E gyptian forces com e to a id o f D am ascus

Battle betw een al-M alik al-N asir 24th 27th R abi-ul- D ecem ber, M uh am m ad ibn Q alaw oon and G azan Aw w al 699 1299 3rd R abi-ulT h an i, 699

28th D ecem ber, 1299

D am ascus em issaries m eet G hazan

699

1299

Ib n T aim iy ah joins Aqoosh A l-A fram in his expedition against heretics

700

1300

T a q l ud-din Ib n D aq iq ul-cId meets Ib n T aim iy ah

20 th R am ad h S n , April, 1303 702

2 nd

Second b attle o f Sultan al-M alik alN asir w ith T a rta rs

704

1305

A l-M ujahid Ib ra h im ibn Q a tta n pro­ duced before Ib n T aim iyah

Z il H ijja, 704

J« iy , 1305

Second sects

25th M u h a rra m , Ju ly , 1305 705 2 nd

expedition

against

heretical

T h ird expedition against heretical sects

27th 9th C om plaint lodged by R a fa 'iy ah s against Ja m a d a -u l N ovem ber, Ib n T aim iyah 1305 U2S 705

SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT

354

A.H.

A.D.

2 1 st 5th R am ad h an M arch, 1306 705 2 2 nd 7th R am a d h a n , A pril, 705 1306 3rd 30th R a m a d h a n , A pril, 1307 706 15th 14th August, S afar, 1307 707 22 nd 23rd Septem ber, R a b i ul1307 Awwal, 707 July, Safar, 1309 709 16th 13th Shat abSn, Jan u ary , 1310 709 8 th 7th Z il Q a cad a , A pril, 1310 709 16th 4th N ovem ber, R ajab , 1311 711 1312 712

February, Shaw w l, 1313 712 7th 5th M ay, R abi-ulA w w al, 718 1318

Events and personalities

Ib n T aim iy ah summoned to Egypt

Ib n T aim iyah reached Egypt

Ib n T aim iyah offered to be released from ja il Q azI B adr ud-dln J a m a 'a h meets Ibn T aim iy ah in ja il A m ir H osam ud-dln M ohanna ibn ‘Isa 5 takes out Ib n T aim iyah from jail

Ib n T aim iy ah ’s internm ent in A lexandria N aslr ibn Q_alawoon captured D amascus

Baibers A l-Jashanghir executed

Ib n T aim iyah m anhandled by riff-raffs

R oyal edicts issued on the advice o f Ib n T aim iyah R eports o f T a rta r invasion Ib n T aim iyah forbidden to give juristic opinion on divorce

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE

A.H.

A.O.

355

Events and personalities

10th 9th Ib n T aim iy ah released from preventive M u h a rra m , F eb ru ary , detention721 1321 721

1321

Q u tu b U d -d ln M ub arak S h ah killed by KhusrO K h S n

721-24 721-26

1321-24 1321-26

C onstruction o f M akhdflm ’s m onastery Ib n T aim iy ah devotes his tim e to teaching

20 th

Z ilhijia, 724

8 th W arrants o f vicegerency D ecem ber, K hw aja Nifcam ud-din 1324

725

1323

S ultan M uham m ad T u g h laq ascends the throne

18th R a b i ulA khir, 725

3rd A p ril, 1325

K hw aja N ieam u d -d ln (d.)

signed

by

7th 9th Shal a b a n , J u iy» 726 1326

Ibn T a im iy a h placed und er detention

9 th Ja m a d a ul-A khra, 728

2 1 st

W riting m aterial tak en aw ay from Ib n T aim iyah

22 nd ZilQ a*ada, 728

28th Ib n T aim iy ah (d.) Septem ber, 1328

734 752 759-776 767

1333 1351 1358-1375 1366

780

1378

A pril, 1328

Ibn Saiyid-in-N Ss (d.) Sultan M o h am m ad T u g h la q ( d ) Sultan M uh am m ad Shuh B ahm anl Sultan M u h am m ad S h 5 h B ahm anl entered D au latab ad Saiyid ‘ All H a m a d a n l’s arriv al in K ashm ir

SAVIOURS O F ISLAMIC SPIR IT

356

A.H .

A.D.

E vents and pewwm aliti**

10 th Shaw w al . Ju n e, 782 1380

Sheikh S a ra f ud-dln Y ah y a M an eri (d.)

786 786 791 801 808 809 820 825 849 874 986 1003 1034 1047 1052

1384 1384 1389 1399 1406 1406 1417 1422 1445 146? 1578 1595 1624 1637 1642

1085 1161

1673 1747

A m ir Syed ‘ All H am adanI (d.) M aulSnS F a rid u d -d ln 1 A lam (d.) Q a z I cA bdul M u q ta d ir K in d i (d.) Sheikh Z ara u d-dln (d.) Ib n K haldfln (d.) M au lan a K hw Sjgl o f D elhi (d.) Sheikh A hm ad o f T han esar (d.) Saiyid M uham m ad GesQ D araz (d.) Sheikh S hahab ud-dln bin *Uma*-(d*) M u h am m ad ib n Q u tb (d.) M uham m ad T a h ir Patni (d.) Sheikh YaqQb S h a ra fl (d.) Sheikh A hm ad S rahindi (d.) M a u la n a ja m a l ul-A ulia C hishti (d.) Sheikh ‘ A bdul H a q M u h ad d ith D ehlavi (d.) Shah P lr M uham m ad o f Lucknow (d.) M u lla N izam u d -d ln (d.)

6 th

Glossary of the Arabic and Persian Terms

A hl-i-Suonat W at Jam afat —A te rm generally applied to a sect o f M uslim s who acknow ledge, in ad d itio n to th e Q u r ’an, the Sunnah o r p a th o f the Prophet to be th e correct version o f Islam . T h e Sunnis i. e. one o f th e p ath , em brace by fa r the g re ater portion o f th e Islam ic w orld. T hey believe th e f ir s t fo u r C aliphs to have been rig h tfu l successors o f the P rophet an d belong to one o f th e four schools o f jurisprudence founded by Im Sm AbO H an ifa, i m i a i ash-Shafe*!, Im am M alik o r Im S m A hm ad ib n H anbal. See Sunnis. A llali-O -A k liar —Lit. ‘G od is g re a t.’ A n ejaculation w hich is called Takbir. Ito c c u rs fre q u e n tly in th e litui^fcal form o f w orship an d Mauds f o r th e d eclaratio n o f God-s absolute overlordship over th e w orld. A sh 'arite —A sect form ed by A bul H asan *All ibn Ism aftt al-Ashca rI, b o rn 206 A. H . (873-74 A. D .) A shlar it es h o ld th a t th e attributes o f G od a re d istinct from His essence, yet in subh a w ay as to forbid any com parison betw een G od and H is creations. A sh'arites trav erse th e m ain positions o f the M uctazilites, denying th a t tn a n c a n b y his reason atone, rise to the know ledge o f good a n d evil. T h ey ad o p t th e m iddle course betw een th e M u*tazilites an d th e H anbalites. U nlike the form er they n eith er accept th e claim o f reason to be com pletely free to d iscern m etaphysical realities and deliver its verdict ab o u t th e content a n d n a tu re , attrib u tes a n d Character­ istics o f th e Suprem e R eality n o r do they agree w ith the H anbalites w ho reject th e claim o f reason to have any say in expounding th e revealed T ru th .

358

SAVIOURS O F ISLAMIC S P IR IT

*A sr—T h e tim e for obligatory prayer offered m idw ay when, th e sun has begun to decline an d sunset. A s s a s s i n s —C orru p tio n o f hailshijah o r haslsh-eater. A sect o f the Batinites who undertook to kill treacherously their enemies. A y a h —Lit. “ a sign o r m iracle.” T he term is also used for one o f the sm aller p ortions o f the ch apter o f the Q u r’an o r a verse. B a ci t —O a th o f allegiance taken by ihe people for rem ain­ ing faithful to th e h ead o f a M uslim State o r any o th er person acknow ledged as spiritu al guide. , , B a tin ite (or Balinxyah). Lit. ‘inner, esoteric.’ They m aintained th a t only a symbolic interpretation w ith gradual initiatio n by an illum inated teacher could reveal the real m eaning o f the Q u r’an . T h e w ord, they claim ed, was like a veil, h iding the deep occult m eaning never attainable to those clinging to literal explanation* Being a Shica ite theological school o f thought, they also upheld the doctrine o f «/» where he is supposed to receive a n inspiration o r illum ination o f the tru e nature o f G odhead, th at is to a rriv e at th e ‘T ru th ’. H lflbat-n llalt —Lit. the ‘P arty o f A llah’ ‘M —A com m on nam e fo r Id-ul-Pitr, the festival o f fastbreaking a t th e end o f th e m onth o f R am ad h an an d Id-ul~Adha o r the feast o f sacrifice celebrated on the tenth day o f Zil-H ijja. I f t ir —Lit. ‘B reaking’ o f fast in the evening after sunset. Ijm ca —Lit. ‘Collecting’ o r ‘assem bling’. In Islam ic jurisp ru d en ce Ijmla expresses the unanim ous consent o r con­ sensus o f the m en o f learning an d piety over any ju ristic issue. Im am — Lit. ‘O ne w ho leads’ i. e. a norm al guide o r a m odel. I t com m only denotes in tlie Sunnite creed the lead er o f the congregation in p ray er who should be conversant with the ritu a l. T h e term is also applied to one learned a n d pious and capable o f m aking logical deductions on a legal o r theological question. In the Shi* a h d octrine, how ever, the te rm covers an entirely different notion. T o them the /mam is th e faultless an d infallible lead er, an offspring o f ‘ All, to whoxii spiritual leader­ ship is supposed to have been passed o n from the Prophet th ro u g h his son-in-law and th e fourth C aliph eAli. I m i m a t —T h e office o f Iniam. Im am Bara —A b u ild in g in w hich the festival o f Muharram is celebrated by th e Shi‘ ahs to com m em orate the m artyrdom o f H usain, son o f C aliph ‘ All. cI « h a ’—T he tim e for th e last o f the daily obligatory prayers, p erform ed w hen the nig h t has closed in.

GLOSSARY O F T H E A RA BIC AND PERSIAN TERMS

361

I s h r a q —A voluntary p ray er perform ed w hen th e sun has w ell risen. Ism acilite s —o r Ismaciliyah. Also called seveners (Sabaijah), they form ed the group o f extrem ist Shicahs originating from a schism w hich took place in th e Shica h com m unity tow ards th e end o f th e eighth century about th e question o f the succession o f the seventh Imam Ism a 'll. T h e sixth fmSm, J a ca far al-Sadiq, h ad disinheritd Ism acll in favour o f his younger son M usa al-K azim but a faction o f th e S h ia h s rem ained faithful to Ism a 'll. L ater, the Ism a(llites proved th e ir vitality u n d e r such different aspects as th e terrorism o f Q arm atians sectaries, the caliphate o f th e F&timides, th e B rethren o f Purity and the once so d re a d e d Assassins (also see Batinites). Jih ad —L it. a n effort o r striving. A religious w ar w ith those unbelievers who attack the M uslim s o r a re inim ical to them . I t is a n incum bent religious duty, established in the Q u r‘an a n d th e T rad itio n s as a div in e institution, an d enjoined specially for th e defence o f a M uslim land an d repelling evil from th e M uslims. J iz y a h —T h e capitation tax Realized from th e non*Musllm subjects in lieu o f protection afforded to them by a M uslim State. Such non-M uslim subjects, called sim m is, a re exem pted from m ilitary duty in defence o f th e realm b u t enjoy full citizenship rights like other M uslim s, w ho, besides paying Z flkat, not levied on non-M uslim s, are also liable to be d rafted for dative service. K M lafat N am ah —T h e w a rra n t o f vicegerency conferred by a s$fl saint on his disciple w ho is thus allow ed to preach an d a d m it others in th e m ystical o rd e r o f his m entor. K h w S r lj—A sect w hich denied th e authority o f the C aliphs a n d believed th a t commission o f a m ajo r sin condem ned one to eternal torm ent in th e H ell. T h ey seceded from th e arm ed forces o f C aliph ‘A ll after th e w ar o f Siffln m 13 A. H . as a protest against th e appointm ent o f arb itrato rs to decide th e issue o f caliph ate betw een ‘ All and M u‘ aw iyah. M a d a m — An educational institution, specially for

362

SAVIOURS OF ISI.AM1C SPIRI;|

teaching o f religious sciences. M aghrib —Lit. west. T h e tim e for obligatory prayer offered ju s t after the sunset. M a x n lu k —Lit. ‘Slave’, the designation o f the im ported T u rk slaves serving in, the arm y. Mcarifat —M cori f ah o r D ivine gnosis is a stage in the mystic journey o f spirit w herein the sufl, after-occupying him self w ith contem plation and investigations concerning the nature, attrib u te and works o f G od, attains the ‘knowledge’ o f these. Maulana —Lit. ‘a lord o r m aster’. A term generally used for a learned m an. M n’azzin —O ne who gives the call to prayer. M ustaufi-ni-Mamalik —T he A ccountant G eneral o f the realm . M u'tazilites —o r Mu'-lazdah. Lit. ‘T he Separatists’. A school o f thought founded by W asil ibn ‘A ta5, who separated from the school o f H asan al-Basrl. T h e chief tenets o f the school w ere : ( 1 ) T hey rejected all eternal attributes, o f God saying th a t eternity is the proper or form al attribute o f His essence; th a t God knows by His essence, and not by His know ledge ; th a t to affirm these attn b u tes ijs the sam e thing as to m ake m ore eternals th a n one ; an d th at the U nity o f God is inconsistent jwith such an opinion. (2) T hey believed the word o f G od (Q u r’an) to have been created, and w hatever vwas created was also an accident, and liable to perish. (3) T hey held th a t if any M uslim is guilty o f grievous sin, and dies w ith­ out repentence, he will be eternally dam ned. (4) T hey also denied th e vision o f God i n Paradise by the corporeal eyevand rejected all comparisons or, sim ilitudes applied to God. . D uring th e re ig n ^o f.th e ‘A bbasid C aliphs al-]^I|iji,un (8138 33),. al-M uct ^ i m ^833-842} nl-W ath\q (842-847) the M uctazilah were in high favour. , Naqsbbandiyab— T h e jn y s tic pr.der founded by K hw aja P ir M uham m ad iNaqsht^nci (d. 719/1319). T hey usually perform ^ikr-i-K a ft or sil.eist devotions by. way o f the rem em ­ b rance o f God.

GLOSSARY O F T H E ARABIC AND PERSIAN TERMS

363

N iz a m iy a li—T h e o rd e r o f mysticism followed by the disciples and,follow ers p f Khv^sya N izam ud-din A ulia9. N u s a y r l s - Also Nusajri. A sect o f the Shilahs founded by Ib n N usair (d. 873 A. D.)> a follower and em issary o f the eleventh Shicaite Im am al-H asan al-£Askari. T hey lived in J a b l N usairiyah an d num bered about 2,50,000. P i r —Lit. ‘A n eld er’. T h e term denotes a spiritual leader. Q ,a d ir iy a h —T h e Qjtdiriyah o rd e r o f mysticism sprang up from the celebrated Saiyid A bdul Q a d ir Jil&nl (1 0 5 8 -llli) w hose shrine is in B aghdad. Q ,a r i—O ne who reads the Q jir’an correctly and is acquainted with the science o f pronouncing the w ords o f the scripture faultlessly. Q a ? i —Sometimes w ritten as C adi. A Ju d g e o r adm inis­ tra to r o f law appointed by the ru le r o f a M uslim State. Q ib ia h —T h e direction in w hich M uslim s offer prayer. Q iy a g —T h e analogical reasoning o f the learned w ith re g ard to the teaching o f the Q u r ’an, Had'ith an d IjnuP. T he essential conditions f o r such an analogical reasoning a re th a t ( 1 ) the precept or practice upon w hich it is founded should be o f com m on an d not o f special application, ( 2 ) the cause o f the injunction should be known and understood, (3) the decision m ust be based upon either th e Q ur^an, th e Hadltk, or th e IjndP an d (4) th e decision arriv ed a t m ust not be contrary to anything expressly enjoined elsewhere ip the Q u r’an and the Hadith. R a f iz f —Lit, ‘A forsaker’. Synonymous w ith Rafizfth. A term used for a body o f soldiers, belonging to a sect o f Sliicahs, w ho jo in ed Z aid , the son o f lA ll ibn H usain. T hey dem anded th a t Zaid. should abuse AbQ B akr a n d 'U m a r , the first tw o Caliphs, but on his refusal to d o so, they left him to th e m ercy o f H ajjaj ibn Yusuf. Z aid fought bravely w ith the handful p f his rem aining com panions who all fell a g a in s t. the vastly superior enemy. R a k ca t — (PI. Rakcah). A u n it o f p ray er consisting o f one genuflection an d tw o prostrations.

364

SAVIOURS O F ISLAMIC SPIR IT

R a fi'iy a h — A mystic o rd e r founded by S aiyid'A hm ad b in 4All bin Y ahya ar-R afa1! al-H asnl A bdul * AbbSs (512*578 A H ./1 118*1182 A. D .) in Ira q . A uthor o f a num ber o f books, Saiyid A hm ad ar-R afa1! is reported to have one hundred eighty thousand disciples. T h e dom inant feature o f the o rd er was em phasis on service o f hum anity, self effacement, gracious b ehaviour an d severe m oral an d spiritual discipline. L ater on, how ever, an extrem ist group o f his followers took to w onder w orking an d developed antinom ian tendencies. S a b cI n i y a h —A pantheistic sect o f sufis who believed th at everything is G od, and o f the same essence. Sadr-i-Jabuni—T h e officer charged w ith the responsibility o f enforcing Islam ic rules and regulations and disbursing stipends to M uslim divines, scholars an d m en o f piety. Sahihaio —Consists o f the two books o f T raditions consi­ d ered to be th e most correct books. J. Bunhari o f M uham m ad Ism a 'il al B ukhati (d. 256 A.H.).' 2. Muslim o f M uslim ibn al-H ajjaj (d. 261 A. H .) . S a h Q r—T h e m eal w hich is taken before daw n while keeping fast. S h a f e 'it e s —followers o f one o f the four juristic schools o f orthodox Islam . T h e founder o f this school was Im am M uham m ad ibn Id ris as Shafe*!, who Was b o m at A sqalon in Palestine (95/714). *The Shafe^ites are found In South In d ia and Egypt. S h a r 'i a h — Lit ‘T h e w ay’. T h e law, including *b6 th the teachings o f th e O u tra n an d the T raditions o f the Prophet. It has been .defined as ‘the “way o r ro ad in the religion o f M u h am m ad , w hich G od has established for the guidance o f H is people, both for th e w orship o f God and for the duties o f life'. S h e ik h —A title accorded to the venerable doctors o f religion. It is used in addressing theological scholars and divines who have acq u ired a certain spiritual prom inence, w ithout necessarily hold in g a religious office.

GLOSSARY O P T H E ARABIC AND PERSIAN TERMS

365

S h e i k h 's l - I d a m ^ 'T h c highest ecclesiastical office under a M uslim State. S h ica h —Lit. ‘Split’ an d also ‘follow ers’. A general desig­ nation covering various sects o f M uslim s not following the conform ist o r orthodox faith. T h e schism whose origin goes back to th e early years o f Islam h a d its beginning in, the rivalry for th e caliphate between th e U m m ayyad an d A lid clans a fte r caliph ‘A ll’s death an d M u‘aw iy ah ’s accession to the C aliphate. T h e A lid party m ain tain ed th a t this highest office o f Islam was a prerogative o f th e P rophet’s house. T hey also m ain tain ed th a t ‘All was th e first legitim ate /w aw o r successor o f th e P rophet a n d th erefore rejected th e first th ree successors o f th e P rophet. T h e belief in this reg ard later developed into a faith th a t th e Prophet’s God-w illed sp iritu al a n d secular guidance h a d passed from him to ‘A ll w ho, h im self a n in carn atio n o f the D ivine Spirit, h a d bequeathed his mission to a sequence o f h ereditary Imams o f his progeny. O n this soil was set up a theological fram ew ork w hich left am p le room for th e most varied opinions, some o f w hich h a rd on th e borderline o f Islam . S h ir k — Lit. A scribing p lurality to th e D eity o r associat­ ing partn ers to G od. I t consists o f ascribing divine knowledge to others; th a n G o d ; ascribing divine powers to others th an G o d ; offering w orship to created b ein g s; and, the perform ­ an ce o f cerem onies w hich im ply reliance on others th a n G od. S ik ak -vs-S ittak —T h e following a re th e Sihah Sittah, or ‘six. correct’ books o fT ra d itio n s, received by Sunni Muslims. (1) Al-Bukhari, o f M uham m ad Ism ail al-Bukari (d. 256

A .H .). (2) Muslim, o f M uslim ibn al-H ajjaj (d. 261 A. H .). (3) Al-Tiim izi, o f AbQ ‘Is5 M uham m ad al-T irm izl (d. 279

A .H .). (4) Ata Di*Sd, o f Aba D i’ud as-SajistSnl (d. 275 A. H .). (5) An-Ni&P, o f Abu ‘Abdur Rahm&n an-NisSiJ (d. 303 A. H .).

366

SAVIOURS

o r 1SLAMI0 SPIRIT

( 6 ) Ibn M&jah, o f A bu AbdullSh M uham m ad Ib n M ija h (d. 273 A. H .). S a fi—O ne who professes the mystic principles for attaining the gttbsis o f G od. T h e principal occupation a ■ f*(A *s m editation on the U nity o f G od, the rem em brance o f G od’S nam es and the progressive advancem ent m spiritual life to a tta in propinquity o f God. Suharwardiyah —A p o p u lar o rd e r o f mysticism founded by Sheikh Shahab ud-dln S u h arw ard I o f B aghdad (d. 602/ 1205). S n n n a h —As opposed to th e Q u r’an which is a d irect reve­ lation from G od, the Prophet also received w hat is regarded as an unrtad revelation w hich enabled him to give authoritative declarations on religious m atters. T he A rabic w ord used for these T raditions is Hadith an d Sunn/th fa saying o r a custom ). T h e Prophet gave very special instructions respecting the faithful transm ission o f his sayings. G radually, how ever, spurious T raditions also gained currency for which a n elaborate canon o f subjective and historical criticism was evolved fo r the acceptance o r rejection o f th e T raditions. T h e Sunnali represents an authentic interpretation b f the Q u r’an , a valuable Source o f law an d an infallible g u id e for the overw helm ing m ajority o f the M uslims-in every situation o f th eir spiritual and secular life as opposed to Bid1ah (innovation) in religion. S u n n i— Lit. ‘O ne o f the p ath ’. A term generally applied to a ll M uslims who consider the Sunnah o f the Prophet, m ani­ fested by his sayings, acts or tacit approval and transm itted by the com panions o f th e Prophet, as the infallible guide o f the faith fu l and an authentic interp retatio n o f the Q u r’ an. T h e 1-Sunnis em brace by fa r the g reater portion o f the M uslim w orld. i, T a h a jju d —A voluntary p rayer o(ft*red after m idnight. T a l i q —T h e sentence o f divorce^ T h e Islam ic law o f divorce or release from th e m arriag e tie is founded upon express injunctions contained in the Q u r’an, as well as, the

O I.OSSARY O F T H E A R A B IC A N D P E R S IA N TER M S

367

T raditions and exhaustively treated in the works on ju ris­ prudence. T a r a w i h —T he p lu ra l o f Tatwlh i . tfe. rest. T he prayers, o f usually tw enty rakcats, recited at nig h t d uring the m onth of R am ad h an ; so called because the congregation sit down and rest after every fourth rakcai. T a u h i d —A term used to express the U nity o f the God­ head, which is the great fundam ental basis o f Islam . T he teaching o f th e Q u r’an and th e Prophet as to the n atu re o f God, H is U nity, without any associate o r p artn er, His absolute Power and th e oth er essential attributes o f an E tern al and A lm ighty Being is the most im portant p a rt o f the Islam ic faith. T ariq at— ‘A p ath ’. T h e Tanqah 01 spiritual path which is usually known as lasawwuf o r mysticism, is the inner and esoteric dim ension o f Islam and like th e Sharlfah has its roots in the Q u r’an and prophetic practice. Being the actual nature o f spiritual path, the traveller on the p ath o f Tarlqat seeks to em ulate the life o f the Prophet who is th e prototype o f spiritua­ lity and thus realises the m eaning o f unity or Tauhid in its fullness. cU la m a — P lu ral o f Aalim. O ne who knows, learned 5 a scholar. In the plural form the w ord is used as the title o f the learned doctors in Islam ic theology and law. ‘U r s —A term used for the cerem onies observed at the anniversary o f the d eath o f any celebrated saint. Walayet —Lit. Sainthood or state o f spiritual elevation. W a ll—(Pluarl Aulia’), T h e term is applied to a saint o r holy m an who has attained a high state o f sanctity by virtue of his divine illum ination and pious life. Yoga —H indu system o f philosophic m editation and asceti­ cism designed to effect the reunion o f th e devotee’s soul w ith the universal spirit. Yogi — O ne who practises yoga. Z im m i — A m em ber o f th e Ahl-uz-^ummah a non-M uslim subject o f a M uslim G overnm ent, belonging to the Jew ish, C hristian or Sabean creed, w ho, for th e paym ent o f poll or

368

SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC S P IR IT

capitation-tax, enjoys security o f his person, p ro perty and religious observance in a M uslim country w ithout bearing the responsibility o f defending the realm . Z nhr—T h e tim e for afternoon obligatory prayer.

INDEX *■ A ban ibn S a'eed ibn al-cAas, 133 ‘A b b ls, 85, 133 * A bdul Aziz, S hsh, 298 'A b d u l H a i, M aulSnS Syed, 264, 266 Abul H a jja j A l-M izzI, 60, 138 •Abdul H am id al K Stib, 297 cA bdul H a q M uhaddith Dchlavi, S heikh, 221, 'A b d u l H a ian A l-A ih'axi, Im Sm , 26 'A bdullSh az-2£arafee, 59 ' 'A bdullSh ibn M uhib, 59 'A bdullSh ibn U bai, 305 'A bdullSh, S h a ra f u d -d ln , 60 A bui L aith'S am arkand i, Faqih, 155 'A bdul Q S dir Jila n i, Sheikh, 45 •A bdur R ahim , K h w ija , 197 'A b d u r Rahm fin, Z ain ud-din, 43, 56, 59, 60 Abu A hm ad C hishti, K hw Sja, 149 AbO 'A li SinS, 95, 96, 103, 104, 105, 106 Aba fA m ar, 77, 78 AbO Bakr, H azrat, 132, 133 AbQ Bakr K harrS ta (Qaww Sl), 168 A b a Baqr B aqillani, Q iz i, 26 AbQ H a ft Aushi, M aulSnS, 155 A bo H a n ifa , Im lm , 194, 212 A bu HayySn T aw hidi, 297 AbQ Is’hSq a s-S tb i, 297 AbU I*’hSq Sham i, Khw Sja, 149 A bul BarakSt BaghdSdi, 95 A bul F adhal, 154,298 Aba M uham m ad C hishti, K h w ija , 149, 150 A bul M u q ta d ir K in d i, Sheikh, 237, 250

Aftul Q iiim H a riri, 2 ? / AbulQfisim H indu S hsh, 243 AbQ Sa ud-dln *Ali S tb ir, Sheikh, 158; 1C?, 165 *AMP u d-dln Babm an S h fh , Sue Sham*-i-SirSj A tlf •Ala* ud -d ln J iu rl, Sheikh, 264 fAlS* ud-dln K h iljl, 148,186, 189, *90, 1 9 1 ,1 9 3 ,2 1 6 ,2 3 3 , 235, 238 ‘AH’ u d -d in , Sheikh-ul-Islam , 233 ‘Ala* ud-din UsDli, MaulSnS, 167 -ul-Haq, 246, 294 'A lexandaria, 46, 47, 48 (A li Asgliar, M a u lS n l, 251 •Ali, H a zra t, 35, 63, 77, 89, I33f, 136 'A lim ullah, Q i z i, 251 'A ll Sikizzi, Sheikh, 157 'A llam a G azru n i, 250 A lpharabius, See Al-FarSbi Am erica, 149 A inelhf, 251 A m ir B u lli1, 32 A m ir H a jl, 216 A m ir H asan fAla* S ajazl, 170, 185, 188,204, 207,217,227 A m ir HosSm ud-din M a h a n a ibh *Is5, 44 A m ir K husru, 180, 183, 184, 191, 192 195, 197, 216, 221 A m ir Q airb ek , 215 A m ir S aif u d -d in JaghSn, 28 A m ir Saiyid (Ali H a m a d in i, 263 Am ir T u za u n , 29 A nandpU , 151 A n a l ibn M ilik , 9 A ndluji, SSy'id, 93 A n o raj, 151 tAqc?id-i-SharaJil 295 ‘Aqil, 133 Aqoosh al-A fram J a m il u d-din, 33, 34 •A rabi, M uhi ud-din ib n , 41, 42 Aristotle, 18, 93f, 98, 102, 103, 111, 115

lAVlOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIR IT

Arjawish, S3 Arkiin, 125 Arrah. 269 A shraf J a h in g lr Sam nSni, Saiyid 246, 251, 293, 294 •Asqalfini, Ib n H ajar, 67 Asrar-i-Ktmdt, 2 fl 'A ta J ullah, K h w aja. 205 A tliar us-San5did, 183, 170 Aurangabad, 249^

Aurangzeb, *Alamgir, 298 Aush, 154 Auza % 52 Averroes, See Ibn Rushd Avicenna, See AbQ fA!i S i n t tAwSrif, 235 tAwdrif-nt-Macarif, 173, 174. 262 'Ayesha, 334 AyyUb, Al-Malik al-Saleh, 11 AyyObi, Sultan Salah ud-fiin, 23 Ayyfib Najm ucWin, 11 Az6d, Ghulam *Ali, 153 ‘AzSzil, 304 A zh n tiya h , 141

Baba Farid al-D in, 24fl Badr ud-din Is’h iq , M aulanS , 164, 172, 174,217 Badr ud-dln, K haw *ja, 264, 265, 266 Badr u d-din, M a u la n t, 161, 182 Badr u d-dln Sulsim Sn, Sheikh, 165 J Baghdad, 10, 13, 39, 59, 141,147,155,

195

: " ' ' . " ' ‘I

B aha al-H aqq, 248 Bahi* ud-dln ibn az-2aki a s-S h ife ^ , Q a z i, 25 B aha9 ud d in M a u ltn S , 263 B aha’ u d -d in Z akariya M ultani, Sheikh. 108, 195, 201, 265 Baha* u d-dln Z akarya, 162 Bahr-ul-Ma*Sm, 295

(, ^

Baiber«-AI-Malik al-Zahir 1, 12, 13, 15 Baibers, Rukn ud-dln, 11 Bait ul-Muqaddas, 50,282, 306 Al-Bakrl, Sheikh 'A ll Ibn YfaqBb, 81 BakhtiySr Kaki, K hw ija Qjjtubud-din. I54f, 163, 182, 264, 265 Balakb, 273, 285 Al-Balasi, Muhammad al>Khabb£z, 38 Bal*am Ba'nr, 304, 309 Balban, GhiySth ud-din, 161, 168, 183, 188,249,259 Banr An-Nadhlr, 40 Band »Abd M unaf, 133 Barni, Zia* ud-dfh, 148 Batinites, 5-6 Bayariah, 190 Ba-Yazid, Sheikh, 235 Bayeztd ai-Bist£ml, 335 At-BazzKr, Sjraj ud-din Aba Hafk, 67, 71,72 Behiah, 269 Benaras, 251 Bengal, 222, 246, 249, 258, 259,285, 294 Bibi Fatimah, 165 Bibi NastQrah, 165 Bibi Sharifah, >65 AI Hidayah wan-Niyayah, 12 Bihar, 257, 258, 270, 272, 294, 301 BiqillSni, Abu Bakr, 94 Bil M ufid, See ibn Noaman, AbO 'Abdullah Muhammad Bisgldeo, 151 ~ BishniJah, 183 Brahamputra, 259 Brahma, 151 BO *Ali Q alandar, 261 Budaun, 166, 180 Buddah, 269, 270 Bughra Khan, 183 BukhSrS, 147

BukhSri, 55 /'r l [ B urhin ud-dln •1-Maiginitnf, »70 " v B urhin ud-dtn 169 Burhan ud-dln, Sheikh, 245 ■

m : ..

Cairo, 12, 47, 53, f t , 89* 90 C anasta, 308 Chand BardSi, 131 Chauift, 306, 301 Chenghi* Khan, 16, 29, 39, 133, 155. 241 China, 60 Cordova, 148 Cunningham, General, 269 Cyprus, 5, 39

Dacca, 259 Damascui, 10,14, 19, 20, 21, 29* 31f, 39,46, 47, 49, 50, 55, 59, 77, 17* Daniel, 125 DStS Ganj Baksh, Tom b of, 89 Daulatahad, 196, 244,250 David, the prophet, 24, 103, 122, 126 Deccan, 264 Delhi, 148, 151, 154f, 159, 160, 166, 168, 170f, 177f, 87, 191f, 201, 211, 216, 217, 223, 237, 239, 240, 241, 246, 249,250, 259, 260, 261,264, 265, 271, 281,294 Devagtri, 196, 197, 241 Dialectic*, 3, 5 DrOzes, 6

Edeoa, 19 Egypt, I t , 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 20,23, 26, 29, 32, 34f, 42f, 62,65, 71, 73, 77, 78, 122, 141, 312 Etah, 183

SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC STOUT

372

Euclid, 93 10,V2

Ezra, 73, 120 '

**v

Fa H ian, 269 l’akhr ud-dTn ZarrlHf MaulfinS, 194. 199,222*241, 242,271 Falasafalul lkhtaq fil Islam wo Silmluha bil Fatsafalil IghripSk, 66 A1 FarSbi, AbQ Nasr, 95, 103, 105 Farghane, 154 Farhang Ibrahimi, 257 Farid ud-dln ‘Slam, MauISnS, 267 „ Farid ud-dln *Attar, KhwSja, 263,

267

,c .

:{.

Farid ud-d!n Ganjshakar, KhwSja, I58f, 168, 170, 172f, 177, 178, 182, 202,,211, 218f,' 230, 232, 247, 248 FSrOqi, Ibrahim, QawwSm, 257 Fsih ud-din, 203 , Fatiwah Ibn Taimiyah, 52 Falawnh Shtikh-ul-Islam ibn Taimiyah. p 141 Faliiwah Titarkhiniyah, 267 Falimah, Hazrat, 135, 334, FawSHd-i-Rukni, 294 FawaHd Muridin, 295 Faw&id-ui-Fawid, J69f, 174, 175. 177, 179, 180,182, 186,m 207, 211, 212,217, 222, 224f,235 At-Fih, 57 Fihrist ibn Nadim, 94 FirangT Mahal, 251 Firdausi, KhwSja N ajlb ud-dln, 266f Firdausi, ShSh Shtfaib, 259, 264, 265, 267,275,278 Firdausi, Sheikh N ajib ud-dln, 261 Firdausi, Sheikh Rukn ud-din, 264, 266 Firoz S hih Sharqi, S ulttn , 285

Firoz S h ih TUghJaq, 240f, 267, 272 281 Al-Fttrq&n, 41 FusTis ii-flekam, 41 , FiUihai-i-AfaWyah, 41 Fuzatl ibn (Ay4dh, 304

- ■'■■■■ O Galen., 93 Ganj-i-LSyafna, 295 Ganjshakar, See Farid-ud-din Ganjshakar Gaza, 42 Gaznavi, Sheikh Badr ud-din, )63 Gaznavi, MahraQd, 149,150 Gazfin, 29, 30, 31 32 Al-GhazSH. Imam AbQ H b n id , 66. 95, 97, 107, 111, 209, 210,297, 326 Ghazni, 150,159 GhiyithpBr. 180, 182f, J9 I, 704,234, 248 GhiySth ud-din Mansur Shirizi, M ir, 250 GhiySth ud-din Tughlaq, SultSn, 19? 193, 196,221, 222,271,285 Ghor, 150 G hori, ShahSb ud-din Muliammad, , 1491,257,258 Ghost, Holy, 118, 119, 22, 123 GhulSm Husain SaRm, 246 Gospel, 119, 120 Greece, 93,101, 103,110 Gulbarga, 237, 249,251

H Habaldcuk, 125 H abib ud-din, Sheikh, 258 HajjSj ibn YOsuf, 53 , H ajw airi, Syed *Ali, 89 HalSkfl, 39, 96 Haldl-i-Suttan-ul-Mash&ikh, 163 Haleb, 10, 21, 29,39

373

HamSdSn, 147 •’ :'s ■ ;, ;a Hamah, 29 ’ ' ■ f Hamid ud-din Nagauri, Q azi, 159,195r

■■ 2T2 - ■ * Hamid ud-din, Sheikh, 281 Hamilton, Dr, Uuchnan, 269 HSnsi, 159, 160, 177, 182, 239, 240,271 Hauz Qatlaglt K han, 182 1 . H aftan. 10, 19, 20 Hasari. I^hclij 216 Hasan, ImSm, 77, 135 Hasan Sar Uarahiia, 339 Ha.mil Hamah, 195, 232 S' H auran, 34 Hejan, 13 '• -• •■■■!• Al-He-kaui, 45 ,. AI-Hifli, ibn-ul-Mutahhir, 127,134, 135 Hims, 30 * Al-Hindi, Sheikh' Safi ud-din, 7:1 -: Hindustan, See India ; si. • ; Hippocrates, a ■ < Hisar, 20,4 , . H iueu Tsiang,-269 ! _< HosSm ud-din Far jam , 193, 194,105 Had, 126 • Humaidi, Imam, 22 a Huinaun, 183 HunninaU, 312 . Husain, ImSm,89» 135, 258

"'"7 i

"

Iblis, 308, 337 Ibn ‘AbbSs, 82 l b n ‘Abd ud-DSyam al-M aqdisi, 22 Ibn'A bdul H id i, 22 i Ibn al-Athir, 60 Ibn al-Faridh, 45 Ibn al-Jawzi, 297 Ibn 'Aqeel, 107 Ibn ‘AsSkir, 60 Ibn ‘Ata* ullah Iskandari. Sheikh, 45

I»w K athir, II , U . W, 41, 43, 47f, 53* 54, 56, 60. IbaK haH tkfc 5? ,, f i Ibn M illk, S7-. , Ibn Mukhluf, tava, Sher Shah and his Successors

Vol.HI, p. ix Historyo f India at told

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was being abetted by quite a few sharp-witted, leafned and astute brains. If the shape of things had remained unchanged and no towering personality had come forward to stem the tide of un-Islamic current of thoughts and doctrines, the country would have in the eleventh century gone the way of the nineth century Islamic Andalusia, now known to the world as Spain, or it would have become a fore-runner of what happened in Turkistan after its conquest by Russia in the four­ teenth century. But, as a'poet has said: a man came from no­ where and did the feat. I think it more befitting to close this chapter with the picturesque description of Islam’s chequered career in India from the forceful pen of an erudite historian and scholar, Syed Sulaiman Nadwi : “ A thousand years after the traveller had begun his journey, and after four hundred years passed over in slumber, a wizard coming from Iran in the reign of Akbar, whispered to the Emperor that the faith of the Prophet had come to the journey’s end on the comple­ tion of its first millennium; and it was high time for an illiterate Emperor to replace the religion of the unlettered Prophet by his own Din-i-Ilahi. The Magians lit the holy fire, the Christians rang the church bells, Brahmins bedecked the idols and the yoga and mysticism joined bands to illuminate the temple and mosque with the same light. Anybody desirous to get a glimpse of this multicoloured religion should go through the Dabist&n-i-Mazdhib. He would see many a person with a rosary in his hand and a sacred thread round his neck; grandees prostrating before the Emperor, scholars servilely waiting upon the monarch and the sermoners telling the faithful in the mosque: Glorified is He, Alldh-o-Akbar. All this was going on when a caller from Sirhind called out, “Clear the way, he comes who has to walk the track.” A renovator, a descendant of the Great Caliph

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‘Umar, appeared on the scene and this was Ahmad of Sirhind.”1

1. Introduction to Seerat Saiyid Ahmad Shahtd, Vol. I, pp. 30-31.

CHAPTER IV

MUJADDID ALF THANI

Family Shaikh Ahmad was a direct descendant of Caliph ‘Umar, with 31 intermediaries between the two. His pedigree confirmed from various sources1 is as follows: Shaikh Ahmad (Mujaddid Alf Thani) b. Makhdum ‘Abdul Ahd b. Zainul ‘Abidin, b. ‘Abdul Ha’i b. Muhammad b. Habib Ullah b. Imam Raf’I-ud-dln b. Naslr-ud-dln b. Sulaimun b. Yusuf b. Is’haq b. ‘Abdullah b. Shu’aib b. Ahmad b. Yusuf b. Shihab-ud-din ‘Ali Farrukh Shah b. Nur-ud-din b. Nasir-uddln b. Mahmud b. Sulaiman b. Mas'ud b. ‘Abdullah al-Wa‘iz alAsghar b. ‘Abdullah al-Waiz. al-Akbar b. Abul Fath b. Is’haq b. I. A descendant of the Mujjaddid, Shah Abul Hasan Zaid Faruqi has traced the genealogy in the Muqamat-i-Khair (pp. 26-33) and taken pains to correct a few mistakes found in other sources. Others who have discussed the matter, and reached the same conclusion are Shah Muhammad Hasan Mujaddidi of Ssin Dad, Sind, Mahmud Ahmad Abbasi and Ahmad Husain Khan. Jawahar-M'asumi by the last mentioned need be seen in this connexion.

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Ibrahim b. Nasir b. Abdullah b. ‘Umar b. Hafs b. ‘Asim b. ‘Abdullah b. ‘Umar. Shihab-ud-din ‘Ali Farrukh Shah who ruled over Kabul, has been mentioned as the fifteenth predecessor of Mujaddid in this genealogical table. His descendants included such lu­ minaries as the well-known mystic Shaikh Baba Farid Ganj Shakar. Shaikh Nur-ud-din, the grandson of Shaikh Nasir-ud-din, was also a man distinguished for his learning and purity of spirit. However, little is known about others since hardly any bio­ graphical works save those written about the Mujaddid or his family seem to have beeu preserved.1 Shihab-ud-din Ali Farrukh Shah had devoted his life to spread the light of Islam. Shihab-ud-din ‘Ali Farrukh Shah tried, on taking the helm after the death of his father, to make peace between the Mughals and the Afghans. He possessed, besides authority, an illumi­ nated heart and guided a large number of persons on the path of spiritual ascent. Shortly before he left this fleeting world, he abdicated in favour of his son Shaikh Yusuf and withdrew himself to a gorge still known as Darra Farrukh Shah, sixty miles to the north of Kabul, for leading a secluded life in the remembrance of God. He died there and his grave still exists in that valley. Shaikh Yusuf took the lessons in spiritual discipline from his father. Just and God-fearing, he proved his worth as a capable and popular suzerain, but he was also smitten, like his father, with the love of God. He held dear to his heart what Rumi has beautifully indited in one of his couplets. Mastership of the World! ’tis lawful for the wor­ shipers of moulding; I am serf to the King of love, ever abiding. He also renounced the crown before the end of his life’s journey, handing it over to his son Ahmad who was, however, 1. Like Zubdaful-Afuqamat; Bazarat-ul-Quds, etc. 2. Zubdalul-MuqdmSt, pp. 88-89

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also a mendicant in the royal garb. He, too, was so attracted by the love Divine that he gave up all, wealth and autority and bade his sons to keep only a little for their sus­ tenance and distribute the rest of their belongings among the poor and the needy. After taking his initial lessons on the path of spirit from his own father this prince learnt at the feet of the renowned sufi Shaikh Shihsb-ud-dln SuhrwardI, and was honoured wiih the mantle of his spiritual successorship. This tradition was maintained by the successors of Shaikh Yasuf and Ahmad who always had themselves aligned with a spiritual mentor of one or the other recognised schools. Several of them made considerable progress on the path of mysticism. Iream Raf-I-ud-dln, who was ninth in the line of descent of Shaikh ShihSb-ud-din Farrukh Shah and sixth predecessor of the Mujaddid, was, as stated in the Zubdatul-Muqaimt, a man of learning as well as an eminent sufi. Imam Rafl-uddln being a disciple of. Saiyid Jalal-ud-dln of Bukhara, popu­ larly known as the Makhdum Jahanian Jahan Gasht (d. 785/ 1383), would have lived during the closing decades of the eighth century or even in the opening years of the ninth one also. He was the first among the Mujaddid’s ancestors who emigra­ ted from Kabul to India and took up residence at Sirhind, then called Sahrind. The place was then a forest frequented by wild beasts. There being no habitation between Samanah and Sarhiud great difficulty was feit in transferring imperial imposts from one place to another. The inhabitants of the surround­ ing district specially Sarayas, lying at a distance of 6 or 7 coses,1 requested Shaikh Makhdum Jahanian to obtain the approval of Sultan FIroz Shah for the establishment of a town in the area. The Sultan agreed to the suggestion of Makhdum and entrusted the job to Khwaja Fathullah, the elder brother of Imam Raf'I-ud-din, who came to Sirhind with a force of two thousand cavalry and got a fort constructed there. Shaikh 1. A cose measures about two miles

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Makhdum Jahanian got the foundation stone of the fort laid by his spiritual successor Imam Rafli-ud-din, who had settled down at Sunnsm, and whom he directed to move on to the new city. Thus the family of Mujaddid came to settle down in Sirhind where it still resides.1 The fort and the city are reported to have been founded in 760/BSP.2 Sirhind had thus been a populous city for two hundred years before the birth of the Mujaddid.3 Other biographical accounts show that Sirhind was the home-town of several other families with scholarly traditions, some of whose scions were noted literati.1 However, it seems that Sirhind became a cen­ tre of Islamic learning in the beginning of the tenth century of Hijra for we seldom find any man of letters, save in the family of the Mujaddid, during the eighth and ninth centu­ ries. In the tenth century, on the other hand, several noted 1. Zubdatul Muqtimat, pp. 89-90 2. Sirhind was once the chief town of district Sutlej. The Chinese traveller Hiuen-Tsang who came to India in the seventh century has men­ tioned the city. He says that gold is mined near it. Of the two syllables of its name, seh in Hindi means lion and ir.d stands for forest. It also marked, in the bygone times, the limit of, the Ghaznavid empire in India and that is why it came to be known as Sir-hind or Sahrind. Muhammad Ghori captured Sirhind in 587/1191 but it does not seem to have attracted the attention of its rulers until the time Firuz Shah Tughluq ascended the throne. Instead, Samanah was regarded as the chief town of the area. The city continued to attract attention since the time of Firuz Shah Tughluq when it was raised to the level of provincial governorship. Its strategic impor­ tance was also recognised by Babur who visited the place several times. Humayun also came to Sirhind before recapturing Delhi. The city was a populous town during the Mughal rule; 360 mosques besides a large number o f wells, sirais and mausoleums are reported to have existed in the town. (Dairatul Ma'arij Isldmiyah) 3. Mujaddid has praised Sirhind for its serenity. Letter No. 22 of the Maktubat, Vol. II. 4. Y jhya b. Ahmad author of the Tarikh Mubarak Shahi, written about 838/1435, calls himself Assihar-hindl.

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scholars and pedagogues are seen engaged in teaching and preaching at Sijrhinfl. Aladad b. Salih Sirhindi (d. 927/1521) was the foremost in this galaxy of scholars, while others were Sher ‘All Qsdiri (d. 985/1577). ‘Ali Sher1 (d. 985/1577), Mufti Ahmad Sirhindi (d. 986/1578), Ibrahim Sirhindi (d. 994/1586), and ‘Abdullah NiazI Mahdawl2 (d, 1000/1592). A few more noted scholars who find a mention in the historical and biogra­ phical works, but whose years of death are not known, were ‘Abdul Qadir, the teacher of Makhdum-ul-Mu’k Mulla Abdullah of Sultanpur, ‘Abdus Samad Husaini, Aman Ullah, Qutbud-din and Madj-ud-din. The last mentioned was known for his encyclopaedic knowledge whom Babur met at Sirhind and paid his compliments. We find two more men of letters, Mir ’AH and Badr-ud-din Sirhindi, mentioned by the historians.3 Makhdam Shaikh ‘Abdul Ahad Khwaja Muhammad Hashim Kashmi has given a bit det­ ailed account of Makhdiim Shaikh Abdul Ahad in the Zubdatul-Muqamat. He spent three years with the Mujaddid and has given a first hand description of the sayings and doings of the Makhdiim based either on his own experiences or learnt from the Mujaddid or from the sons of the Mujaddid. His accounts can, therefore, be taken as an authentic description of the Makhdum’s life. While Shaikh ‘Abdul Ahad was engaged in acquiring know­ ledge he was overcome by religious ecstasy and, forsaking his studies, attached himself as a disciple to the famous sage Shaikh ‘Abdul Quddus of Gangoh. He acquired some of the excel­ lences of the path of spirit from his mentor but when he 1. I t is difficult to say whether Sher ‘Ali Qadiri and ‘Ali Sher were the names o f the same person. The Gulztir- i-Abrar and Nuzhatul Khawtiiir give their names as mentioned here. 2. It is reported that he abjured Mahadawi faith towards the end o f his life. 3. Nuzhatul Khawatir, Vol. IV, gives an account of the achievements of all these scholars.

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expressed the wish to remain in his attendance for the rest of his life, his learned teacher directed him to complete his formal education. - He said, “Mendicity without knowledge has little merit.” As Shaikh ‘Abdul Quddus was already too old, ‘Abdul Ahad submitted, “I doubt if 1 would be blessed with your com­ pany after completing my education.” The Shaikh replied, “If I am not alive by then, attach yourself to my son Rukn-uddin for spiritual ascent.” 'Abdul Ahad acted on the advice of his venerable mentor and went away to complete his education. By the time ‘Abdul Ahad completed his studies. Shaikh ‘Abdul Quddns had already left the world for his heavenly abode. He spent some time in paying visits to different mystics of the time but ultimately returned to Shaikh Rukn-ud-din from whom he acquired both inward and outward perfection of spirit and obtained permission to enlist disciples as his spiritual successor.1 Both Shaikh ‘Abdul Quddus and Shaikh Rukn-ud-din were overcome by a mysterious longing after God and often remained in ecstatic transports. Both took recourse to musical recita­ tions. Shaikh ‘Abdul Quddus, although a meticulous follower of the prophetic sunnah, was also a great expounder of the doctrine of the Unity of Being. He followed the path of poverty and selfeffacement, practised austerities, spent much of his time in prayers and recollection of God and was never unmindful of his last journey.2 Makhdum ‘Abdul Ahad had also been attached, in addition to Shaikh ‘Abdul Quddns and Shaikh Rukn-ud-din, to a Qadiriyah mystic Shaikh KamSl of Kaithal who was regarded as one of the venerable mystics or his time.® MakhdQm ‘Abdul Ahad used to

1. The certificate of permission awarded by Shaikh Rukn-ud-din to Shaikh Abdul Ahad has been copied in the Zubdatul-MaqamSt. 2. For an account of his saintly life see the Zubdatul-MaqamSt by Khwaja Muhammad Hashim Kashmi, pp. 97-101 and the Nuzhatul Khawatir, Vol. IV 3. For details ses Nuzhatul Khawatir, Vol. IV

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sa y ; “ Seen through the inward eye of spirit, one can seldom reckon the exalted station of Shaikh ‘Abdul Qadir Jilin l, the founder of the Qadiriyah order.” Shah KanjaFs grandson, Shah Sikandar bad also attained higher stages, of spirituality. Makhdum ‘Abdul Ahad benefited from his company also. After completing his formal education, Makhdum ‘Abdul Ahad went round a number of places in search of men purer in spirit but he had also pledged to himself that he would have nothing to do with any one who indulged in actions dis­ allowed by the shan'ah. He met, during his wanderings, Shaikh Alladad of Rohtas and Muhammad b. Fakhr, the author of the Tauzih ul-Hawaski. He also attended the lectures of the latter scholar. He repaired to Bengal and thence to Jaunpur where he spent a few days with Syed ‘Ali Qawwam, popularly known as ‘All ‘Ashiqan. He returned to Sirhind, never to leave the place again. He was a gifted teacher who lectured on all the subjects then included in the curriculum for higher studies. As Mudjadid once remarked, he was well-versed in all the sciences and there were few who could rival him in the law and juris­ prudence. The jurisprudence of Hanafite school was his favourite subject whose depth and wisdom he would expatiate in a way that spoke of the greatness of Imam Aba Hanifah. He also taught tasawwuf or mysticism, and expounded the intricate points of the Tarruf, ' Awarif-uI-Ma'drif and Fusus al-Hikam to the satisfaction of his students. By his own inclination and experiences he took Ibn ‘Arabi’s mystical doctrine for granted but had an equally great respect for the shariah and never uttered a word which could be construed as violating it in letter or spirit. He was utterly selfless, never allowed his students to minister to his personal needs, took meticulous care to follow the sunnah even in trivial matters like eating and dressing and never felt weary of under­ going any hardship in fulfilment of the demands of shari'ah. He had pledged allegiance to the Shaikhs of Chishtiyah and Qadiriyah orders, but being sincere a seeker after truth he always

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expressed desires to know more about the Naqshbandiyah order and often remarked : ‘May God bring it to my country’, or ‘would that I reached the centre of that noble order’. He was also a penman who had written the Kunuz-ul-Haqaiq and the Asrar-ut-Tashahhud.1 Mujaddid relates tbat he had often heard his father say­ ing that the love of the Prophet’s househo!d was a guarantee to one’s faith. He further says that when the Makhdam was about to depart from this world, he reminded him of his remark and got the reply: “Praise be to God. I am already drenched in that love and virtue.” Earlier, when the Makhdam was wandering in search of godly souls, he had once to stay for a short while at Sikandra.2 Impressed by his moral rectitude and beauty of holiness, a noble resident of the town had given him his daughter in marriage. All the sons of the Makhdam were born of that wedlock. Makhdam ‘Abdul Ahad had been blessed with seven sons like his spiritual mentor. We know the names of a few only: Shah Muhammad, Shaikh Muhammad Mas‘ad, Shaikh Ghulam Muhammad, Shaikh Maudad3 and two more of their brothers of whom one was the Mujaddid. All of them were learned and underwent severe discipline in the way of holy endeavour. The Makhdam died at the age of eighty years on the 17th of Rajab, 1007.4 His grave is in Sirhind, about a mile to the

1. Khwaja Muhammad Hashim Kashmi has given a few extracts from the Asrar-ut-Tashahhud and also a number of sayings of the Makhdum as related by the Mujaddid. (pp. 118—122). 2. The author o f the Zubdatul Muqdmat says that the town Was near Etawah in the present U ttar Pradesh. 3. Muj add id’s collection of letters has a few letters addressed to Shaikh Ghulam Muhammad and Shaikh Maudud. 4. 3rd February, 1599. Zubdatul Muqdmat, p. 122. Certain writers have given the date as 27th Jamadul Akhir (16th January, 1599) but there is no difference o f opinion about the year o f death.

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west of the city.1 The Makhdnm was an outstanding representative of an earnest seeker after truth with a great respect for the sunnah and the sharVah. He also practised severe austerities and strivings in the path of holiness. These qualities were inherited by his son who was destined to take under his wings the trea­ sure of Islam in India and illuminate the whole country with the Divine light bestowed to him.

Birth and Childhood of Mnjaddid Shaikh Ahmad was born in Friday night, the 14th of Shawwal, 971" at Sirhind. From his early childhood he showed the signs of a virtuous disposition. One of his father’s spiritual guide Shah Kamal was a godly soul. He was specially attached to the young Ahmad and showed a keen interest in his upbringing. Shah Kamal died when the Mujaddid was only seven years of age. The graphic description of Shah Kamal’s features by the Mujaddid and the house where he last paid a visit to the Shah in the company of his father is a fine example of the Mujaddid’s retentive memory. Mujaddid began his education by memorising the Qur’an and learnt it by heart in a few years. Thereafter he started receiving instruction from his father and soon showed the signs of possessing a keen and assimilative mind. After finishing the first phase of his education with his father aqd certain other teachers of the place, he went to Sialkot which was a well known centre of learning in those days. There he underwent schooling under Maulana Kam il of Kashmir who was a renow­ ned teacher of logic, philosophy, scholastics and jurisprudence and had the honour of being a teacher of such an emi­ nent scholar as ‘Allama ‘Abdul Hakim of Sialkot. Mujaddid 1. Zubdatul Muqamat, p. 122 2. 26th May, 1564

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studied some of the higher books like the ‘Azodi, included in the curriculum, of higher studies in those days from Maulana Kamal and the hadith from Shaikh Y'aqnb of Kashmir. The latter known as a grammarian had been a disciple of Shaikh^ Shihab-ud-din Ahmad b. Hajar Haitml of Mecca who had been an undisputed authority on his subject and had written a commen­ tary on the Sahih of Bukhari. Shaikh Y'aqub was then regarded as the most learned scholar of hadvh for he had also received instruction from such scholars as Shaikh ‘Abdur Rahman b. Fahd and Qazi Bahlol of Badakhshan. He is reported to have completed his education at the age of seventeen years. The Mujaddid started his career as a teacher after gaining a thorough knov\ ledge of the religious and secular sciences. He also wrote a few tracts like the Risdlah Tahhliyah and the Risalah Radd Mazhab Shva in Persian and Arabic. He also went to Agra, then known as Akbar&bad, where he came in contact with Faizi and Abul Fazl. He could not, however, make him­ self comfortable with the two brothers because of the differences of opinion with them. Once Mujaddid showed his displeasure at certain blasphamous remarks of Abul Fazl and ceased meeting him. Abu! Fazl later on sent for the Mujaddid but he excused himself and never went to see him again. This was the time when Faizi was busy in writing his commentary on the Qur’an entirely in words which contained no dotted letters. Once when he had a difficulty in finding an undotted word to continue his work, he consulted the Mujaddid w.ho solved his difficulty. Fain open-heartedly acknowledged the wit and learning of the Mujaddid. Mujaddid prolonged his stay at Agra. He returned to Sirhind when his father came to see him at the capital. During their journey back to hoir.e, Shaikh Sultan, the Governor of Thanesar warmly received both the father and son and treated them as his guests. Shaikh Sultan was so impressed by Mujaddid that he offered to give his daughter -in marriage to him. The matrimonial relationship was approved by Mujaddid’s

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father and thus he came back to his home along with his wife.

Spiritual Allegiance to Khwaja BSqi BiUab The philosophical and doctrinal aspects of Islamic mysti­ cism, which have already been discussed in the first volume of the Saviours of Islamic Spirit, need not be repeated here. The accounts of Khwaja Hasan Basri, Shaikh ‘Abdul Qadir Jilam and Maulana Jalal-ud-dln Rumi throw sufficient light on these issues which have also been touched upon in describing the achievements of two eminent mystics of India in the second volume of these series. It would suffice to add here that the times in which the Mujaddid had to take ahead his reformatory work, mystical discipline had broadened to become a popular movement in the Indian Muii m society. No scholar could exert a powerful appeal among the elite or even the common folk unless he had undergone schooling under some eminent mystic of a recognised sufi order. Aparl from it, nobody could have called the people to betake the path of virtue or reform their morals merely by being a profound teacher or a fluent speaker. Any attempt to give a call for reform and renovation in those times without any spi­ ritual attainment would have been analogus to inviting an armed conflict without possessing the munitions of >yar. It was necessary for the Mujaddid or, perhaps, an arrangement made by divine dispensation that he was first led to thei path of spirit and thus enabled, under the tutelage of some of the most virluous men of God to acquire the excellence and perfection of the spiritual realm. All this was necessary for the great task he was about 10 undertake and to leave his indelible mark on the Muslim society spread over a substantially large portion of the world to the end of time. Mujaddid prolonged his stay at Sirhind till his father’s death, attaining the higher reaches of Chishtjyah and Qadiriyah orders under his guidance. He also engaged himself in literary pursuits during that period.

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This was the time when Mujaddid was pining for haj and paying a visit to the city of the Prophet, but he did not con­ sider it proper to embark on the Jong journey leaving his old father nearing his end. His father died in 1007/1599, and a year after that in 1008/1600 he left his home for pilgrimage. When he arrived in Delhi, several scholars of the city who were already aware of his literary attainments called upon him. One of these scholars was Maulana Hasan of Kashmir who bad already been introduced to him earlier. Maulana Hasan told him about Khwaja Baqi Billah, a Shaikh of the Naqshbandiyah order, who had arrived in Delhi a few days earlier, and was known to have been endowed with both inward and outward perfection. The Mujaddid having already heard about the merits of Naqshbandiyah order, expressed his desire to meet the Shaikh. He called upon Khwaja Baqi Billah in the company of Maulana Hasan.1 ^

Shaikh ‘Abdul Baqi (Khwaja Baqi Billah) Before we proceed further it seems proper to give here a resume of the spiritual attainments of Khwaja Baqi Billah as described in the Nuzhatu! Khwatir.- His name was Razl-uddin ‘Abul Mowayyad ‘Abdul Baqi b. ‘Abdus Salam of Badakhshan. Popularly known as Khwaja Baqi Billah of Kabul, he had migrated to Delhi and was a profound sage presenting the picture of the Quranic verse : "We have not crtatcd the jinn and man save for Our worship”. Excelling in devotion, piety and holy endeavour, he was the very crucible of devotion to God emitting the brilliance of love divine. Born about 971-72 A .H .,8 1. The Mujaddid, as his letters show, ever remained grateful to M aulsna Hasan for introducing him to Khwaja Baqi Billah (See letter No. 279 o f Volume I). 2. ef., Vol. V. Shah Wali Ullah Dehlawi’s Al-Intibahfi Salasil Awliya’ Allah and the Ham'at may be seen for the biographical accounts o f Khwaja Baha’-ud-din Naqshband, the founder of Naqshbandiyah order. 3. 1563-64 A. D.

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at Kabul-, he took Maulana Muhammad Sadiq Halwa’i as his teachcr and accompanied him in his tour to Transoxania. There he set his heart on betaking the path of spirit and terminaied his education to call upon the mystic Shaikhs of the area. First of all, he enlisted himself as a disciple of Shaikh Khwaja ‘Ubaid, a spiritual successor to Maulana Lutf Ullah. Aspir­ ing to attain the highest reaches of divine truth, he took Shaikh Iflikhar and then Amir ‘Abdullah of Balakh as his spiritual guides but was not satisfied till he was drawn in a mysterious manner to Khwaja Baha’ud-dln Naqshband, who created in him an inclination to follow the path of mysticism requiring strict observance of the holy law. After some time he came to Kashmir and mei Shaikh Baba Kubrawi in whose company he acquired excellence and perfection of spirit. It is reported that during this period of his complete absorption in God, the unveiling of an stage that the mystics call fans, or extinction was experienced by him. Khwaja Baqi Billah again took to scouring the country for another spiritual mentor after the death of Shaikh Baba Kubrawi. During his travels he had a vision of Khwaja ‘Ubaid Ullah Ahrar from whom he learnt the secrets of the Naqshbandiyah order. Thereafter Khwaja Baqi Billah took the road to the region of Transoxania where he was granted leave by Shaikh Muhammad AmkankI to practice the Naqshbandiyah discipline and also to enlist disciples in that order only after three days’ stay with him. Khwaja Baqi Billah returned to India, stayed for a year at Lahore where he met the scholars of the town, then he came down to Delhi and took up residence in the fort of Flroz Shah. The fort had, in those days, a spacious mosque and a wide canal running be­ sides it. Khwaja Baqi Billah continued to live at this place until the end of his life’s journey. Being inflamed with the love of God, Khwaja Baqi Billah often gave way to transports of ecstatic raptures but he always tried to conceal his spiritual excellence from others owing to his temperamental modesty. If any one asked him to act as

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his spiritual guide, he normally advised him to seek someone else perfect in spirit since he was himself devoid of it, and also to let him know about that attracted soul. Even if he agreed to guide anyone on the path of spiritual perfection he did so quietly without letting the novice know about it. On occa­ sions when he had to explain an abstruse point, he gave a most eloquent dissertation on it. He insisted on his friends not to stand up in his honour, always treated them as his equals and often seated himself with others on the ground out of courteous humility. The Khwaja had been endowed with a mysterious spiri­ tuality. On whomsoever he cast a momentary look, the man felt himself attracted to God. He had a tender heart which melted at the slightest sight of misery to a sentient being. Once in a wintery night he left his bed for a short while and found on return a cat sleeping under his quilt. Instead of making the cat leave his bed, he remained sitting for the whole night. Similarly, once he happend to be present in Lahore during a period of drought. He could hardly eat anything during that period and distributed whatever victuals were brought to him among the poor. Once on his return journey from Lahore to Delhi, he got down from his horse on coming across a handicapped man who was not able to walk. The Khwaja got him seated on his horse and took him to his destination before resuming his journey. At the same time, he put a cloth across his face so that nobody could recognise him. He never hesitated in owning his mistake nor ever pretended to be superior to anyone whether be was a friend or a stranger. It is related that one of his neighbours, a young man, was a malefactor but the Khwaja always bore patiently with him. After some time Khwaja Hosam-ud-din, one of the Khwaja’s disciples, lodged a complaint against that rascal with the autho­ rities and he was put behind the bars. When Khwaja Baqi Billah came to know of the incident, he chided Khwaja Hosamud-din who submitted, “ Sire, he is a wicked trouble-maker.” The

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Khwaja replied with a sigh, “ Why not, you are all virtuous fellows who perceived this vileness but I do not find myself better than him. That is why I never lodged any complaint against him.” Thereafter the Khwaja used his good offices to get the man released from gaol who repented of his sins and left his evil ways. If one of the Khwaja’s disciples committed a mistake, he always attributed it to himself saying that it was really his weakness which found an expression through his disciple. In matters relating to worship of God and the dealings with his fellow-beings, the Khwaja used to exercise every possible precaution. It is related that he was accustomed to recite the surah Fatiha during the congregational prayers, since there were several ahadxth enjoining its recital even behind the Imam, until he was convinced that it was not necessary. These instances present just a glimpse of the Khwaja’s sterling virtues since his greatness can really be measured from the number of persons who got spiritual enlightenment through him within the extremely short period of his stay in India. The Naqshbandiyah order was propagated and made popular by him in this country. There were hardly few persons in India who knew anything about it prior to him.1 Shaikh Muhammad b. Fazl Ullah of Burhanpar says that the Khwaja was incomparable in the effectiveness of his exhor­ tations and sermons inasmuch as he succeeded in spreading his mystical order within a short period of three or four years 1. The Naqshbandiyah order reached India through two mystics. One of these was Amir Abul ‘Ala of Akbarabad, nephew and spiritual successor of Abdullah Ahrari, who had permission of his uncle to take disciples, but his method combined the disciplines o f the Naqshbandiyah and Chishtiyah orders. Its centres were Kalpi, Marehra, D anapur and a few other places. The second mystic was Khwaja Baqi Billah. From India it spread to other countries o f the Muslim world through the efforts of his disciples. (Maulana ‘Abdul H a'I, As-Thaqafal-uUlslamiyah-

fil Hind.)

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throughout the length and breadth of the land. MuIJa Hashim Kashmi writes in the Zubdatul Muqamat that the Khwaja died at an early age of forty years. He remained in India only for four years but he guided, within this short period, his friends and disciples to the acme of spiritual perfection who made the Naqshbandiyah order so popular that it overcame all other mystical orders prevalent in the country. Muhammad b. Fazl Ullah MuhibbI writes in the Khulasatul' Athar that the Shaikh was a sign and a light and a prince of the knowers of God, endowed with both inward and outward perfection and a worker o f miracles.1 He was so unassuming and courteous that he never tried to take precedence over others. He even forbade his colleagues to stand up in deference to him and asked them to treat him as one of their equals. MuhibbI further says that the Khwaja was a worker of miracles and wonders. Even if someone was disinterested in the ways of the spirit, no sooner did ihe Khwaja lay his eyes upon him than he felt irresistibly attracted towards him and entered in his fold of discipleship. Very often persons distracted with the grief of a longing after God seated themselves at his door. Many among his disciples were blessed with the vision of divine truths, in a mysterious way, soon after pledging spiritual allegiance to him. Khwaja Baqi B'llah's disciples included such illustrious men of God as the Mujaddid, Shaikh Taj-ud-din b. Sultan Uthmani of Sambhal, Shaikh Hosam-ud-din b. Shaikh Nizamud-dln of Badakhshan and Shaikh Alladad of Delhi. His writings consist of several tracts on mysticism, letters and poetic compositions. In the Silsilatul Ahrar be has given 1. M'ujiza is the miracle worked by a prophet of God while the miraculous acts of the saints and illuminated souls aro known as kartimat and tasarrufat. Both are worked by the leave of God but the latter have a place definitely inferior to that brought about by the apostles o f God. In English thtre are, however, no words to express the difference between the two.

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an exposition o f his mystical quatrains. The Khwaja died on 14th Jamada-ul-Akhir, 1014 A.H.1 at the age of forty years and four months and was buried a t Qadam Rasul in western Delhi where his grave is still visited by people in large numbers. Mujaddid’s initiation in the Khwaja’s order The Mujaddid was received warmly by Khwaja Baqi Billah when the former called upon him for initiation in his spiritual order. Ordinarily the Khwaja never showed any interest in enrolling novices for spiritual training but his treatment of the Mujaddid suggested as if he had been awaiting his arrival. Of a fact, the Mujaddid was to become ihe chief propounder of the Khwaja’s spiritual order in India and to renovate the spiritual climate then obtaining in the country by bringing the then liberal mystic thoughts and practices within the orthodox confines of the sharVah. Thus, deviating from his usual practice, the Khwaja asked the Mujaddid to extend his stay with him for a month or so as his guest. When the Khwaja was thinking of coming to India a parrot is stated to have perched on his hand. When the Khwaja narrated the incident to his spiritual mentor Khwaja AmkankI, he replied that parrot being an Indian bird the Khwaja would guide some one in India on the path of spirit who would illumin­ ate the entire world.2 The Mujaddid accepted the invitation of Khwaja Baqi Billah and prolonged his stay with the latter to one and a half months. He was so impressed by the Khwaja that he expressed the desire to be enrolled as a disciple for undergoing the Naqshbandiyah discipline. The Khwaja, after enrolling the Mujaddid in his spiritual order, advised him to practise the silent remembrance. The Mujaddid covered the path of spirit 1. 17th October, 1605 A .0 . 2. Zubdatul Muq&m&t, op. 140*141

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with vigorous strides and acquired knowledge of esoteric secrets of the order so quickly that the Khwaja was led td believe that the Mujaddid answered the providential sign of Indian parrot who would renovate and revive the faith in India. Thus, within the short period of his stay with Khwaja Baqi Billah, the Mujaddid acquired perfection in outward and inward knowledge and was rewarded with a speedy ascent from one stage to another in the realm of spirit difficult to be expressed in words.1 The Mujaddid then returned to Sirhind but only when he was assured by Khwaja Baqi Billah that he had fully imbibed the Naqshbandiyah doctrine. The Khwaja also expressed the hope that the Mujaddid would make steady progress in attaining the proximity of divine essence. On his second visit to Delhi the Mujaddid obtained from his spiritual guide permission to impart instruction and to perfect disciples in the Naqshbandiyah order. The Khwaja also gave him permission to impart spiritual training to a few of his own disciples. After some time the Mujaddid paid the third and the last visit to Khwaja Baqi Billah. The Khwaja came out of his house to receive him, gave him certain happy tidings and accor­ ded him the honour of acting as the chief guide at a meeting of mystics engaged in devotions. The Khwaja also instructed his disciples that they ought to direct their attentions to the Mujaddid for spiritual guidance. Before bidding farewell to the Mujaddid, the Khwaja said, “ I feel too weak now and do not expect to live for long.” The Khwaja also asked the Mujaddid to apply his mind upon the spiritual training of his two sons, Khwaja ‘Ubaid Ullah and Khwaja ‘Abd Ullah, who were still young, and also to meditate in a similar manner for the well being of his wives in absentia. It is reported that the 1. Any one desirous to pursue the matter should go through the Mujaddid’s letter No. 296 (Vol. I, Section IV) to Khwaja ‘Ubaid Ullah and Khwaja ‘Abd Ullah, the sons o f Khwaja Baqi Billah, and letter No. 290 (Vol. I, Section V) to M aulana Muhammad Hashim Kashmi.

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Mujaddid’s meditation was instantly rewarded with fruitful results.1 The Khwaja later on wrote in a letter to one of his friends, “ Shaikh Ahmad who belongs to Sirhind is a man of great learning and piety. He has lived for a few days with this mendicant who has witnessed his wonderful qualities and attain­ ments. I hope that he would one day illuminate the whole world. I am fully convinced of his spiritual perfection.” The Mujaddid, on his r art> felt assured from the day he had been led on the path o f spirit by his mentor that he would one day attain the highest stage of the discipline. At the same time, he had no doubt that all his attainments were attribut­ able to his guide. He often used to recite the verses which said:— The light I am getting from your heart on mine, Assures me that my spirit will unite with thine. Neither learning nor spiritual attainment of the Mujaddid ever stood in the way of his showing greatest honour to the Khwaja. If Khwaja Baqi Billah ever sent for him, the com­ plexion of his face would turn pale and he would appear visibly agitated.® The Khwaja, on the other hand, always spoke so highly of the Mujaddid as few spiritual guides have seldom commended their disciples. Once, it is reported, he remarked about the Mujaddid .1 “ Shaikh Ahmad is the sun whose brilliance steals the light of innumerable stars like us.”8

1. Zubdatul Muqdmat, p. 155. 2. Ibid., p. 149 3. Ibid., p. 330

CHAPTER V

MUJADDID AS A SPIRITUAL GUIDE

Stay at Sirhind After completing the probationary period with Khwaja Baqi Billah, the Mujaddid withdrew to the seclusion of his house in Sirhind subjecting himscjf to the severe discipline of spiri­ tual exercises. For a long time he kept his doors closed to all those who came to seek his spiritual guidance. He felt reluc­ tant to act as their spiritual mentor since he was himself, making a rapid progress on the path of inward perfection which did not allow him to divert his attention to the guidance and train­ ing of others. A recession (Mtzvl) from transports of teligious ecstasy was needed for imparting training to others and hence he hardly felt inclined to it. In a letter written during this period, he remarked : “ I was conscious of this shortcoming and so I called for all the students and disciples to tell them, about my diffidence in this regard, but they took it as my humility and continued to pin their faith in me until the Gracious God settled me in the (ahwal-i-muntazirah) state of expectancy.”1 1. Maktubat. Vol. I, No. 290.

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The Mujaddid began, at last, accepting disciples in his order and guiding them on the path of spiritual illumination. He used to keep the Khwaja informed of his own spiritual experiences as well as the states and stages attained by his disciples. His writings o f the peiiod show that his progress on the path of inward perfection was leading him t o t he fulfil­ ment of divine will, that is, accomplishment of those immensely important tasks which were to prove beneficial to the faith.1 The Mujaddid was only once to meet bis spiritual mentor dur­ ing this period after which he had no opportunity to see him again. Journey to Lahore The Mujaddid undertook the journey to Lahore, at the instance of the Khwaja, after a brief stay at Sirhind. Lahore was then the second largest intellectual and religious centra o f India because of the large number of scholars atd men of God liv­ ing in that city. The Mujaddid was warmly received by the divines and scholars of Lahore,2 some o f whom even entered the fold of his spiritual order.® Maulsna Tahir was one of those who bound themselves to the Mujaddid’s spiritual allegi­ ance and later rose to become hiis c h ie f successor. Other nota­ ble persons enlisting themselves as the Mujaddid’s disciples were Maulana Hajl Muhammad and Maulana Jamal-ud-din TalwT. We find Mujaddid and his friends at Lahore having frequent seances for meditation or recital of God’s praises. The news about Khwaja Baqi Billah’s death was received by Mujaddid while he was still in Lahore. Extremely agitated

1. Maktabdt, Vol. II, N o. 74 2. Zubdatul Muqsmat, p. 157 3. Ibid., p. 158. Rauzatul Qayyimiah mentions the names of a few other persons like Khan K hanan and M urtaza K han (also known as Saiyid Farid) who took oath o f allegiance to the Mujaddid while he was on his way to Lahore.

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and disturbed, he set out for Delhi immediately. He went straight to Delhi, bypassing Sirhind, and paid a visit to his mentor’s grave. The Mujaddid prolonged his stay a t Delhi to ’ console the bereaved members of the Khwaja’s family which also helped to infuse a new spirit in the late Khwaja’s disciples.1 The Mujaddid then returned to Sirhind. Thereafter he had an occasion to visit Delhi pnly once and made two or three trips to Agra. Then, during the last few years of his life he happened to pass through a few more cities with the troops escorting the Emperor. Wherever the Khwaja went, people seeking spiritual guidance flocked round him to derive benefit from his company.2 Arrangements for Moral Regeneration The Mujaddid despatched several of his spiritual successors in 1026/1617 to different cities for moral and spiritual uplift of the people. A batch of 70 persons headed by Maulana Muhammad Qasim was sent to Turkistan; Maulana Farrukh Husain with forty persons was deputed to Arabia, Yemen, Syria and Turkey; ten of his disciples under the leadership of Maulana. Muhammad Sadiq of Kabul were sent on a spiritual mission towards KSNhghar; and Maulana Shaikh Ahmad Bark! along with 30 disciples were commissioned to preach his message in Tnran, Badakhshan and Khurasan. All these deputies of the Mujaddid carried out their mission successfully and brought about moral uplift of innumerable people.3 The result of these reformative endeavours was that several divines and scholars of mark and distinction came from far* flung areas to Sirhind in order to seek guidance from the Mujaddid. These distinguished men included Shaikh Tahir of Badakhshan, a close confidant and courtier of the king of Badakhshan, and, \

1. Zubdatul- MuqSmat, p. 158 2. Ibid., p. 159 3. Rauzatul QayyHmiyah, pp. 166-67

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the reputed Scholars like Shaikh ‘Abdul Haq of Shsdm&n, MaoliaS Salih KolabI, Shaikh Ahmad Bars!, Maulana Yar Mohammad and Maulana Ynsuf. Most of the scholars and divines coming from afar were allowed to enter the fold of Mujaddid’s spiritual paternity, led to the path of spiritual perfection and then sent back to the places whence they had come for reformation and moral regeneration of the local population.1 The Mujaddid also deputed a number of his disciples for spreading his message of reform to different parts of the country. Mir Muhammad N'oman, whom the Mujaddid had given per­ mission to impart religious instruction and to perfect disciples as his deputy; was sent to Deccan. His cloister was daily visited by hundreds of troops, both infantrymen and cavalry, for medita­ tion and the service of zikr. Shaikh Bad‘i-ud-dln of Saharanpnr, another deputy of the Mujaddid, was first sent to Saharanpnr and then commissioned to preach in Agra’s military station. He attained such a popularity that thousands of men enlisted in the Imperial army including higher officers entered in his fold of spiritual tutelage. Such a throng of common people used to surround him that the nobles found it difficult to gain access to him. Another disciple of the Mujaddid, Mir Muhammad N'oroan Kashmi, who had obtaind permission to impart spiritual guidance from Khwaja Baqi Billah, was deputed to Burhanpur. His sterling piety won the admiration of the local populacc and led them to reform their lives and morals. Shaikh Tahir of Lahore and Shaikh Nor Muhammad of Patna were sent to their home towns where they guided a large number of men ori the path of virtue and piety. Shaikh HSmid was deputed to Bengal after he had attained inward perfection of spirit. Shaikh Tahir of Badakhsban was asked to go to Jauttpar for guidance of the people there. Maulana Ahmad Barki was deputed to Bark who also kept the Mujaddid informed about !. Rauzatul QayyHmiah, pp. 128-29 ard Hazardtul Quds, pp. 299*368

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the spiritual progress of his disciples. Shaikh ‘Abdul H a'i, who belonged to H islr Shadmaa in Asphahan and had compiled the second volume of the Maktubat, was sent to Patna. He founded a cloister in the heart of the city for the guidance of the populace ' while Shaikh Nur Muhammad took up his residence by the side of river Ganges in Patna to spread the message of religious reform and renovation. Another man sent to his own home town, was Shaikh Ha&an of Bark. Saiyid Muhib Ullah of Manikpor was invested with the mantle of successorship and then directed to carry on the reformatory work in his town. Later on he obtained the permission of the Mujaddid to move on to All&hib&d. Shaikh Karim-ud-dln Baba Hasan Abdali was also guided to attain spiritual perfection and allowed to return to his home for imparting the message of divine proximity to the people.1 Thus, before the year 1027/1618 drew to a close, the name and fame of the Mujaddid had reached the lands far off from India and people had started coming from different countries for undergoing mystteal discipline under him. Mujaddid's deputies had already established themselves in Transoxania, Badakhshan, Kabul, and several other cities and towns and his message had reached even the Arab countries. There was hardly a town in India where his deputies or spiritual successors were not inviting people to the straight path of,Islam and virtuous mode of life.. ; Attitude of Jahangir

Nur-ud-dln Jahangir ascended the throne on the death of Akbar in 1014/1605. The manner in which Islam was systema­ tically discouraged, insulted and persecuted during the reign of Akbar in a country which had not only been won by Muslim warriors but was also adorned by deephearted men of God was too painful to trouble the heart of the Mujaddid but that was the time when he was engaged in the quest for his own spiri­ tual embellishment. The Mujaddid had not been able to launch

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his reformatory movement partly on account of his engagement in his own spiritual training and partly because he had not been able to evolve the method by which he could make an impact on the administration of the country and force it to change its policies in regard to Islam and the Muslims. We do not possess much details about the, Mujaddid's endeavours during this peiiod except that he wrote a few letters tender­ ing advice to the King through Khan Khanan, Saiyid Sadr Jahsn, Murtaza Khan and other nobles of the Imperial court. All these persons were close to the Emperor and had also been attached to the Mujaddid. Jahangir'was not inimical to Islam, Rather, he possessed libeial views on religious matters and respected the faith of his forefathers. He was not interested either in enforcing a new religion or a novel system of administration. As a man of generous instincts, he was fond of spoils, arts and good living. Mujaddid, however, considered Jahangir's reign as favour­ able for taking steps tp eradicate the pernicious trends of the earlier regime which would be described latter on. But before he could fully begin his reformatory endeavours, he was put behind the bars in the Gwalior fort which had a great impact cn his subsequent effoits and could, thus, be treated as a landmark in the history of his reformatory movement. Cer­ tain biographers and historians hold that a few of the Muja­ ddid’s letters dealing with intricate stages of a mystic’s journey on the path of spirit1 were presented to Jahangir by interes­ ted persons to show that he was making extravagant claims I. See letter No. 11 in Part I of the Maktubat addressed to KhwSja Bfiql Billah. Apart from JahSngir who was not conversant with the terminology of the mystics employed to express the different states and stages of the journey of spirit, certain other persons, too, whose depth o f know­ ledge and mystical experiences are acknowledged by all, took excep­ tion to certain expressions of Shaikh Ahmad Sirhind!. Shaikh ‘Abdul (Continued on next page)

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which ran counter to the accepted tenets of Islam. Jah&nglr expressed surprise at these writings and mistook them as arro­ gance and conceitedness' of tbe Shaikh. The reference to the Shaikh in the Memoirs of Jahangir is indicative of his sur­ prise as well as contempt for the esoteric utterances contained in the Maktubat.* Jahangir’s remarks show that he was not conversant with the esoteric realities and like a Turanian Mughal Amir considering himself as the guardian of Muslims and their faith, he condemned the ideas running counter to the common belieft Of the Muslims according to his own under­ standing. Shaikh Badi-ud-din had gained popularity among the royal troops and was held in esteem by a laige number of grandees. This was also represented as a conspiracy engineered by Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi to get a foothold in the royal army for instigating rebellion. Shaikh Badi-ud-din was also guilty of indiscretion. Forgetting the rule of commonsense to speak before the commonality in accordance with their understanding, he had given expession to certain esoteric realities which

(Continued from previous page) Haq Muhaddith Dehlawi, a well known scholar o f hadith, whose perfec­ tion of spirit cannot be questioned, expressed grave doubts about Sirhindi’s views expressed in the above mentioned letter. He also corresponded with Sirhindi to get a clarification on the subject. Ulti­ mately Shaikh ‘Abdul Haq was satisfied with the replies given by Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi, which was also later on acknowledged by him in one of his letters. The Shaikh’s son Nur-ul-Haq writes, “It has now been confirmed that one of the Shaikh’s (Mujaddid) disciples, Hasan Khan by name, who was a Pathan, parted company with the Shaikh because of a certain matter. He made some interpolations in the copy of Maktubat he had got and sent its copies to different persons in order to defame the Shaikh (ManSgib-ul-Arifin b y Shf i h Fath Muhammad Fatehpuri Chisti, p. 126). These very letters might have been a cause of Jahangir’s anger against Shrikh Ahmad Sirhindi. 1. TSzuk Jahartgiri, Vol. n , pp. 92-93.

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were likely to create misunderstanding1 about him and Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi. As already stated Jahangir was not conver­ sant with the mystical disciplines. He had also certain grandees among his courtiers who were inimical to the Shaikh for the latter was also trying to counteract the Shi’ite influence. Consisting of the Iranian scholars and nobles, the Shrite ele­ ment then held a predominant position in the court and Muslim society of the time. On the other hand, Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi had been preaching the Sunni creed and vigorously denouncing the Shi'ite beliefs. It would have, therefore, been not at all unreasonable if the Iranian nobles had taken advantage of the situation by representing the Shaikh’s endeavours as politically motivated and instigated Jahangir to take action against him. This was the time when the Mujaddid’s popularity was at its climax and he was one of the most highly respected scho­ lars and mystics of the time. Perhaps God intended him to face this trial and tribulation during the very acme and pitch of his popularity so as to endow him with an inward perfec­ tion of spirit that cannot be had without wearing the crown of thorns. Reason of Detention at GwSlior Fort The reason behind Mujaddid’s imprisonment normally given in historical and biographical writings is the letter written by him in which he describes the experiences of his spiritual strides and attainment of a spiritual eminence greater than the early precursors of faith. It is, however, difficult to establish satisfactorily the reason behind Mujaddid’s detention at Gwalior from the source mate­ rial available now. It is doubtful if the Mujaddid was put behind the bars simply on account of these ecstatic expressions which could not be given the dress of words save in a meta­ phorical language by taking recourse to intricate mystical imagery 1. Zubdalul-Muqamit; p. 348:

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and spiritual allegory. Was it simply this misunderstanding on the part of Jahangir or his zeal to defend the accepted beliefs of the ahl-Sunnat wal-Jama‘at or was it brought about on the insistence of religious scholars and spiritual leaders of the time? It is difficult to answer these questions but there can be no doubt about the fact that Jahangir was not a man of such deeper religious susceptibilities that he should have imprisoned a well known and highly respected religious figure simply on account of something which he would have even found difficult to understand. , Shaikh Muhammad Ghauth of Gwalior had, during the life­ time of Jahangir's father and grandfather, made the arrogant claim of ascension which had caused considerable agitation among the scholars of the time.1 A number of fattiws* against him were issued by the scholars but neither Humayun nor Abkar took any action against him. In fact, certain other mystics of Jahangir's time had, in their expositions of the doctrine of Unity of Being, gone to the extent of asserting ‘vision’ and claiming ‘equality’ with God. Shaikh Muhib Ullah of Allahabad, a con* temporary of Jahangir, wrote the Al-Taswiyah in Arabic and then its commentary in Persian in which he made mystical claims of an even more extravagant nature but no notice of his iriticgs was taken by Jahangir. The reason given in Jahangir’s Memoirs becomes all the more dubious when we consider the fact thst the letter in question was written by the Mujaddid to Khwaja BSql Billah in 1012/1603 while he was imprisoned sixteen years later in 1028/1619, that is, the fourteenth year of Jahangir’s reign. Why did Jahangir kept quiet during all this period if he considered Shaikh Ahmad’s writings to be so objectionable? It also does not stand to reason that Jahangir remained unaware 1. For details see Shah Muhammad Ghauth Gwaliori by Prof. Muhammad Mas'ud. 2. Juristic opinions of the scholars in accordance with, the accepted norms of shari'sh.

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of Shaikh Ahmad’s letter for such a long period for he himself says that Shaikh Ahmad had attained considerable popularity. The possibility of the reason supposed to have been given by Jahangir being a subsequent interpolation in the Memoirs can also not be ruled out since there are several versions which profess to be the autobiographical Memoirs of Jahangir and all of them contain passages not found in another copy. J?.hanglr is reported to have himself written his memoirs upto a certain time and then appointed M'utamad Khan to continue to work. Another courtier, Mirza Muhammd Hadi, is reported to have written the preface and certain other parts of the Memoirs. Historians are of the view that Jahangir kept two or more memoirwriters to whom he gave directions as to the events they were to record on his behalf There are also reasons to believe that the original work was edited after his death. Keeping all these facts in view it becomes highly improbable that the Mujaddid was imprisoned for writing something sixteen years back which was hardly of any interest to Jahangir. The reason, it seems, was that Shaikh Ahmad had estab­ lished close contacts with the dignitaries of Jahangir’s court, and some of them held him in reverence. For an Emperor who had raised the banner of revolt against his father and won the throne after a tussle with his brothers, the influence wielded by Shaikh Ahmad was sufficient to create misgivings against him. In all probability Jahangir had come to know Of the letters Shaikh Ahmad had been writing to this grandees for changing the existing state of affairs and bringing the government to the defence of Islam. This should have been a sufficient reason for creating misgivings against him in the mind of the Emperor. These dignitaries of the royal court were, among others, such influential Courtiers as Mirza ‘Aziz-ud-din, Khan Jahan Khan LodhI, Khan Khanan Mirza ‘Abdur Rahim, Mirza Darab and Qaleej Khan. Moghul Emperors never looked with favour the popularity

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o f the sufi saints among the masses. Almost the same episode was repeated when one of the disciples of Mujaddid, Saiyid Adam Binnauri, earned the popular esteem of the people. In 1052/1642, when he went to Lahore accompanied by ten thousand persons, several of whom were scholars and respected sufi saints, Emperor Shahjahan happened to be present in that city. He immediately felt the danger from Saiyid Adam Binnauil's popularity and created conditions which made the Shaikh leave India for Mecca. This also explains why Jahangir required the Mujaddid, after releasing him from Gwalior Fort, to remain with his Army so that he could find out the nature of bis relationship with his dignitaries and make sure that he would not be a danger to his rule.1 He allowed the Mujaddid to go to Sirhind only after he was convinced that the Mujaddid had no political intentions. The Mujaddid’s sincerity, godliness and selflessness as well as his disinterestedness in the things worldly ultimately set at rest the doubts of the Emperor that any contender for his throne could exploit the Shaikh's popularity for his own ends. Internment in the GwSlior Fort

Jahangir summoned the Mujaddid and simultaneously ordered the governor of Sirhind to make arrangements for Shaikh’s journey to Agra. The Mujaddid set forth with five of his disciples and was received by the protocol officials at the capital. He was lodged in a tent near the royal palace and then allowed to appear before the Emperor. He refused to perform the ceremonial etiquette consisting of complimentary

1. This appears to be most credible reason for Jahangir states in the Memoirs that the Mujaddid had “sent into every city and country one of his disciples, whom he calls his deputy” and that he imprisoned the Mujaddid so that “the excitement of the people should also subside." (Memoirs o f JahSngir. Tr. Alexander Rogers, Vol. II,

pp. 92-93)

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prostration deemed un-Islamic by him. One of the courtiers of Jahangir invited the Emperor’s attention to the failure of the Mujaddid and thereupon Jahangir asked the Mujaddid to explain his Conduct. The Mujaddid replied that he did not know of any etiquette save that prescribed by God and the Prophet. Jahangir got annoyed and asked the Mujaddid to perform the prostration.1 The Mujaddid refused again saying that he would not prostrate before anyone except God. Jahangir was further irritated and he ordered that the Mujaddid should be imprisoned in the Gwalior Fort.® Shahjahan had sent a message, just before this episode, through Afzal Khan and Khwaja Abdur Rahman Mufti that complimentary prostration before the kings with the intention of showing honour to them was permissible in such circums­ tances, Therefore, should Mujaddid agree to do so on his visit to the Emperor, he would see that no harm was done to him. To this the Mujaddid had replied that it was simply a leave granted for saving oneself from an impending harm but the better course was to refuse prostration before anyone save God.* This sad incident came to pass on a certain date during Rabi ul-Thani, 1028/March, 1619 as the event is mentioned in the Memoirs along with other happenings of the time. After the imprisonment of the Mujaddid, his house, cloister, well, grove and the books were all confiscated and his dependants were transferred to another place.4 In the Gaol

The internment in Gwalior Fort proved a blessing for the 1. Prostration before the Emperor was prescribed by Akbar which was finally abolished by Aurangzib. 2. HazarStul Quds, p. 117 3. Ibid,, p. 116 4. Maktubat, Vol. Ill, letter No. 2

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Mujaddid in the shape of increased popularity and greater spiri­ tual attainments. Following the practice of Prophet Yusuf, Shaikh Ahmad started preaching the message of true faith to other fellow convicts. Like the Prophet YtlSUf he raised the question, Are divers lords better, or Allah the One, the Almighty ? with such persuation in the Gwalior Fort that several thousand non-Muslim convicts embraced Islam. There were hundreds of others who reformed their morals in his company; many raised themselves spiritually to the position of elects. Dr. A rnold w rites in the Preaching o f Islam : “In the reign of Emperor Jahangir (1605-1628) there was a certain Sunni Theologian, named Shaikh Ahmad Mujaddid, who especially distinguished himself by the energy with which he controverted the doctrines o r the Shi'ahs: the latter, being at this time in favour at court, had succeeded in having him imprisoned on some frivolous charge; during the two years that he was kept in prison he converted to Islam several hundred idolaters who were ' his companions in the prison.” 1 Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics mentions the achieve­ ments of Shaikh Ahmad in these words : “In India, in the seventeenth century, a theologion, named Shaikh Ahmad Mujaddid, who had been unjustly imprisoned, is said to have converted several hundred idolaters whom he found in the prison.”* Religions Ecstasy during Interment Shaikh Ahmad seems to have had no cause of regretting his imprisonment for he experinced ecstatic transports and spiritual enlightenment during that period. These were also communicated by him to his disciples through his letters. In one such letter 1. T. W. Arnold, The Preaching o f Islam (London, 1935), p. 412 2. Encyloptdia of Religions and Ethics, Vol. VIII, p. 748

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written to Mir Muhammad N‘uman, sent by him from die Gwalior Fort, he says: “Had the divine grace not come to my aid with cons­ tant flow of ecstatic transports and spiritual rewards, this weakling might have been pushed to the verge of despair and lost all hope. Praise be to God who blessed me with a sense of security in the midst of calamity; gave me honour through persecution; helped me to endure the hardships and to offer my thanks to H im ; and included me in the ranks of those who follow in the footsteps of the prophets and love the pious and the elects. May God shower His blessings on His messengers and those who follow them.”1 It seems that the imprisonment of Shaikh Ahmad was uti­ lised by certain persons to defame him which hurt the feelings of his disciples. Referring to such reflections he wrote to Shaikh Badi-ud-din “From the day this mendicant has arrived in this Fort, he has been having intuitive apprehensions of public dispargement heading towards him like radiant clouds from the cities and villages, which have helped him to attain higher regions of spiritual excellence. For years I had been impar­ ted instruction through manifestation of God’s beauty (jamal) but now I am attaining these stages through the manifesta­ tion of His awe (jal&l). You ought, therefore, to keep yourself at the stage of patience (sabr) and resignation (ridha) and regard the beauty (jamal) and awe (jal&l) as identical.” 2 The Mujaddid also wrote letters from the Fort to his sons. In these he advised them to be patient and thankftil to God. He bade them to pay attention to their studies and, at the same time, spend their time in God’s remembrance and denial of all

1. Maktubat, Vol. Ill, letter No. 5 2. Ibid., letter No. 6

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powers save that of God.1 A few hagiographical writings contain the report that the Mujaddid’s imprisonment created discontent among the religious minded courtiers which gave rise even to a few sporadic insur­ rections.2 It is also claimed that the dignitaries like ‘Abdur Rahim Khan Khanan, Khan ‘Azam, Saiyid Sadr Jahan, Khan Jahan Lodi were displeased by the Action taken by Jahangir. However, there is no evidence left by the contemporary historians to confirm these reports, nor, the connection between the in- \ surrectionary events of the period and Shaikh Ahmad’s impri­ sonment can be established by any sound historical method. However, Jahangir felt remorse3 after some time or he considered the period of imprisonment undergone by Shaikh Ahmad to be sufficient for the disrespect shown by him. Whatever may have been the reason, Jahangir ordered the Shaikh to be released after one year’s imprisonment in Jamadaul-Akhir 1029/May, 1620. He also expressed the wish to meet Shaikh Ahmad again after his release from the prison. Stay at the Royal Camp

The Mujaddid was honourably released from the prison from where he went to Sirhind. After three days stay at his home town he left for Agfa. He was received by the Crown Prince Khurram and the Prime Minister and conveyed the Emperor’s desire that the Shaikh should take up residence with , the royal army for some time. Shaikh Ahmad gave his consent to the proposal. His stay at the royal camp was 'of great 1. Maktubat, Vol. Ill, letter No. 2. See letters to Khwaja Muhammad M'asfira and Khwaja Muhammad Sa'eed. 2. Revolt by Mahabat Khan has been cited as an example in this connection but this is not correct because Mahsbat Khan rebelled in 1035/1626, four or five years after the release of Shaikh Ahmad from Gwalior Fort. 3. It is reported that Jahfingir saw the holy Prophet in a vision who expressed his displeasure at the imprisonment o f Shaikh Ahmad.

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benefit both to the king and the army personnel. However, Jahangir writes in his Memoirs that he released the Shaikh, gave him a dress of honour and Rs. 1,000 as expenses. He also says that he gave him the choice to go back or to remain with him but the Shaikh preferred to wait on him.1 On the other hand, the Mujaddid has described his stay at the royal camp in one of his letters to his sons. He wrote that he considered cvm a short stay at the camp, without deriving any material benefit from the king, to be better than spending a loafer time elsewhere.® In another letter he wrote : “Praise be to God and peace to His bondman, the holy Prophet. The conditions and the way things are shaping here evoke my praise and thanks to God. I am having ag o o d company here, and by the grace of God, in none of my talks to these persons I have to make the least compromise in explaining the essentials of faith to them. The discussions in the meetings here pertain to the same issues which are touched upon in our private and special discourses but a whole tract would be required to describe them in detail.”® Shaikh Ahmad has also mentioned his meeting with the Emperor in one of his letters. He writes: «I have received the letter from my sons. Thanks God that I am quite well. I now refer to an event that happened today. It is Saturday night today when I went to have a private sitting with the Emperor and came back after three hours.4 Thereafter I listened three paras of the

1. 2. 3. 4.

Tuzuk-i-Jahd*firi, Vol. II, p. 161 Maktubat, Vol. Ill, letter No. 43 Ibid., letter No. 10* Shaikh Ahmad has used the word pakr which means one-fourth of a night or day:

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Qur’5n recited by a hafiz and went to sleep after the dead of night.”1 In yet another letter to Khwaja Hosatn-ud-din he wrote: “ My sons and friends who are these days here with me are making progress on the path of spirit. The royal - camp has taken the shape of a mystic cloister because of their presence.”2 ; * The Mujaddid accompanied the royal , camp when it pro­ ceeded to .Lahore. From there the. royal camp moved on to Sirhind where he entertained the royal guest at a sumptuous repast. Shaikh Ahmad wanted to stay at Sirhind but the Emperor expressed, the wish that he should not part company with him. The royal camp then proceeded to Delhi and then to Agra. * A few biographical accounts of Shaikh Ahmad Mujaddid Alf Thani, compiled in recent times, present Jahangir as a dis­ ciple of the Shaikh on whose hands he had taken an oath of allegiance. There is, however, nothing to confirm this presump­ tion by sound historical evidence. The description of Shaikh Ahmad’s meeting with him, as given in the Tuzuk-i-Jabongm does not support this view for no king, howsoever vainglorious and overweening would have described his spiritual mentor in that manner. Yohanan Friedmann has also expressed the view that there is little material to substantiate the thesis that Sirhindi succeeded in converting the,Emperor to his particular view of Islam.3 No primary source indicates that either Jahangir or Shahjahan took oath of allegiance to the Mujaddid but it can also not be denied that Jahangir was impressed by him and became more sympathetic to Islam after coming in contact with him. He ordered reconstruction of demolished mosques and opening of religious schools in the newly conquered areas. The 1. Maktubdt, Vol. I ll, letter No. 78 2. Maktubdt, Vol. I ll, letter N o. 72 3. Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi, p. 85

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action taken by Jahangir on the occasion of his visit to Ksngrs following its conquest in 1031/1621 is an unmistakable indica­ tion of the change in his attitude towards Islam.1 The End of Journey

Khwaja Muhammad Kashmi writes that the Mujaddid was at Ajmer in 1032/1622 when he told his disciples that the day of his eternal rest was drawing near. In a letter to his sons, who were then at Sirhind, he wrote, ‘ithe journey’s end is near, but my sons are far away.” His sons made haste to present themselves to their father at Ajmer. A few days after their arrival, the Shaikh said to them, “Now I have no inter­ est in anything of this world, hereafter is uppermost in my thoughts and it seems that my journey’s end is nigh.”After his return from the royal camp Shaikh Ahmad stayed at Sirhind for ten months and eight or nine days.3 It is related that on coming back from Ajmer to Sirhind he took to seclusion and nobody save his sons and two or three disciples' were permitted to call upon him. The Shaikh, came out of his retirement only for the daily congregations or Friday prayers and spent the remaining time in recollection of God, repentance and devotions leading to inward perfection and beatification of spirit During this period his life presented a complete picture of separation from everything for a journey 1. Memoirs o f Jahangir, Vol. II, p. 223 2. Zubdatul Muqamdl, p. 282 3. M aulana Abul Hasan Zaid, Hazral Mujaddid Aur Unke Ndqidin, pp. 164-65. 4. Qne of these disciples was Khwaja Muhammad Kashmi who had, however, gone to Pecean in Rajah 1033, about seven months before the death of Shaikh Ahmad, to bring his family back as insurrec­ tion had broken out there. Shaikh Badr-ud-din o f Sirhind, another disciple of the Shaikh, remained in attendance of his mentor till his death. The description given here is based on his narrative in the Zubdaiul MuqamSt or the information given by the Shaikh's sons.

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towards God through God. By the middle of Zil Hijja Shaikh Ahmad’s respiratory ailment took an acute form. Often he shed tears and repea­ ted the words, “ O Allah, the Exalted Companion.” For a few days, during this period, he showed signs of improvement. To his kins and disciples who felt relieved by his signs of recovery, he often remarked, “The blissful elevation I experi­ enced during my feebleness is wanting in this period of recovery.” The Shaikh also gave out charities to the poor and needy with both hands during his period of illness. On the 12th of Muharram, he said, “ I have been told that I will leave this wOrld.for the next within forty-five days. The location of my grave has also been shown to me.” One day his sons found him sobbing and asked the reason for it. Shaikh Ahmad replied, “It is because of my eagerness to meet my Lord.” When his sons further enquired why he was indifferent to them, the Shaikh said, (;S MOVEMENT

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saints cannot go beyond the limited sphere of esoteric spiritual knowledge. Consequently, the knowledge gained through prophetic light is more accurate and valid than that can be had through spiritual perfection.”1 “This humble self has already explained in his writ­ ings and letters that the merits of prophethood are simi­ lar to an ocean in comparison to a drop of spiritual perfection possessed by the saints. Yet, there are persons who cannot comprehend the reality of prophethood and hold that the sainthood is superior to prophethood. Others have interpreted this maxim to mean that the saintly aspect of the prophets excels their prophetic integral. Both these groups have been misled because of their igno­ rance, o f the reality of prophethood. Similar is the case with those who prefer sukr (intoxication) to sahw (sobriety). Had they known the reality of sahw they would have never drawn a parallel between it and the sukr. Not a bit alike is the earth to the mansions of sky. ; ’ ‘They have perhaps likened the sahw of the elite to the alertness and wakefulness of the commonality and thus ,given preference to sukr pver it. They ought to have brought the sukr of the righteous in comparison with the drunkenness of the laity in arriving at this decision. For all the men of wisdom are unanimous in holding the view that sobriety is better than intoxication, there should be no difference in the matter whether sukr or sahw is used in an allegorical or a literal sense.”2 Dignity of the Prophets “ It should. be clearly understood that the apostles of G od owe their dignity, and solemnity to their prophethood and not to their saintliness. Sainthood is not a bit more 1. Maktubat, Vol. I, No. 268, addressed to Khan-i-KhSnan

2. Ibid.

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than a servant in attendance to a prophet. Had sainthood occupied a position superior to prophethood, the cherubim whose saintliness is assuredly more perfect than any saint would have taken precedence over the prophets. One of the misguided sects which held sainthood as superior to prophethood, was led to acknowledge the supremacy of the angels and consequently became a sect splintered from the Ahl-i-Sunnat wal-Jam‘dt. This was, thus, the result of their ignorance of the reality of prophethood. I have dwelt here on this subject at some length because the distance of time separating the people from the era of last prophethood has made prophecy look like something subsidiary to sainthood in the eyes of certain persons. Our Lord I Forgive us fo r our sins and wasted efforts, make our foothold sure, and give us victory over [the disbelieving folk Faith in the Unseen “ Mir Muhib Ullah should know that the faith in the Ultimate Cause and His Attributes 'appertains to the pro­ phets and their companions. Those saintly men of God who give a call (to have faith in the Ultimate Reality) are like the companions of the prophets, although they are very few in number. The faith in the realities beyond the ken of human perception is also granted to the scholars and the believers, in general, while imsn-i-skuhsdt (discernible faith) belongs generally to the mystics whether they are ascetics or not. Although the consociate mystics descend (from the pinnacle of spiritual heights), their descent is never complete since their inner self continues to be watchful of another glimpse of the Ultimate Reality. Outwardly they are with their comrades but inwardly they maintain

1.

M a k to b it,

Vol. I, No. 268 to KhSn-i-KhSnSn (Q. I l l : 147)

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proximity to Divine Being and thus they are granted the imin-i-shuhudi. The prophets of God who experience a complete descent concentrate entirely upon the mission Of giving a call to the people, both inwardly and outwardly. The faith in the Hidden Reality thus really belongs to them (since they can fully maintain the faith in the Ulti­ mate Reality even after their descent.)”1 Perfect Experience of the Ultimate Reality “I have made out the point in some of my letters that being watchful of the higher regions after experiencing the descent signifies an imperfect ascent to the Ultimate Reality. This is a sign of deficient spiritual experience. The perfect descent, on the other hand, indicates perfection of ascent to the Nihayat-m-nihayah (Ultimate of the ultimate). The dual attention (to the Creator and the created) has been recognised by the sufis as the acme of spiritual perfection and the combination of tashbih (integration) and tanzih (abstraction) as the consummation of spiritual proficiency.”2 Islamic Concept of Sufism The method employed for attaining proximity to God and avoiding worldliness through perfection of morals, which later on came to be known as tasawwuf or mysticism, was identical with the tazkiyah (purification) and ihsm (sincere worship) in the Quranic and hadvh terminology. It wds, in fact, one of the four objectives of the prophethood of Muhammad (peace be upon him) as explained in this verse of the Qur’a n : “He it is who hath sent among the unlettered ones a messenger of their own, to recite unto them revelations and to purify them, and to teach them the Scripture and wisdom, though heretofore they were indeed in error manifest”3 1. Maktubat, Vol. I, No. 272 to Muhib Ullah of MSnikpfir. 2. Ibid. 3. Q. LXII: 2

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The task of maintaining a judicious balance between the rituals and the spirit of religion, safeguarding the revelatory fountain to which the faithful returned again and again to refresh his spiritual vision was performed by the successors of the holy Prophet and the right-guided ‘ulama. They took care to protect and develop not only the external frame of theological discipline of the Muslim society but also helped in promoting the spiritual health of its members which linked them with the intuitive consciousness of the Prophet. In the beginning the emphasis was more on the inner nature and vital principles of faith rather than on its amplification or finding new channels for its practical experience. However, with the expansion of Muslim rule over vast areas, accretion of great numbers of adherents of widely diverse spiritual and intellectual capacities and influx of tvealth and riches and the means of comfort, new and embarrassing issues began to crop up which threatened to transform the reli­ gious thinking of the Muslim community. With the increasing distance of time from the days of the Holy Prophet the new ideas started posing problems in the shape of spiritual and moral infirmities or novel concepts and philosophies, as if, in accor­ dance with the Quranic dictum: And the term was prolonged for them, and so their hearts were hardened. It was, then, with the increasing range of intellectual activity that the tdzkiyah and ihsOn were institutionalised under the name of tasawwuf (mysticiism) into a spiritual discipline. Another, development of a similar nature could be seen in the fields of Arabic grammer and rhetorics formerly grounded in the instinctive appreciation of the Arabic language by the indigenous people, which were stimulated by contact with the non-Arabs and then compiled into elaborate sciences complete with experts, schools of grammarians and their distinctive syllabuses, each of which attracted a large number of students desirous of learning all about these rules. During the initial period of Islamic era the tazkiyah or ihsan or the method of spiritual purification with a deep and real

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spiritual Experience was based upon the concrete injunctions of the Qur’an and’ the sunnah and on following the Holy Prophet’s example. But, as the contact with the non-Arabs increased through their acceptance of Islam in large numbers, mysticism and gnosticism of the new converts to Islam stimulated mysticalascetical attitudes in devotional exercises. Undue deference came to be paid to those admired as godly persons and a number of unauthorised' rites and customs began to be introduced in those circles until some of the mystics accepted what could be called blatantly un4slamic thoughts. ; Trust in the philosophies professing to attain to the know­ ledge of God through spiritual ecstasy, direct intuition and excessive supplications gave birth to the view that earnest and assiduous devotions along with strict observance of all the obligatory and commendatory services enjoined by the sharvah and the sunnah helped in attaining a stage of knowledge which made a traveller of the path of spirit independent of the obli­ gations of the sharVah meant for the common man. It was the stage known as wqut-i-takhf or cession o f religious obli­ gations. Those who entertained this belief adduced in their support the Quranic verse : ‘'And serve thy Lord till there cnmeth unto thee the conviction.”1 Yet, it was a mischievous doctrine destructive of the sharvah and the religious values of Islam, for it encouraged an attracted devotee to brush aside the divine services and mandatory obligations. It seems that these innovations and aberrations had star­ ted emerging perceptibly from the beginning of the fourth century when the Abbaside power was at its zenith and the urban centres in the Muslim world were thriving as fleshpots of luxury and culture. The first book on taswwuf was Kitab­ ul-Lum‘a written by Shaikh Abu Nasr Sarraj (d. 378/988). A portion of this Work is devoted to the methods of following 1. 'Certainty* according to a majority of commentators, means death in this verse*

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the lead of the last Prophet (on whom be peace.)1 Thereafter Saiyid ‘Ali Hujwlrl (d.465/1072) warned in the Kashf-ul-Mahjubthat ‘attainment of reality was impossible without following the law..,...mystic reality without law was hypocrisy’. Imam ‘Abul Qasim QushayrI (d. 465/1072), a contemporary of Hujwlri, wrote Risdlah Qushayriyah which became the principal manual of mysticism. In it he laments the antinomian tendencies of the Sufis of his time in these words: “ Sanctity of the shan'ah has fled from their hearts; indifference to religion has been taken by them as a course safe and dependable; they attach no importance to performance of devotions; and make little of prayers and fastings.’** The Ris&lah Qushayriyah opens with the emphasis on faith­ ful adherence to the shan'ah and then Qushayn proceeds to illustrate his views by a series of brief biographies of the prominent sufis and saints o f old who had faithfully complied with the dictates of the shan'ah and followed the practice of the Prophet. In the last chapter of this book entitled ‘Testa­ ment for the Disciples’ Qushayil writes that ‘this affair (mysti­ cal enlightenment) depends upon adherence to religious laws.’ Among the religious scholars and mystics of a conspicuous sincerity, holiness and intuition upholding the supremacy of the shan'ah Shaikh ‘Abdul Qadir al-Jilsnj occupies a distin­ guished place. His teaching was firmly based on the Qur an and Traditions; his life set an example of walking steadfastly on the straight path of the holy law as well as attaining a state of proximity to God. His Ghuniyat-ul-Taibm consolidated 1. Kitab uULutrfa, London, 1914, pp. 93-104 2. The Kash-ul-Mahjub by Abul Hasan 'Ali b. ‘UthmSn b. Abi ‘Ali alJullSbi popularly known as D ata Ganj Bakhsh, was translated into English by Dr. R. N. Nicholson (London, 1936). His tomb still exists at Lahore. 3. Rlsolah Qushayriyah (Cairo, 1319 A.H.), p.l

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the bond of mysticism with the religious law of Islam. His other work, Futsh-ul-Gh&ib lays emphasis on betaking the example of the Holy Prophet and avoiding every innovation in religious practices. The second lecture in this work opens with the exhortation: ‘Follow the example of the Prophet and never give way to any innovation.’ He occupied the place of a renovator of faith inasmuch as he delivered up the keys of tasawwuf to the sharvah. He commended that one should first observe what has been made obligatory by the sharvah and then comply with the sunnah and voluntary observances: performance of an act of secondary importance in place of the primary one was, by the same token, denounced by him as self-conceit and foolishness. The Aw&rif-uUMa'&rif by Shaikh Shihab-ud-dxn Suhrawardi (d. 632/1234) was the most authoritative and popular com­ pendium on mysticism which has ever since been esteemed as the principal study in the seminaries of the sufis. The second part of this book expounds the secrets and wisdom of the shar%‘ah and reckons tasawwuf as the means of “taking after the Prophet’s example in speech, actions and bearings; for, the firmness of a sufj on this path sanctifies his soul, lifts the curtain lying over reality and enables him to follow the Prophet in the minutest detail.” 1 In the ninth century of Islamic era when mystical and gnostic currents were spreading out into the Muslim world with a lightning speed, Shaikh Muhyi-ud-dln Ibn ‘Arab! and his disciples transformed tasawwuf into a philosophical discipline and took over a number of symbols and terminologies pertaining to Hellenistic philosophy and metaphysics. Wahdat-ul-Wujud (Unity of Being), accepted by them as the basic principle of sufism, came to be admired both in the sufi hospices and seats of learning. Indifference to the scripture and the sunnah 1. For a detailed description see Tasawwuf-i-lslam by ‘Abdul MSjjd DaiySbSdi.

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coupled with unfamiliarity with the science of hadith gave rise to a number of irreligious practices in the monasteries of the mystics which could neither be approved by fundamental theological thought of Islam nor was known to the earliei Muslims. India had been a centre of yoga and asceticism for thousands of years. The Muslim mystics came into contact with the yogis who had developed their telepathic and occult powers through constant yogic exercises and holding of breath. Some of the mystics even learnt these arts from the yogis. The country was, by that time, unacquainted with the Sihah Sittah1 and other authentic books o f hadith. It was only in Gujarat that the contact with the scholars of Arabia had kept people conscious of this branch of Islamic learning. ‘All MuttaqI of Burhanptir and Muhammad Tahir of Patah had kept the torch of Traditions lighted in that part of the country and endeavoured to descredit innovations in religious thought and usages. But the orientation of life in all its aspects as dictated by the authentic sayings and practices of the Prophet, attempted by the scholars in Gujarat, was unknown to other parts of the country, nor did the people know anything about the Sihah Sittah or about the scholars who had devoted their lives to the study of hadith and rebuttal of unsound norms and usages. The JawOhar-i-Khamsa by a celebrated Shattari mystic, Shaikh Muhammad Ghauth of Gwalior, offers the ,best example of the then sufi thought which was permeated with the indigenous theosophic doctrines and practices. The articulate structure of sufi precepts and cults propounded in this book are based entirely on the supposed utterances of the earlier mystics or the personal experiences of the author who, it seems, did not consider it necessary to deduce his precepts from any authoritative collection of ahadith or any book dealing with the Prophet’s life and character. Being a collectanea of orisans for special 1. The six most authentic compilations of hadith.

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occasions and specific purposes, it includes supplications for offering namsz-i-ahzab (prayer of the confederates), salat-ul-'Oshiqm (prayer of the lovers), namaz tannr-ul-qabr (prayer for grave’s illumi­ nation) and a number of other devotions and supplications meant for different months of the year that cannot be traced to any saying or doing of the Prophet of Islam. The second part of the book gives a list of asma’-i-akbariyah (the great names), coined by the Shaikh, which are really the names of the angels in Hebrew and Syriac with words normally prefixed to vocative names as if beseeching their help instead of God’s. There is another hymn in the praise of certain beings, in the language of ancient Jews, with vocative prefixes and known as du'a-ibashmakh. These mysterious appellations, which constitute the essential core of propitiating the so-called divine attributes, have even agents which are supposed to be cognizant of the secrets and significances of their principals. Similarly, the alphabets have implicit meanings and agents. It includes even a litany entreating Caliph ‘All, as the worker of miracles. Thus, when the Mujaddid took up his reformatory task, it was a period of exaggerations and eccentricities displaying an admixture of the sunnah and bid‘ah (innovation), theology and philosophy, Islamic mysticism and yoga—all intermingled indiscriminately. The Mujaddid has given a graphic description of the then obtaining situation in one of his letters to Khwaja Muhammad ‘Abdullah. He writes: “Innovations that hit the eye these days are numerous enough to make one think that a river of darkness and gloom is surging on all sides, while the lamp of sunnah is quivering in this pitch-black darkness like the fireflies gleaming in a night shrouded with darkness.” 1 It was the time when Islam Was imperilled in India.- the Muslim kingdom was trying to strike at its roots, the cloisters of mystics Were paying scant regard to the sayings and doings 1. Maktubat, Vol. II, No. 23 to Khwajfi Muhammad ' Abdullah

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of the holy Prophet, the shan'ah (the law) and the tanqah (the mystic path) were presented as two distinct disciplines having different codes and prescriptions, and if anybody ever summoned up the courage to know the theological sanction for any mystical formulation the answer given to him was: Drench thy prayer mat with wine if the revered bartender so directs, For the traveller is not ignorant of the runs and rounds of the track. This was the time when Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi thundered forth: “Tanqah (the path) is subservient to and follower of the shan'ah (the law); to be perfect in the Law is much more desirable than to attain the spiritual raptures and ecstasies and perceptions through the eyes of heart. Observance of even one commandment of the holy Law is more edifying than a thousand years of spiritual exercises: taking of a brief nap following the practice of the Prophet is more salutary than the night-long vigil. The practices of the mystics pro­ vide no authority to decide what is permissible or impermis­ sible for these things require the testimony of the Scripture and thesunnah and the books of jurisprudence. Strivings of the soul by those who are misguided take them away from God instead of bringing them nearer to Him. Visions and auditions of the mysterious world are just a means of amuse­ ment and recreation and they do not absolve anyone from following the commandments of the shan'ah'’. Shaikh Ahmad^expounds the matters discussed here in these letters: “Shan'ah is the guarantor of all the felicities of this world and the next. There is not even one objective for the fulfilment of which one may require anything else besides the shan'ah. The tanqah (the path) and the haqjqah (reality), which form the distinctive marks of the mystics are subservient to shan'ah i.e., nothing more than the

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means for obtaining the state of ikhlds (sincerity). Thus, the only purpose served by the tartqah and the haqiqah is to actualise the inner spirit of the shari‘uh and not to achieve any objective lying beyond its reach. The mysti­ cal states and stations, ecstatic transports, intuitive know­ ledge and spiritual insights gained by the mystics during the course of their spiritual journey are not the ends ; they are simply images and ideas meant for cheering up and inspiring hope in the novices of the spiritual path so that they may move onward and reach the stage of rida (resignation) which is the goal of sul&k and jadhbah (i. e., the compliance of the sharvah)".1 In the same letter he further writes: “Those who are undisceming take the states and stations as the goals of spiritual journey and its observa­ tions and manifestations as significations of reality with the result that they become prisoners of their own imagi­ nations and mental creations, and remain unblessed by the quintessence of the shan'ah. “Dreadful fo r the idolators is that unto which thou callest them. Allah chooseth for Himself whom He will, and guideth unto Himself him who turneth (towards Him).*” In another letter he explains the ascendancy and precedence of obligatory observances over those voluntary in these words: “ The actions from which proximity to Ood ensues are either obligatory or voluntary, but the voluntary observances never make the grade of obligatory ones. Fulfilment of an obligatory observance at its due time and in all sincerity is preferable to performance of voluntary ones for a thousand years.”® That cleansing of the self and healing of the souls can 1. Maktubat, Vol. I, No. 36, to Haji Mulla Muhammad of Lahore 2. Ibid., (Q. X L II: 13) 3. Maktgbst, Vol. I, No. 29 to Shaikh Nizam of ThSnesar

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easily be brought about through compliance with the command­ ments of shan'ah than by means of penance and purgation is forcefully advocated by the Mujaddid in one of his letters in which he writes: “ Discharging a commandment of the shan'ah is more efficacious for cleansing the self of its baser instincts than the strivings and exertions of a thousand years undertaken on one’s own initiative. These troubles and pains not under­ taken to meet the requirement of the shan'ah can rather whet the appetite of the self and increase its indulgence. The Brahmins and the yogis have not left a stone unturned in taxing their energies in travails but these have not proved of any benefit to them except in making them even more self-indulgent and immoderate.” In one of his letters Mujaddid explains the significance of the shan'ah's accomplishments in these words: “A majority of people live in fool’s paradise, wellcontended with the illusory almonds and walnuts. What do they know of the perfection of shan'ah and the reality of tartqah and haqiqah ? They consider the sharVah as the shell and the haqiqah as the kernel, but they are not aware of their inner realities. They have been duped by the superficial talk of the mystics and bewitched by the stages and stations of the spiritual journey.” * The merits of living up to the precepts and practices of the Holy Prophet have been thus delineated by the Mujaddid in another letter. “Excellence lies in conforming to the sunnah of the Prophet and the honour in abiding by the dictates of the shari'ah as, for example, taking a nap during day-time with the intention of living up to the Prophet’s sunnah is better than keeping vigils during innumerable nights. Similarly, giving away a farthing in satisfaction of zak/it (poor due) 1. Maktubat, Vol. I, No. 40 to Shaikh Muhammad Chitri

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is more meritorious than expending a hillock of gold of one’s own accord.”1 In yet another letter he writes : “Immature mystics trifle with the obligatory and com­ mendatory devotions and give greater attention to the fikr (contemplation) and dhikr (remembrance). In a like manner they take to ascetic excercises but neglect the congregational and Friday prayers. They do not know that the performance of even one prayer with the congregation is more rewarding than a thousand rounds of sacraments. The fikr and dhikr with due deference to the shan'ah are undoubtedly essential and meritorious. There are also misguided scholars who are hard at work in popularising the voluntary observances even at the cost of neglecting those that are obligatory.”2 In one of his letters addressed to Mir Muhammad N'omany Shaikh Ahmad criticises the misguided mystics in these words : “There is a group among them which has not cared to acquaint itself with the reality of prayers and their charac­ teristic excellences. They want to remedy their ills through alternative recipes which, in their opinion, pan fulfil their heart’s desire. There are some among them who even assume that the prayer, founded on the relationship between the divine and the devotee, is of Jitte use to them. They consider fasting as more propitious than the prayer since the former is held by .them as expressive of the divine attributes of eternity. And, then, there is a multitude which seeks to assuage its troubled soul through melody and tune and considers whirling and dancing as the con­ summation of spiritual experience. Have these people not heard that God has not endowed the things impermissible with the properties necessary to work a cure. Had they 1. Maktubat, Vol. I, No. 114 to Sufi QurbSn 2. Ibid , Vol. I, No. 260 to Shaikh Muhammad Sadiq

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known even a bit of the accomplishments of prayers, they would have not gone after musical recitations or ecstatic sessions.”1 Shaikh Ahmad discusses, in one of his letters, the purification of inner self sought by the non-Muslim ecstatics who develop certain occult powers despite their indulgence in wickedness and immorality. He writes: “Real purification depends on adherence to righteous­ ness as approved by God, and this rests upon the teachings of the prophets as already explained by me. Thus puri­ fication of the self and heart cannot really be attained without the help of prophethood. The purification attained by the infidels and the wrongdoing people is the expurgation of self and not of heart. The cleansing of self alone, however, does not increase anything but waywardness. The mysterious and magical powers sometimes developed by the infidels and wrongdoing people through the expur­ gation of self aie surely istidr&j (illusory miraculous power) which leads them by degrees to hell and destruction.”1 The Mujaddid held that the antinomian tendency of brushing aside the authority of established religious institutions and obser­ vances was extremely dangerous. Dismissing these thoughts as misguided and unsound he writes in a letter addressed to Mian Shaikh Bad‘i-ud-dln. “ Immature mystics and inconsistent disbelievers desiring to get rid of the shan'ah’s obligations maintain that its observance is meant for the commonality. They hold the view that the elite is required to attain gnosis just as the kings and rulers are duty-bound to administer justice to others. Their argument is that since the end of shatVah is attainment of gnosis, when one attains the knowledge of reality the obligations of sharVah automatically wither 1. Maktubat, Vol. I, No. 261 to Mir Muhammad N'omSn 2. Maktubat, Vol. I, No. 266 to Khwaja ‘Abdullah and ‘Ubaid U llal

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T h e y b rin g this verse1 of th e Q u r ’a n in their su p p o rt. And serve thy Lord until there cometh unto thee the certainty. ” 2 The actions of the mystics can never be taken as the stan­ dard, according to Shaikh Ahmad, for deciding the things made permissible or prohibited by the shan'ah. He makes out this point in another letter in which he says: “ No practice of any mystics is authoritative enough to decide what is lawful or unlawful. Will it not be sufficient that instead of reproaching them we pass over their actions and leave them to the judgment of God? This is a matter in which the opinion of Imam Aba Hanifa, Imam Aba Yusuf or Imam Muhammad should be consi­ dered authoritative rather than the practice of Abubakr Shibli or Abul Hasan Ntiri. The half-baked mystics of our day have taken to dancing and whirling as an accepted religious rite and raised it to the level of divine service. These are the persons who have taken their religion fo r sport and pastime.”a Such is Mujaddid’s approach to wholehearted affirmation of every commandment of the shan'ah that whenever he is told about any practice or doctrine of the mystics which is incompatible with the proper Islamic beliefs or which seeks to prove any unsound dogma on the authority of any seer or saint rather than placing reliance upon the Book of God or example of the Prophet, it becomes difficult for him to hold his pen from denouncing and assailing the non-conformist view. Once, when an unsound utterance of a mystic Shaikh (‘Abdul Karim Yamam) was i elated to him by one of his disciples, Shaikh Ahmad could not tolerate the erroneous re­ mark and expressed his disapproval to it in a very forceful aw ay.

1. Maktubat, Vol. I, No. 276 to MiSn Shaikh Bad‘f-ud-din (Q. X V : 99) 2. Ibid., Vol. I, No. 266 to KhwSjS ‘Abdullah and KhwSjS ‘Ubaid Ullah (Q. V II: 51)

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and poignant style. “My Lord ! this meek-spirited i s , not accustomed to endure such observations which stir his Farnql blood and do not allow him to think out any explanation by stretch­ ing their sense. Such things might have been accept­ able to Shaikh Kabxr Yamanl or Shaikh Akbar ShamI, but what we require is the testimony of Muhammad (peace and blessings be upon him) and not those of Muhly-ud-dxn Ibn ‘Arabi, Sadr-ud-din Qunawx or Shaikh ‘Abdur Razzaq Kashi. We require nass1 and not the fus:s the conquest of Medina has made us independent of the conquest® of Mecca.”4 Vigorous defence of the sacred law of Islam leads Shaikh Ahm^d to hold that every action in compliance with the sharVah can be classified as dhikr or remembrance of God. He writes to explain his viewpoint in one of his letters to Khwaja Muhammad Sharaf-ud-din Husain. “One should continually engage oneself in the re­ membrance of God. Every action in accordance with the sharvah comprises dhikr, even though it be of the nature of sale and purchase. In every action and behaviour the dictates of the shan‘ah should be kept in view so that each one of these actions qualifies to be reckoned as a dhikr. The dhikr is basically meant for putting away men­ tal inadvertence and thus when one is heedful of legal doctrines of the lawful and unlawful in every act, one automatically becomes absorbed in God’s remembrance who is the Ultimate Lawgiver. This would by itself save one from remissness and bestow the wealth of perpetual

1. Lit. a demonstration, that is, a legal maxim derived from the Qur*5n or hadith. 2. (. e., Fusus il-Hikam by Muhiy-ud-din Ibn ‘Arabi 3. The allusion is to Futuhat-i-Makkiyah by Muhiy-ud-din Ibn Arabi 4. Maktubat, Vol. II, No. 100 to Mulla Hasan of Kashmir

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engrossment in God.”1 It was on the basis of absolute superiority of the shan'ah, as preached by the Mujaddid, that he severely criticized sijdah-it'tizimi (prostration of honour) which had come into vogue in the circle of certain mystics. On being informed that some of his disciples were not cautious enough in this regard, the Mujaddid warned them against that practice.2 Similarly, he refuted and condemned such polytheistic customs and usages, taken lightly in those days, as rendering honour to paganish rites, seeking help of the beings other than God, participation in festivals and customs of the infidels, vows and oblations in the name of saints and keeping of fasts to propitiate the blessed saints or daughter of the Prophet. In a letter3 written to a female disciple, the Mujaddid has mentioned a number of such unsound practices which had come into vogue among ‘he Muslim masses in those days. The restoration of sound and authoritative Islamic beliefs and practices and refutations of all innovations containing antinomian and polytheistic elements constituted a distinguishing feature of the great movemeiit of revivalism and reform initiated by Shaikh Ahmad after a long time in India. These un-lslamic practices stimulated by contact with the non-Muslim majority in the country and gaining strength with the passage of time were then threatening to misdirect the religious life of the Indian Muslims by corrupting the whole level of Islamic religious thought and action in the country. The reformatory endeavour of the Mujaddid was brought to consummation by the later mystics of Mujaddidi-Naqshband! school like Shah Wall Ullah (1114-1176/1702-1762) and his sons4 and finally by Saiyid Ahmad 1. Maktubat, Vol. II, No. 25 to Khwaja Muhammad Sharaf-ud-din Husain 2. Maktubat, Vol. II, No. 92 to Mir Muhammad N'omSn and Vol. I, No. 29 to Shaikh NizSm-ud-din of ThSnesar. 3. Makutbat, Vol. Ill, No. 41 to Saliha 4. Among whom the efforts of Shah Muhammad Isma'i] Shahid (Continued on next page)

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Shahld and his disciples who built up one of the strongest movements in history for the propagation of Islamic teachings through popularising the translations of the Q uran and hadith in local languages as well as exemplified Islam ic brhaviom through their personal conduct. Rejection of Bid‘at Hasanab Bid‘ah, in Islamic terminology, signifies acceptance of any dogma or ritual not laid down by God or His Messenger, as an approved article of religion, or treating it as something sacrosanct and helpful in achieving proximity to God, or even conducting oneself in a manner one ought to treat an accepted rule of Islamic law. Bid'ah is thus the man-made law built-in witlun the system of law given by God. A closer look at bid'ah reveals that it has a set of laws complete with all the ramifications like obligatory and commendable observances which run parallel to those prescribed by the sharvah, and they sometimes even increase in number, importance or sanctity than the rules of God-given law. Bid'ah, by its very nature, refuses to accept that the siian'ah is complete and inviolable or that nothing by way of religious duties due to God can now be added to its corpus. It is blind to the fact that whatever new additions are made to the articles of religion would necess­ arily be unsound and unauthoritative. The implications of bid'ah have been eloquently described by Imam Malik who says: “ Whoever initiates a bid‘ah in Islam and also considers it as something commendable, virtually declares that (God forbid) Muhammad (peace and blessings of Allah be upon (Continued from previous page) (d. 1246/1831), the grandson of Shah Wall Ullah, deserves to be men­ tioned. See Saiyid Ahmad Shahid, brought out by the Academy, for the heroic struggle launched for the revival of faith in the nineteenth century.

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him) did Hot complete his mission honestly. For Allah has said: This day have I perfected your religion fo r you. Thus nothing that was not accepted as an article of faith during the lifetime of the Prophet can now be recognised as authoritative.”1 The chief characteristic of the shan'ah revealed by God is that it is easy and practicable for all human beings in every age. It is because the Law-giver is also the Creator of man and He is aware of the nature, strength and weakness of His creatures : Should He not know what He created? And He is the Subtle, the Aware.2 The divine law, therefore, makes allowance for the needs and propensities of human beings but when man promotes himself to the position of the Law-giver he is not able to reckon with all these intricate matters. This is the reason why the addition of frequent bid'ahs, from time to time, makes religion so involved, difficult and bewildering that the people are forced to bid farewell to the religion itself. And, then, the promise made in the Qur’an that God hath not laid upon you in religion any hardship3 is automatically withdrawn. The long list of customs and rites and religious observances added to the apostalic faith by these innovations, wherever they have found a free hand, bespeak of the truth of this contention. Another notable feature of the faith and religious law is the uniformity in, its structure and content. The creed and shan'ah remain unchanged in every age and country: a Muslim migrating to any other part of the world would have no difficulty in following the rules of religion; he would require neither a local guide nor a directory. But the bid'ah running counter to this religious principle does not exhibit any uniformity. It dis­ plays local characteristics which may be the product of a certain 1. Related from-Imam Malik by Ibnu? Majishoon 2. Q. LXVII: 14 3. Q. X X : 78

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regional or historical development or may issue from personal likes and dislikes of a certain individual. The bid'ah thus differs from place to place and changes its shape so easily that it can assume a different form and complexion for every city, locality or a house. It was because of this knowledge of things, human and divine, and the causes by which all human affairs are controlled that the Prophet of Islam had strongly urged his followers to follow his sunnah and keep themselves aloof from every form of bid'ah. He is reported to have said th a t: “Whoever gives rise to anything not a part of my religion then it shall be rejected.” “ Keep away from bid’ah, for every bid'ah leads to waywardness which will end up in the hell.” The holy Prophet had also made the following farsighted prediction for the guidance of his followers: “ Whenever some people introduce an innovation in the religion, an equal amount of sunnah is taken away.” The companions of the Prophet of Islam rejected every innovation in religion. Thereafter the jurists, scholars and reformers took a stand against the impious creeds and practices cropping up in their own times and relentlessly fought to nip every mischief in the bud. However, the overcredulous masses as well as the worldly minded leaders and hypocritical ministers of religion have always exhibited an irresistable attraction to those pious frauds which proves the truth of the Quranic des­ cription of these blasphemers. “O ye who believe! L o ! many of the rabbis and monks devour the wealth of mankind wantonly and debar (men) from the way of Allah.”1 The scholars and reformers had sometimes to face severe trials for opposing such innovations but they remained firm

1. Q. I X : 34

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in what was considered by them as. an struggle for safeguard­ ing the faith and the sharvah from corruption, They were branded as static, conservative and enemies of religion but they continued their fight against heterodoxy until the unscriptural beliefs and practices were completely effaced with the result that today we know of the existence of several of these innovations only from the pages of history. The leftovers of such deviations are still being combated by the true scholars of Islam who have been thus praised by God. “Of the believers are men who are true to that which they covenanted with Allah. Some of them have paid their vow by death (in battle), and some of them still are waiting; and they have not altered in the least.”1 One of the greatest fallacies that had very often led the people astray was what the people knew as bid‘at-i-hasanah or the nice innovation. The misguided people had divided the innovations into nice and vile, and held that every innovation was not necessarily worthless. . In their opinion a number of innovations fell in the category of nice innovations and were exempt from the prophetic dictum that ‘every innovation is a waywardness.’2 The Mujaddid raised the banner of revolt against such specious arguments of the misguided sufts and denied them so strenuously a n d emphatically with confidence and cogent arguments as had not been done by anybody among his immediate predecessors or contemporaries. The extracts given 1. Q. X X X III; 23 2. Certain people argued on the basis of Caliph Umar's remark who, on witnessing the people offering the prayer of tardwih in congregation, said, “This is a good innovation*’. Obviously, he had used the word bid'ah only in a literal sense because the offering of tarawih prayers since the life-time of the Prophet was an established fact, proved by authentic Traditions. For a fuller discussion of the subject see AtA'itasam bil-sunnah by ImSm Shstibi and Aidha' ul-Haq as-Sarih ftIhk'am il Mayyit waz-Dharsh by Mohammad Isma’il Shahid.

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here from a few of his letters bear witness to his clear think­ ing, self-assurance and deep knowledge of the subject. Inviting Shaikh Muhammad ‘Abdullah, the son of this spiritual mentor, to join hands with him in rejecting the innovations and reviving the sunnah of the holy Prophet, Mujaddid writes in a letter: “Now that one thousand years have run out since the prophethood of the last Messenger of God and the '■signs of the Doomsday have began to unfold themselves, ‘ and this is an age in which the sunnah is shrouded and falsehood has taken root, the bid'ah is becoming popular as the order of the day. A man of mettle is required today who should overthrow bid'ah and bring it to its knees and re-establish the example of the Prophet through bis spirited defence of Ihe sunnah. Popularity of the bid'ah which corrupts the religion, and veneration of an inno­ vator really means destruction of the citadel of Islam. The holy Prophet is reported to have said th a t: “ Anybody who holds an innovator in reverence assists in pulling down the edifice of Islam.” “The need of the hour is to take courage and familiarize the people with even one practice of the Prophet and make them leave any one of the bid'ah. The effort in this directions has an abiding importance but now that it is sapping the strength of Islam, it has become all the more necessary to enforce the teachings of Islam, promote the sunnah and discourage the bid'ah." Mujaddid goes on, in the same letter, to explain that the bid'ah has no virtue at all as contended by certain persons by coining the phrase of bid-at-i-hasanah. “ The people of old saw some merit in certain innovations and declared some of its categories as unexceptionable. This humblehearted, however, does not agree with them and does not consider any innovation to be acceptable. He finds nothing save darkness and wickedness in them.

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The Prophet of Islam (peace be upon him) has clearly stated that ‘every innovation is a waywardness’.”1 In another letter written in Arabic, he writes to Mir Muhib Ullah: “It is difficult to understand how these people have found any merit in the things that have been invented after the completion of religion as approved and confirmed by God? Are they not aware of this basic fact that anything ingrafted after the completion and acceptance of a religion by God cannot have any merit whatsoever ? After the Truth what is there save the error?* “ Had they known that attribution of any merit to a thing inserted in a perfect religion implied imperfection of that religion and amounted to an announcement that God had not yet completed His favour, they would have dared not deny what had been asserted by God.”* In another letter he argues the same point even more forcefully: “ Since every innovation in a religion is a bid'ah and every bid'ah is an error, what does it mean to attribute any merit to an innovation ? As we know from the ah&dith that every bid'ah impairs a sunnah, it is quite apparent that every bid‘ah is vile a innovation. It has been related from the Prophet th a t; “ When any nation invents an innovation, a propor­ tionate part of the sunnah is taken away from it. Thus attachment with a sunnah is infinitely better than trying to invent a new practice.” “HassSn has related on the authority of the Prophet th a t: “Whenever a people will set up an-innovation in the religion, God will take away a proporionate amount 1. Maktubat, Vol. n , No; 23 2. Q. X : 33 3. Maktubat, Vol. II, No. 19

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of the sunnah prevalent among them and will not restore it till the Day of Judgement.” “One should know that the innovations taken as meritorious by certain scholars and mystics are always found, on deeper thought, to be conflicting with the sunnah.”1 He goes on to reject the existence of nice innovations in the same letter in these words: “ There are some who hold that the innovations are of two kinds, the nice and vile innovations. They call those innovations as nice which were developed after the Prophet and right-guided Caliphs but which did not con­ tradict any sunnah of the Prophet. An innovation is defined as vile by them if it runs counter to a sunnah. This meek-minded cannot see any worth or merit in any innova­ tion and finds all of them vile and wicked. Even if we suppose that certain actions appear as virtuous and good to certain persons owing to a deficiency in their discernment, they would have nothing but sorrow and remorse when they are granted necessary comprehension and discretion. “ The last Prophet of God (on whom be peace and blessing) has explicitly stated that whoever introduces something which was not originally a part of our religion, it shall be rejected.” One of the innovations that had gained popularity in those days was the mi'tad or the gatherings to celebrate the birth of the holy Prophet. That this celebration was held in commemo­ ration of the lovesome personage held dear by all as the apple of one’s eye, any opposition to it was a delicate task involving misunderstanding and anger in the masses, and was likely to be taken as a sign of ungratefulness and lack of tender feelings for the holy Prophet. Mujaddid was, however, endowed with a soundness of judgement which had convinced him that anything 1. Maktubdt, Vol. I, No. 186 to Khwaja ‘Abdur Rahman Mufti o f Kabul. 2. Ibid.

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not prevalent during the time of the Prophet could not be beneficial for the Muslims nor contribute to their spiritual development: such an innovation would rather give birth to tendencies harmful to the Muslims. Therefore, when he was asked whether there was any objection to such gatherings if they were not attended by any ritual against the approved religious practices he answered: “ This poorling is of the opinion that unless this practice is completely given up, the interested persons would not cease taking advantage of it. If the practice is declared as lawful, it would gradually lead to finding justification for other innovations also. Even a small mistake becomes a prelude to grave errors.”1 The courageous step taken by the Mujaddid put the lid on a dangerous innovation which was gaining popularity among -the masses owing to the patronage of undiscerning scholars and mystics and the interest taken in its furtherance by credulous nobles and the rich among the Muslims.

1. Maktubat, Vol. Ill, No. 72 to Khwaja Hosam-ud-din

CHAPTER VII

UNITY OF BEING VERSUS UNITY OF MANIFESTATION

Shaikh Akbar Muhyi-ud-dln Ibn Arab! Among the earlier mystics who, in a state of perpetual rapture, are reported to have made remarks suggesting Wahdatul-Wujud or the Unity of Being, the two well known illuminists were Shaikh Bs Yazid BustamT and Husain b. Mansur Hallaj. The former, regarded as a common precursor of many a subsequent mystical order is credited with the sententious ex­ pressions like, “ Glory be to me, how exalted am I” and “Naught but God dwells within my raiment” , while the famous dictum of Mansnr Hallaj was, “I am the Truth.” 1 All these aphorisms became familiar tunes with the later mystics. Shaikh Muhyi-ud-dxn Ibn ‘Arab! (d. 638/1240), commonly known as the Shaikh Akbar (the Great Master) was, however, the originator of this unitive doctrine in a cognitive sense for 1. 'The Truth* signified here the person of God.

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it was through his writings that the proposition reached its culminating point. The blaze of his glory rose in his life-time so brightly that his thought was diffused into almost every mystical order and came to be regarded as the touchstone of spiritual perfection. Denial of Ibn ‘Arabl’s doctrine was there­ after taken for ignorance of mystic thought and experience. Giving a graphic description of Ibn ‘Arabi’s hypothetical pro­ positions Mujaddid writes in a letter that he systematised his doctrine with major and minor premises in the same way as rules of grammar and syntax are formulated.1 It is not our intention to enter into any detailed description of the principle of Wahdat-ul-Wujud or its development which flowered into a definite school of thought and produced prolific literature enough to suffice a library. It would even be difficult to at­ tempt a brief survey of this doctrine which will lead us to the examination of an abstruse thought of philosophy and mysticism. Furthermore, as the comprehension of the doctrine requires acquaintance with the terminology of philosophy and mysticism as well as a personal experience of the journey of spirit, the readers who are interestec’ in a deeper study of the subject may go through the two famous works of Shaikh Akbar, Futuhat Makkiyah (the Meccan Revelations) and Fusiis il-Hikam (Bezels of Wisdom).2 We shall present here a few extracts from the Wahdat-ulWujud of Maulana Abdul ‘A ll of Lucknow commonly known as Bahr-ul-Uloom (d. 1225 A.H.) for he is regarded as an authority and most authentic interpreter of the Shaikh Akbar’s doctrines expounded in the Futuhat Makkiyah and Fusils il-Hikam. The writings of Maulana ‘Abdul ‘Ali include a number of technicalisms of mystical vocabulary which can be fully Understood 1. Maktubat, Vol. Ill, letter No. 89, to Qazi Ismail Faridabadi. 2. It would also be worthwhile to go through the As! al-VsSlfi Bay art Mutabqata al-Kashf b'il M'aqSl wed Manqul by Saiyid Shah Abdul Qadir MehrabSn Fakhri (d. 1204), Madras University Press, 1959

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by those who are acquainted with sufi thought and phraseology, yet his explanation is by far the most concise and easiest than other writings on the subject. “All the things that exist besides Allah in the world are either states or determinations. All these states and determinations are His manifestations, that is, His inflows, and this means that He reveals Himself through them. This inflowing is not of the nature as asserted by those who believe in the indwelling of or Union of God with the Universe. This influxion is rather like the integral of numerical ‘one’ since all the numericals denote nothing save a unit of numeration. The world has only one ,ain or essence, that is, it is the manifestation of only One Being in everything. The world came into existence from the Being of God and His Being manifests itself in the multiplicity of the former. Allah is the First and the Last, and the Manifest, and the Hidden. Allah has not made anyone His partner. “ The blessed names of Allah, whether they are trans­ cendental or immanent, do not manifest themselves with­ out any substance. Now, that these names are dependent on substances for their manifestation and their perfection cannot be conceived in their absence, God brought into existence the ‘ayan or essences of the world so that these essences may serve as the seats of His manifestation and reveal the perfection of His (asma') names. “Allah is absolutely self-sufHcing in so far as the perfection of His Being is concerned but the perfection of His names (asma') is not independent of the outward existence of the world. Hafiz, of Shiraz has said: No mattar if the beloved spreads shadow over the lover; I clamoured for him and he longed for me. “ This is also testified by an accepted hadith which quotes God as saying: “I was a hidden treasure. I wished that I

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should be known so I brought the creation into being. Wherefore I manifested Myself and My names through My creations.” “One who belives in the duality of existence; one of God and the other of casualness (mumkin)1 is guilty of ascribing associates to God although his guilt is not apparant. On the other hand, one who is convinced of the Unity of Existance, asserts that Allah alone exists, everything else is His manifestation and thus the multi­ plicity of manifestation does not conflict with the Divine Unity. Then he is a true Unitarian. “You are not the essence of Reality because the exis­ tence of God is absolute while yours is limited and loca­ tional and nothing that is locational can be deemed to be absolute. But in your inner nature you are the essence of Reality because the Absolute Reality resides in you. Only thus you can witness God free from limitations in­ herent in the essence of created beings: thus it is located in the locational beings. In other words, you find God, the Absolute, manifested in a located being. Nothing exists save God nor is there any deity beside Him.” 2 Ibn Arabi’s mists of legend thickened so rapidly after his death that he became the inspirer of almost ninety per­ cent mystics, philosophers and poets. He was acclaimed as the greatest mystic of all times; yet the devotion accorded to him evoked criticism of such eminent scholars as Hafiz Ibn Hajar ‘Asqalanl, ‘Allama Sakhawl, Abu Hayyan, Shaikh al-Islam ‘Izz-ud-dm, H afiz Abu Zura'a, Shaikh-al-IsJatn Siraj-ud-din alBalqlnl, Mulla ‘Ali Qari, ‘Allama S‘ad-ud-din TafiSzam etc. All these scholars are known for their deep knowledge of re­ ligious sciences as well as compass of mind, yet they were 1. Mumkin is a being of which neither the existence nor non-existence is inconceivable. 2. Bahr-ul-Uloom Maulana ‘Abdul 'Ali ‘Ansari, Wahdat-ul-Wujud

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dubbed as orthodox for none excepting a few of them laid any claim to be a pilgrim of the spiritual path endowed with intuitive knowledge of the hidden realities. Their opposition to Ibn ‘Arabi was, therefore, brushed aside as the enmity of the uninitiated. Ibn Taimiyah’s Criticism o Wahdat-ul-Wujud The greatest critic of Wahdat-ul-Wujud was Shaikh-ulIslam Taqi-ud-din Ibn Taimiyah (661-728/1263-1328) who analysed the doctrine and its influence on the common people enamoured by mysticism in the light of the Qur’an and the hadith. He was born twenty-three years after the death of Ibn ‘Arabi (d. 638/1240) in Damascus, the resting place of the latter. By the time Ibn Taimiyah completed his education, not more than forty to forty-five years had elapsed since the death of Ibn ‘Arabi, but he was by that time a niche in the hall of fame and his doctrine had captured the minds and souls of scholars and mystics in Egypt and Syria. He was recognised as the greatest exponent of tauhid or the Unity of God. Shaikh Abul Fath Nasr al-Munjabi of Egypt, a devoted follower of Ibn ‘Arabi, was the spiritual guide of the Prime Minister Rukn-ud-dln Bebars al-Jashangir. Ibn ‘Arabi’s writ­ ings, specially the Futuhat Makkiyah and the Fus&s il-Hikam, were recognised as favourite manuals of study. Ibn Taimiyah has, in his writings, acknowledged that some of Ibn Arabl’s works like Futuhat Makkiyah, Kunh al-Muhkam il-Marbut, AlDurrat al-Fakhrah and Mutal a un-Najum contained propositions which were not only profound but these works also possessed literary excellence. Among the followers of Ibn ‘Arabi, Ibn Sab'een, Sadr-ud-din of Konya (who was also a disciple of the Shaikh Akbar), Billijani and TilmisanI were held in high esteem during the time but Ibn Taimiyah preferred Ibn ‘Arabi amongst his followers which, by the way, shows that he was fair and impartial in forming an estimate of Ibn ‘Arabl’s tea­ chings. The maxim followed by Ibn Taimiyah was: I f ye

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judg" between mankind, that ye judge justly/'1 Comparing Ibn ‘Arabi with his disciples and followers, he writes : “Ibn ‘Arabi is nearest to Islam amongst them. His writings are comparatively seemly because he makes a distinction between manifestation and exteriority and pays due regard to the commands and prohibitions and the law. He commends moral behaviour and devotions pres­ cribed by the earlier mystic seers and that is why a num­ ber of puritans and sufts adopt the mystical excercises recommended in his writings. A number of them are unable to comprehend these realities but those who come to understand and appreciate them, fathom the true mean­ ing of his teachings.” * Ibn Taimiyah was conscious of the grave responsibility involved in passing a judgement on an eminent Muslim held in esteem by others. He writes in the same letter: “Only God is aware how one will end one’s life’s journey. May God grant salvation to every Muslim man or woman, dead or alive; Our Lord! Forgive us and our brethren who were before us in the faith, and place not in our hearts any rancour toward those who believe. Our Lord! Thou art Full o f Pity, Merciful.''9 Corroding Influence of Wahdat-ul-Wujod However, it seems that the spirit of ascetical-mystical discipline, its popularity among the masses and the little regard paid to religious obligations by the enthusiastic propagators of Ibn ‘Arabi’s doctrine had given rise to an intellectual and moral confusion in Syria, then a part of the kingdom of Egypt ruled by the Turks. Its followers had developed antinomian tendencies taking up the performance of acts which 1. Q. IV : 48

2. Letter to Shaikh Nasr al-Munjabi, Jala ul-‘Aynain, p. 57 3. Ibid (Q. 59 : 10)

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violated the law and even the approved norms of decency. It was a serious situation, which, naturally, caused concern to a scholar and theologian who was not only learned but also deemed it his duty to uphold the approved and established religious institutions. In short, the way Ibn ‘Arabl’s doctrine of the Unity of Being was translated into action by its votar­ ies, it could not avoid condemnation by the religious scholars for it is not the root by which a tree is known but by the fruit it bears. Ibn Taimiyah was always extremely cautious in attributing anything to somebody else but, as he has written, TilmisanI not only boasted of his belief in the Unity of Being but also made no secret of his actions and behaviour flowing from that belief. He was a drunkard and did not desist from committing acts regarded impermissible by the shan'ah. The argument he preferred in his defence was that all existence being one, how can there be anything permissible or imper­ missible. Writes Ibn Taimiyah: “I was told by a reliable person that he used to study the FusOs il-Hikam under TilmisanI and rated the book as the work of a saint and gnostic. When he realised that some of its contents were in conflict with the teachings of the Qur'an, he brought the matter to the notice of TilmisanI who replied, “Qur’an is actually replete with shirk, it differentiates between the Creator and the created; true tauhid you will find in our works.” TilmisanI also used to assert that ecstatic revelation proves the things which fly in the face of intellect.”1 Ibn Taimiyah says further: “Once a man who accompanied TilmisanI and his friends passed by a dead dog which seemed to have had eczema. Tilmisanl’s friend remarked, “ This is also the Absolute Being.” Thereupon TilmisanI replied, “Is there anything 1. Al-Furqan Bain al-Haq f¥al Bit'll, p. 145

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outside His Being.? Nay, everything dwells within His Being.”1 In his other Book, Ar-Radd al-Aqwam ‘Ala Fusus il-Hikam Ibn Timiyah cites another platitude of the then followers of Unity of Being. He writes: “A certain person was asked, “Why should the wife he allowed to a man and his mother prohibited to him when all the existence was one?” He replied, “ Surely, there is no difference between them. But those who are uninitiated (with the truth of Unity) still insist that one’s mother is prohibited. We also say: Yes, she is prohibited to (the ignoramuses like) you.”2 It does not mean that all these heretical pronouncements and extravagant behaviours should be attributed to Ibn ‘Arabi or his writings. He was pious, an abstainer and an ascetic who earnestly strived for the perfection of his soul, endeavoured to follow the Prophet’s sunnah3 and was aware of the ruses of Satan and the self,4 yet his writings do contain such ecstatic expressions which were later stretched to justify the heretical maxims of his followers. To cite a few instances here he has written that calf worshippers during the time of Moses had in fact paid homage to God (for all existence is one) and that Moses had admonished Aaron at taking exception to the calf worship. Ibn ‘Arabi presents the Prophet Moses as a knower through God who witnessed Divine manifestation in every object and took it as the essence of everything. In his view Pharaoh was perfectly justified in considering himself as “ the God Most High”; his assertion really represented the essence of his God-given right to rule over the people. Further, as

1. Al-Furqdn Bain aUHaq iVal Batil, p. 145 2. Ibid., p. 42 3. Ibn ‘Arab! belonged to the school of Imam Daud who rejected analogy and followed the sunnah literally. 4. Cf. Ibn ‘Arabi’s Buh ul-Quds

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every existence is a part of the Universal Existence, Pharaoh had a greater right to claim that priv ile g e since h e h a d the right to rule over h is people. Ibn ‘Arab! goes on to say that when the magicians realised the truth of Pharaoh’s statement, they acknowledged the fact by saying, “So decree what thou wilt decree. Thou wilt end for us only the life of the world.” Ibn ‘Arabi draws the inference that the wizards’ recognition of Pharaoh as the Lord of the world meant that he was also “ the Lord Most High” . Ibn ‘Arab! even criticizes Prophet Noah and makes much of his idol-worshipping people who, in his view, were devotees of the Supreme Being. He explains away the deluge as an overflow of d iv in e epiphany in which the tribe of Noah was immersed.1 This is perhaps the reason why a number of mystics who held Ibn ‘Arabi as one of the saints blessed with the proximity of essence, had forbidden their followers to go through bis writings. Shaikh Muhyl-ud-dm ‘Abdul Qadir ‘IdrnsI, the author of the An-Nur us-Safir relates from his guide Shaikh Abu Bakr ‘IdrusI that the latter was never rebuked by his father save owe when his father saw a portion of Shaikh Akbar’s FutShat Makkiyah in his hand. He further says that although Shaikh Aba Bakr’s father had strictly forbidden him to go through the Futuhat and the Fusus, he nevertheless insisted that one ought to regard the Shaikh Akbar as one of the eminent saints endowed with mystical knowledge.2 Indian followers of Ibn ‘Arabi The doctrine of the Unity of Being, imported into India during the eighth century A.H., was ro t a new precept for the 1. All these examples have been taken from Ibn Taimiyah’s Ar-Radd uI-Aqwam ‘ata Ma fi Kitab Fusus il-Hikam and Al-Furqan Bain-at• Haq wal Batil wherein these have been cited from Ibn ‘Arabi’s Fusus il-Hikam. Some followers of Ibn ‘Arabi, however, hold these as later interpolations in his books. 2. An-Niir us-Safir, p. 346

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country which had Already been its oldest radiating centre. There are also historians of mysticism who hold that the Muslim ssfis of Iran, Iraq and the countries to the west of India bad received radiations of the doctrine of existential monism from ascetical-mystical life and thought of India. Even after the advent of Islam in this country, India continued to up­ hold, without any break, its faith in what can be expressed as “Everything is He.” The Aryan races and their thoughts, philosophies and religions have always taken kindly to the Unity oP Being and religious eclecticism owing to their innate aversion to the Semitic system of a set principle of belief and conduct. Thir. predilection of the people of India helped the doctrine of existential monism to take roots in i he country and to flourish in the shape of a new school of thought. A large number of eminent mystics in this country such as Shah ‘Abdul Quddus of Gangoh (d. 944/1537), Shaikh ‘Abdur Razzaq of Jhanjhana (d. 949/1542) Shaikh ‘Abdul ‘Aziz of Delhi, also known as Shakarbar (d. 975/1568), Shaikh Muhammad Ibn Fazlullah of Buihanpnr (d. 1029/1620) and Shaikh Muhib Ullah of Allahabad (d. 1058/1648) supported the doctrine no less zealously than Ibn ‘ArabI or the Egyptian mystic ‘Umar Ibn a!-Faridh (d. 631/1234). All these sifts were either contempo­ raries of Ibn Taimiyah or lived during the period very close to his days. Shaikh ‘Ala ud-daulah Samnani’s opposition to Unity of Being Most of the scholars who rejected the doctrine of the Unity of Being were, as stated earlier, strict observers of the religious law and practices of orthodoxy with no pretensions to mystical intuition of reality or ecstatic transports to higher levels of consciousness gained through strivings after the soul. Their criticisms of the doctrine were thus rejected out of hand as impulsive outbursts of the people uninitiated with the way. The first gnostic and sufi who contradicted the doctrine in a sedate and thoughtful manner was Shaikh Rukn-ud-din ‘Abul

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Makarlm ‘Ala-ud-daulah Samnani.1 ‘Ala-ud-daulah Samnani (659—736/1261—1336) was born at Samnan in Khurasan in a wealthy and noble family whose members occupied positions of authority in the local adminis­ tration. He took his lessons in the mystical discipline from Shaikh Nur-ud-din ‘Abdur Rahman al-Kasraqi al-Istara'iiri (d. 717/1317), a mystic guide belonging to the Kubrawl order. He controverted the doctrine of Unity of Being, reasoned the point with its followers and expounded his view point in his letters. He held that the destination of a pilgrim of the Way was not tauhid or Unity but attainment of the stage of 'ub&diyat or servitude. His observations and utterances compiled by his disciple Iqbal b. Sadiq of Sistan are still extant in several libraries under the name of the Chahl Majlis, Malfiiz&t Shaikh ‘Ala ud-dauiah Samsni etc. ‘Abdur Rahman Jam! has drawn the material contained from pages 504 to 515 of the Kitab Nafahst ul-Uns from the Mcdfuzat of Samnani.2 Wahdat-ns-Shuhad or Unity of Manifestation We find the doctrine of the Unity of Manifestation des­ cribed as an alternative precept to the Unity of Being by two reputed personalities. They differ in their approach and incli­ nations but their sincerity of purpose, search for truth and sound reasoning had led them to the same conclusion as if in fulfilment of the Quranic promise: As fo r those who strive in Us, We surely guide them to Our path? One of these was Shaikh ul-Islam Hafiz Ibn Taimiyah who was essentially a scholar of Traditions, dialectician and a jurist. The other one was Makhdum ul-Mulk Shaikh Sharaf-ud-dln Yahya Manerl (d.782/ 1380), a noted mystic, who had attained the stage of gnosis. Al-‘Ubudiyah written by the former bears testimoney to the 1. Maktebat, Vol. Ill, No. 89 2. See the article by F. Meier in the Da'iratul Ma'arif Islsmiah 3. Q. XXIX: 69

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fact that he was not only conversant with the stage that can be termed as the Unity of Manifestation but was also aware that the pilgrims of the Way come across this stage after crossing the stage of the Unity of Being. He was also cogni­ zant of the fact that even the highest stage attained by the gnostics was lower to that occupied by the prophets of God and their companions.1 However, Ibn Taimiyah never claimed to be a master of spiritual experiences to these stages in his works. The Makhdum, on the other hand, delineated his personal experiences with the competence expected of him as a mystic blest with oracular perception of divine mysteries. He writes, “What is generally understood by Wahdat-ul-Wujud or fading away of the unreal and its complete extinction really means recession of all the existences before the Absolute Being much in the same way as stars cease to shine and bright specks lose their identity in the presence of resplendent sun.” He lays bare the secret of the doctrine of Wahdat-ul-Wujud succinctly by an aphorism wherein he says “nihility is quite different from invisibility of a thing.” Makhdum’s comprehension of the reality of mystical experience is manifested by his remark that the delicate nature of subtle spiritual perception misleads many a mystic unless the succour of God is there at hand to keep him on the right path.2 The Need of New Master A new Master of the Way was thus required who had traversed the stages of the safi path and attained the state of intimacy with the Ultimate Reality by traversing ecstatic states. Only a man with direct experience of the spiritual realities could have talked about them with confidence on the basis of his 1. See Kbslal ul-‘UbOdiyah, pp. 85-88, Al-Maktabah-IslSmi, Damascus (ND). 2. Maktabst Seh Sadi, Letter No. 1, Saviours of Islamic Spirit, Vol. II, pp. 296-303

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intimate cognition instead of denying certain experiences of others because of his unfamiliarity with them. The arguments already advanced for or against the Unity of Being could broadly be divided into three categories. First, complete acceptance of the principle and its presen­ tation as a positive fact and the highest stage of spiritual experience. Secondly, rejection of the doctrine as a figment of imagi­ nation and esoteric perception of an individual without any reality. Thirdly, holding forth a parallel doctrine of the Unity of Manifestation which implied that the spiritual perception of the pilgrims of the Way did not point to the extinction of every existence in the presence of Absolute Being nor it meant that everything had passed away in God. The proposition meant that every existence remained where it was although the proximity of the Absolute Being caused them to appear as non-existent through its radiation. This was like the invisi­ bility of the stars when the sun had risen. Expiry of every other existence in the face of Real Existence was analogous to the disappearance of the stars before the brilliance of the sun. Mujaddid’s Fresh Approach The Mujaddid approached the problem in a new way, different from the previous three, by emphasising that the Wahdat-ul-Wujud or the Unity of Being was a stage in the journey of spirit striving for divine illumination wherein the mystic perceived that nothing existed save the Pure Being or that everything else was a part of the totality. At this stage the mystic apprehended that all the existences besides the Pure Being were merely its different forms and aspects, and this was what Ibn ‘Arab! and the gnostics of Wahdat-ul-Wujud, called tanazzul&t (descents) of the Perfect Being. But according to the Mujaddid, if the pilgrim of the path

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of spirit forged ahead with the help of God in the light of shan'ah, he passed on to another higher stage which was Wahdat-us-Shuhud. The Mujaddid did not deny Wahdat-ul-Wujud which had been for ages an article of faith and the goal of spiritual jour­ ney for innumerable mystics and philosophers. Nor did he question the sincerity and godliness of Ibn ‘Arab! or sublimity of his achievement in the realm of spirit. He accepted the great­ ness of Ibn ‘Arab! and his spiritual experience but went on to add a further stage in the destination of spiritual journey which was in keeping with the Islamic creed and the tenets of the kitsb and the sunnah. Thus, instead of rejecting the findings of the earlier sufis, the Mujaddid added something which made their experiences and formulations not only compatible with the law but also urged them to achieve new heights in their journey of spirit. Personal Experiences of the Mujaddid With these introductory remarks about Shaikh Ahmad’s doctrine of the Unity of Manifestation, let us now turn to his letters describing his own personal experiences. In the letter given here he has described his progress from the stage of Wahdat-ul-Wujud to that of Wahdal-us-Shuhud to Shaikh Sufi. “This humble-spirited had held the belief o f Unitarians since his early days. His father was expressly wedded to that school and persistently followed its practices.......As the saying goes that the son of a jurist becomcs a half jurist, this meekhearted was inclined towards this system of belief and also enjoyed it until the grace of God led him to have the guidance of Muhammad al-Eaqi, the great mystic and knower through God. He guided this in­ glorious fellow in the discipline of Naqshbandiyah order and kept a close watch over his spiritual perfection. In a short time the deeper devotions of this exalted order disclosed to this meek-spirited the secrets of tauhid-i-wujiidi

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(existential unity) which was, at that time, overestimated by him. He was favoured with the spiritual insight and intuitive knowledge incidental to that stage in full measure and there was hardly anything that was not divulged to him. The subtle and dainty mysteries described by Ibn ‘Arab! were unveiled to the sight of this poorling who found himself at the pinnacle of what is called tajjah-idhali (vision of the Being) by Ibn ‘ArabI and beyond which there was no stage according to him. The intuitive knowledge and ecstatic insights of the stage regarded by Ibn ‘ArabI as marked off for the highest saints were granted to this meek-hearted in all its details. This was a stage of ecstatic rapture in unicity so overpowering that in the letters I had written to my revered guide in those days, I had penned certain verses evincing that intoxication. “This state of intoxication persisted for long, the months changed into years, until the unbounded mercy of God showed its face and unveiled the mystery of “Naught is as His likeness’V The revelations signifying unitive expe­ rience and Unity of Being gradually faded away. The cogni­ tions of ihatah (encompassment), saraym (immanence), qurb (nearness) and maiyyat-i-dhati (convergence with the Being) gave place to an implicit conviction that the Absolute Being had nothing in common with anything witnessed in this finite world; the former encompassed and was proximate to the letter in its knowledge only. This is realy the creed of the true believers whose endeavours may find accep­ tance with God. His Being is pure, not united with any­ thing ; incomparable and incomprehensible while the world is wholly contaminated and corrupt. How can He that is indeterminate be the essence or like unto what is quali­ fied and how can the necessary be given the name of the possible ? The eternal cannot be contingent; one excluded 1. Q. XLII: 11

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from nothingness cannot be the same as that liable to ex­ tinction. Interchangeability of the truths is an impossibi­ lity and to think that it can be so would neither be correct, nor compatible with reason, nor yet the law. It is strange that Shaikh Muhl-ud-dln and his followers recognise God as incomprehensible and His attributes as illimitable yet they attest their own circumfluence of and esoteric near­ ness to the Absolute Being. The fact of the matter consists of what the scholars of Ahl-i-Sunnat have held that the comprehension and proximity to God is possible in know­ ledge only. “The period during which this humble self acquired the knowledge contravening the mystical apprehensions of the Unity of Being was most gruesome to him for he did not consider anything more important than this patricular concept of tauhid. He used to beseech God with tears in his eyes to let him continue with the experiences inci­ dental to th?t stage. At last, all the veils were cast aside and the inescapable reality dawned on him. Then he came to know that the world is like a mirror unto the perfection of the God’s attributes but the reflection seen in the mirror is not the same as the thing reflected nor the shadow is the essence of the thing from which it is projected—as believed by those adhering to the taukid-iwujudi (Existential Unity). “The issue can be elucidated by giving an example. Supposing there is an erudite scholar possessing encyclopedic knowledge who desires to bring his knowledge to light and demonstrate his competence not known to others. He invents for the purpose certain alphabets and sounds. In a case like this it cannot be claimed that these alphabets and sounds which are just a means of exhibiting his compe­ tence, either encompass or embody his knowledge and proficiency. They cannot even be said to possess the nearness to or proximity of existence with him. They

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would rather bear the same relationship to him as an argument has to the thing argued. The alphabets and the sounds are no more than the signs of his competence and whatever relationships (such as essence, unity, circumfluence or esoteric nearness or else co-presence of the two) are established thereby are merely illusory. Nevertheless, since the competence of the said scholar and the alphabets and sounds correspond to the manifest and manifested or the argument and thing argued, certain people have come to conjure up these as affinities. In truth and reality, however, the competence (of the learned) is unrelated to his mani­ festations. Similarly, the Absolute Reality and its creations do not have any affinity beyond the argument and the thing argued or the manifestation and the contents of manifestation.............The repeated contemplations upon tauhid or Unity lead certain persons to have a psychic perception of an illusory object because continuous medita­ tion impresses upon their minds certain forms of their own imagination. There are persons who come to cherish a liking for repetitive remembrance of tauhid while others incline towards it because of their infatuation with the Unity of Being. For the love causes a lover to conceive nothing except his beloved, he can visualise only what he loves. This, however, does not mean that the objects not adored by him cease to exist; for that will be against the reality of perception, reason and the law. The passion of love often leads the people to believe in the compre­ hension and nearness to the Absolute Being—this concept of tauhid is on a higher plane than the first two and depends on the spiritual mood, yet even this is not supported either by the reality of things or reason. Any effort to prove it compatible with the reason or the law amounts to specious reasoning. In effect, it is the result of erroneous mystical experience which assumes the shape of a juristic error and then it chronically refuses to recognise its mistake.

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The reason for it can, in a way, be attributed to the rapturous state of the mystic.” 1 Unity of existence In another letter written to Shaikh Farid Bukhari, Shaikh Ahmad explains the difference between the Unity of being and the Unity of Manifestation. “The knowledge of tauhnd (unity) obtained by the sufis during their journey of spirit is of two kinds, that is, taufnd-i-shuhSdj and tauhid-i-wuj&di. Tauhid-i-shuhfi4%or the Unity of Manifestation consists of witnessing the One. The traveller of spirit has his gaze fixed on the One Exis­ tence alone while touhid-i-wujndi or the Unity of Being means exclusive awareness of the One and perceiving all other existences as nonentities.”1 In this letter to Shaikh Farid he continues to elaborate the point further: “Supposing a man is convinced of the existence of sun, but this conviction, by no means, obliges the non-existence of the stars. He will indeed, not see the stars when he beholds the sun. He shall then observe only the sun. Although he will not see the stars but he would know that the stars are not non-existent. He would rather be aware that the stars have not perished but are not visible because of the radiance of blazing light emitted by the sun.”* In the same 'letter the Mujaddid tells us that the realisa­ tion of the Unity of Manifestation dawns upon a mystic at an stage subsequent to the experience of the Unity of Being: “ My revered guide Khwaja BSqi Billah used to have faith in the Unity of Being as he has himself explained it in his letters and writings. However, the benevolence 1. Maktubat, Vol. I, No. 31 2. aid., No. 43 3. Ibid.

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of God helped him at last to advance from that stage and guided him to the road of higher spiritual experiences which widened his restricted cognition.” 1 Mujaddid goes on further to describe the real import of the doctrine preached by Ibn ‘ArabI and his followers in the following words: “ They swear by the Wahdat-ul-Wujud. They hold that there is one existential being and it is that of God. In their view the world is merely nominal, unreal although they recognise that it is cognitively discernible. They say that the extraneous world did not get even the scent of Real Existence. They consider the world as the zill or adumbration of the God but this adumbration in only perceptive; in reality and extraneous existence it is simply a nihility.”® In another letter which was written to one Yar Muhammad of Badakhshsn, the Mujaddid recapitulates his progress from the stage of Whadat-ul-Wujud. He writes: “The writer of these lines was originally convinced of the Whadat-ul-Wujud. He was convined of tauhid since his childhood days and placed reliance on it even though he had no glimpse of its illumination by that time. When he took to the path of spirit, he was first favoured with its illumination and remained at that stage for a fairly long time. Several of the cognitions belonging to that stage were granted to him which solved the problems normally faced by the pilgrims of spirit at that stage. It was after a long time that this humblehearted advanced to the next stage but then he found himself apprehensive of tauhid-iwujudi or the existential unity. This diffidence did hot am­ ount to its rejection but could be regarded as a bashful 1. Maktubat, Vol. I, No. 43 2. Maktubat, Vol. I, No. 160 to YSr Muhammad Al-Jadid al-Badakhshi al-TSlqani.

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acceptance of the doctrine. He remained in this condition of self-distrust for quite some time until he finally rejected the doctrine since the relatively lower position occupied by it was demonstrated to him. Thereafter he attained the stage of zilliyat or adumbration which is a stage higher than the former. This meek-spirited had no choice in his rejection of the doctrine and, in fact, he never wanted to go ahead of the stage which had been the destination of many an eminent mystic. But, when he reached the stage of zilliyat he found that his own being and the world were adumbrations (of the Ultimate Being). He longed to remain even at the latter stage since he still considered Wahdat-ul-Wujud as the acme of illumination and the two stages were rather congenial to one another. The fate had, however, willed it otherwise. The grace and mercy of God helped him to advance to still higher stages and ulti­ mately he^attained the stage of ‘abdiyat (servitude)i It was then that he realised the perfection and loftiness of that stage. Then he repented and,regretted his longings for the lower stages. Had this poor in spirit not been gradually advanced from one stage to another and also not been shown their ascending orders, he would have per­ haps taken this stage (of ‘abdiyat) as a regression of spiri­ tual experience for he had earlier been convinced that there was no stage higher to the Wahdat-ul-Wujud. Sure enough, Allah sayeth tht truth and showeth the way.”1 Moderate Views about Ibn ‘Arabi Mujaddid disagreed with Ibn ‘Arab! but his criticism of the latter was always moderate and showed no signs of rancour against him. In a letter included in the first volume of the

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Makt&bdt he expresses his views about Ibn ‘Arab!: “This meek-spirited considers Shaikh Muhyi-ud»d!n as one of the elects but regards his doctrines (which are against the faith of the Muslims and teachings of the kitib and the srnnah) as incorrect and injurious.......There are people who have either exalted or denounced him and strayed far from the road of moderation Some of these persons denounce him and controvert his doctrines and ecstatic illuminations while there are others who follow him unreservedly, are convinced of the truth of his doctrines and bring forth arguments and evidences in his favour. There is not the least doubt that both these groups have been guilty of either overrating or belittling the Shaikh and have left the golden mean........ It is rather strange that Shaikh Muhyi-ud-dln seems to be one of the elects and the saved but most of his spiritual illuminations which do not agree with the faith of the true believers are erroneous and untrue.”1 The difference between the stand 'taken by the Mujaddid, on the one’hand, and that of the opponents and followers of Ibn ‘Arabi, on the other, has been stated by him clearly in an­ other letter addressed to Khwaja Jamal-ud-din Husain. He writes: “This humble self differs with the followers of the Unity of Being in what they call its kashf (mystical reve­ lation) and shuhiid (spiritual apprehension). The learned are convinced of the harmfulness of these precepts (that is, Unity of BeiDg and denial of all existence besides lhat of God). This pooriing has no doubt about the exce­ llence of the states and illuminations of the tauhid-i-wujsdi (Existential Unity) provided they also lead one to go beyond it.” 1. Maktubat, Vol. I, No. 266 to KbwSja 'Abdullah and KhwSjS ‘Ubaid Ullah 2. Maktubat, Vol. II, No. 42, to Khwaja Ja/n5]-ud-din Husain

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Opposition to Existential Unity One might ask that if Existential Unity was an inter* mtdiary stage traversed by innumerable mystics in every age, many of whom lingered on at that stage, and only a few were helped by the grace of God to go beyond it to the higher level of the Unity of Manifestation, then what was wrong with it ? Why did the Mujaddid criticize it so vehe­ mently and why did he insist on the affirmation as well as superiority of the Unity of Manifestation ? The reason is that a good number of mystics among the adherents of the Unity of Being, some of whom were even contemporaries of the Mujaddid, had taken the doctrine as a means of achieving freedom from religious observances and legalistic morality prescribed by the sharvah. Such mystics had been led astray by the misconception that since every­ thing was a fragment of the Ultimate Reality or was the Reality itself, there was no reason to discriminate between truth and untruth, faith and infidelity. They thought that the shcaVah was for the common, uninitiated folk while the Unity of Being constituted a higher principle meant for the elects, the mystics and the gnostics, who were to establish contact with the source and being of the Supreme Reality. In the tenth century India, when the Mujaddid was passing through his formative stages of intellectual and spiritual perfection, the whole country was resounding with songs eulogizing the doctrine of Unity of Being, placing faith on a par with infidelity and sometimes even preferring the latter to the former.1 Innumerable verses praising infidelity were then familiar tunes with the masses who took them as oracles of self-evident truth. In one such verse the proposition presented was that : Belief and infidelity are bosom friends, One who has'nt infidelity has no faith. 1. The famous Urdu poet of the thirteenth century, Mirz5 Ghalib gave (Continued on the nest pagq)

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This verse was explained by another writer in the following manner. “It means that Islam resides in infidelity, and infidelity in Islam, or, as the Qur'an says: Thou causest the night to pass into the day, and Thou causest the day to pass into the night.1 Here the night stands for infidelity and the day for Islam.”* The same writer quotes the verse: Love is affiliated with infidelity, Unbelief is the essence of mendicity. Thereafter, the writer goes on to explain the verse as follows: “ Knowledge is the greatest veil. The end of this knowledge is 'ubadiyatwhich is also the greatest veil. If this great mask is removed Islam gets blended with infidelity and infidelity with Islam ; then the essence of Godhood and true devotion emerges from it.”8 Mujaddid, endowed with a fervent zeal as well as a deep insight into the essentials of the faith, was one of those who have been predicted to appear from time to time as renewers of faith in an authentic Tradition of the holy Prophet. “The knowledge will be inherited by pious and God­ fearing men of every race who will contradict the exag­ gerations of the credulous, sophistications of the mis­ guided and misinterpretations of the ignorant persons in this religion.”4 The promise made in this Tradition has always stimulated

(Continued from previous page)

1. 2. 3. 4.

expression to the same principle in this verse: We are Unitarians and our creed is obliteration of rituals, The religious orders, when effaced, become a part of belief. Q. I l l : 27 Risalah ‘Ishqiyah, p. 47 Ibid.,p. 73 Mishkat, Kitdbul 'Ilm.

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the Muslims of India to undertake an intellectual and theolo­ gical reassessment of the bases of faith in a most comprehen­ sive manner. The Mujaddid had marked that the grip of the law was losing its hold on the community which was gradually being impoverished of its reverence and devotion to the shan'ah. He wrote in a letter addressed to Shaikh Farid B ukhirl: “Most of the people have either owing to common usages or the categories of knowledge adapted to their own inclinations, or even because of infidelity and unbelief taken to Existential Unity. They consider everything to be a part of Reality or the Reality itself and thus they contrive to get rid of the obligations of shan'ah in one way or the* other. They are indolent and slack in following the commandments of the shan'ah and seem to be well satisfied with their behaviour. If they ever acknowledge the need of acting on the precepts of the shan'ah, they take them as something incidental and collateral to the real purposes of the. faith. The ultimate objective of the sharvah, in their view, is to attain the higher mystical consciousness. God forbid! I seek refuge of God from such irreligious beliefs.”1 He goes on to say in the same letter: “Several groups flaunting themselves in the garb of sufis are nowadays openly preaching Existentialist Monism. They consider that this doctrine holds the key to the perfection of spirit. They have wandered far from reality because of these conceptions. They conceive the senten­ tious expressions of their spiritual guides in the light of their own figments of imagination which keep them selfcomplacent.”2

1. Maktubat, Vol. I, No. 43 2. Ibid.

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Greatness of Shaikh Ahmad The greatness of Shaikh Ahmad Mujaddid Alf Than! con­ sisted not only in exposing the deceptive nature of the mystic stage of annihilation represented by Wahdat-ul-Wujud, beyond which there were still higher stages of spiritual illumination, but also in the fact that he was able to verify his findings through his own experiences. He traversed the stages and states of spiritual journey and was able to describe the intui­ tive knowledge of Reality attained through that process as was not done earlier by any traveller of the path. Peter Hardy, though" not an authority on the subject, has correctly stated that ‘'Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi’s great achievement was para­ doxically to win Indian Islam away from Sufi extremism by means of mysticism itself. Perhaps his success was due to deep personal understanding of the meaning and value of what he rejected.” 1 Compromising Attitude of the Later Scholars Before we end the discussion it seems necessary to mention, in all fairness, that save by the Mujaddidyah order represented by Khwaja Muhammad M'asam who propagated his father’s doctrine both within the country and abroad, the unqualified and clearly distinct stand taken by the Mujaddid in regard to the Wahdat-us-Shuhud (Unity of Manifestation) was sobered down by the later mystics and scholars. Soon after his death the s&fl orders, some of which even traced their spiritual descent to him, started steering a middle course between the Wahdatul-Wujud and Wahdat-us-Shuhud, indicating a clearly compro­ mising attitude between the two doctrines. Some of the eminent scholars even went to the extent of claiming that the difference between the two precepts signified merely a verbal contest while others argued that the Mujaddid actually misunderstood 1. P. Hardy in Sources o f Indian Traditions (comp.) W. Theodore De Bary, (New York-1958), p. 449

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Ibn ‘Arabi since he had not gone through ail the works of the latter. This was perhaps the reason why Ghulam Yahya of Bihar (d. 1180/1767), a disciple of the famous Mujaddiyah Shaikh Mirza Mazhar Janjanan, wrote the Kalim&t-uUHaq at the instance of his spiritual guide. He spelt out the thought and doctrine of Shaikh Ahmad in plain words and controverted the mollifying approach of the then mystics claiming to derive spiritual inspiration from Shaikh Ahmad’s Mujaddidyah order. Saiyid Ahmad Shahid Among the illustrious mystics of later times Saiyid Ahmad Shahid (d. 1246/1831) had the honour of unequivocally main­ taining the doctrine of Wahdat-us-Shuh&d on the basis of his own ecstatic illumination.1 A mystic as well as a fighter in the way of God, he belonged to the Mujaddidyah Ahsaniyah order® whose mystical experience shows no trace of Unity of Being and steers clear of all attempts to reconcile Wahdatul-Wujud with Wahdat-us-Shuhud8

1. Saiyid Ahmad might have inherited the mystical knowledge from bis own forefathers among whom Shsh Saiyid ‘Alam Ullah was a distin­ guished disciple of Saiyid Adam Binnauri or it might have been due to his own intuitive knowledge. For a detailed account see Saiyid Ahmad Shahid by Muhi-ud-din Ahmad. 2. The mystical order known as Adamiyah and Ahsaniyah is associated with Saiyid Adam Binnauri, an eminent disciple and deputy of Shaikh Ahmad; 3. See Sirat-i-Mustaqim and the Hiddyat Rabi'yah Dar Bay&n-i-Thamarat Hubb ‘Ashqi, Ifsdah 1, p. 12, Maktabah Salfiyah, Lahore (N. I>.)

CHAPTER VHI

FROM AKBAR TO JAHANGIR

Some Worthy Scholars and Mystics Before we discuss the efforts made by the Mujaddid which eventually turned over a new leaf in the religious policy of the Mughals, the prevalent misconception that Akbar’s eclecticism did not evoke any antagonism or resistence among the people needs to be dispelled. It is incorrect to assume that by the time of Akbar’s rule Islam had lost its vigour in the country so completely that everybody preferred to pass over this direc­ tive of the holy Prophet: “ Whoever of you witnesses something being done against the precepts of the sharVah or a prohibited act being committed, he ought to forcibly stop it. If one is unable to do so, one ought to disclaim and denounce it but if this be also not possible, one ought to hate it with all his heart. This is the lowest degree of faith.”1 The historians and biographers have preserved accounts of the courage shown by several persons in registering their displeasure at Akbar’s un-Islamic ordinances. 1. Sahihain

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Shaikh Ibrahim Muhaddith of Akbarabad (d. 1001/1593) once came to the ‘Ibadat Khana on the invitation of the Em­ peror but he did not perform the prescribed ceremonials of the royal court. Instead of being cowed down by the royal splen­ dour he even tried to persuade Akbar to follow the path of Islam. Shaikh Husain of Ajmer (d. 1009-/160I) left the place when Akbar visited the shrine of Khwaja Mu‘in-ud-dln Chishtl. Consequently, he was suspended from trusteeship of the shrine and the attached convent, and ordered to leave for Hijaz, but he refused to prostrate before the Emperor even on his return to India. He incurred the King’s displeasure and spent several years as a prisoner in the fort of Bhakkar bat never consen­ ted to perform the court ceremonials. Shaikh Sultan of Thanesar was a courtier very close to Akbar and it was at his instance that Shaikh Sultan had translated the ftfahabh&rata into Persian. He offended Akbar by sacrificing a cow and was ordered into banishment to Bhakkar. Akbar pardoned him after sometime on the recommendation of ‘Abdur Rahim Khankhana and appointed him as the revenue collector at Thanesar. He was again accused of following the precepts of Islam and ultimately ordered to be executed in 10C7/1599. The courage of convictions exhibited by Shahbaz Khan Kamboh (d. 1008/1600) was perhaps unsurpassed by others. He was a high ranking noble who had been appointed as Mir BakhshI by the Emperor but he never hesitated in expressing his views freely in the royal presence. He neither shaved his beared nor took wine, nor yet ever showed any inclination to join the religious order invented by Akbar. Shah Nawaz Khan, author of the Ma‘athir-ul-Umard is on record that the Emperor was once strolling by the side of a tank at Fatehpnr Slkrl while Shahbaz Khan was in his attendance. Akbar took hold of the hand of Shahbaz Khan and started chatting with him while tak­ ing the stroll. Everybody present on the occasion thought that Shahbaz Khan would not be able to take his hand off and would have to forgo the maghrib (sun-set) prayers. Shiahbaz

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Khan also used to keep mum and busy himself in the remem* brance of God between the (asr (late afternoon) and maghrib prayers. As soon as ShahbSz Khan found that it was the time for maghrib prayers, he sought the permission of Akbar for it. Akbar, however, replied, “Don’t leave me alone, you can offer the prayers later on.” But Shahbaz Khan took his hand off and, spreading a sheet of cloth on the ground, started offering the prayers. After the prayer ended, he busied himself in the recollection and invocation of God’s names. The Emperor kept standing before Shahbaz Khan, denouncing and threatening him at his insolence. Amir Abut Fath and Hakim ‘All Gilanx, who happened to be present on the; occasion, realised the gravity of the situation and tried to divert the attention of the Emperor. They said, “We also deserve Your Majesty’s attention.” At last the Emperor was cooled down and went away with them leaving Shahbaz Khsn. Shaikh ‘Abdul Qadir of Uch was also a man of great courage. One night when he was at Fatehpor Slkn opium was offered to him by the Emperor but he refused to take it. The Emperor was displeased with him on account of what he said on the occasion. Another day in the Ibsdat Khana at Fatehpor, after the congregational prayers had been recited the Shaikh busied himself with his supererogatory devotions. The Emperor said, “ Shaikh, perform your supererogatory devotions in your own house.” The Shaikh replied, “ Sire, in this kingdom your commands have no force.” The Emperor felt annoyed and retorted, “Since you do not like my rule, remain no longer in my kingdom.” Shaikh ‘Abdul Qadir immediately left the assem­ bly and retired to Uch where he followed the sublime prac­ tice of his predecessors by dedicating himself to public weal and remembrance of God. Another Shaikh ‘Abdul Qadir of Lahore (d. 1022/1613) had to leave India for Hijaz on acc­ ount of his firmness on Islamic beliefs and practices. Mirza ‘Azlz-ud-dln Koka (d. 1033/1625) was foster brother of Akbar and also one for whom Akbar had tender feelings, but he had

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to suffer great privations owing to his disapproval of the Em­ peror’* religious views. He was Governor of Gujarat and also honoured with the title of Khan ‘Azam but he had to flee to Dieu on April 3, 1593 and departed thence for pilgrimage to Mecca. Shaikh Munawwar Abdul Hamid of Lahore (d. 1015/ 1606) was another man of firm convictions who was appointed as Sadr by Akbar in 985/1577. He incurred the wrath of the King owing to his devotion to Islam. Akbar ordered to ransack his property including even his books, then summoned him to bis capital and placed him behind the bars where he breathed his last.1 The recrudescence of rebellion in Bihar and Bengal is also attributed by certain historians to the religious policy of Akbar. During the initial years of Jahangir’s rule the court eti­ quettes and the ordinances promulgated by Akbar, except for the measures that were expressly anti-Islamic, continued to be followed until Jahangir himself developed a respectful attitude towards Islam and the sharvah brought by the Prophet. A number of scholars and mystics discountenanced the un-Islamic practices of the royal court during this period, and some even refused to step beyond the limits of the sharfah despite the hardships they had to face for their courageous actions. One of these men of steadfast faith was Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Ilyas HusainI GhurghushtI, who hailed from the north-western regions and is said to have attained spiritual perfection. He was sum­ moned by Jahangir to his court and ordered to perform the ceremonials prescribed for the royal court. He refused and remained in detention for three years in the Gwalior fort. He was set free in 1020/1611 by Jahangir who also brought him back to Agra with him.* 1. All these instances have been quoted from the Nuzhat ul-Rhawstir, Vol. V. 2. Nuzhatul Khaw&tir, Vol. V.

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There is, however, no doubt that the credit for organising a systematic resistance to the religious degeneration promoted by the state policy and its reformation goes to Shaikh Ahmad. He continued to strive with single-hearted devotion to his cause until he succeeded in bringing about a silent revolution which is unmatched in the history of reform and revival in other Muslim countries. His religio-political movement nullified the consequences of Akbar’s policy and successively brought to the throne of Mughals sovereigns who showed a greater devotion to the religion than their predecessors until Aurangzlb came to take the reins of government into his hand. Beginning of Mujaddid’s Reformative Effort

JaJal-ud-din Akbar died in 10'4/1605 when Shaikh Ahmad was forty-three years of age. The last phase of Akbar’s reign had posed a threat not only to the existence of Islam as a dominant religion but even to its continuance as a faith free to uphold its doctrines and observances. This was the time when Shaikh Ahmad had been devoting his attention exclusively to his own spiritual progress and attainment of esoteric knowledge. Hardly anyone among the nobles and grandees of the state knew him or was even aware of his spiritual ascent, sincerity or devotion to God. Shaikh Ahmad had, upto that time, not been able to grapple with the reality on interior levels which could serve as a testimony for com­ municating his intense spiritual experiences to the members of the royal court and thereby exert a sobering influence, on the machinery of the state and its policies. The Emperor was also surrounded by an entourage of the ilk discouraging sincerity of purpose and sobriety of religious thought in the royalty. These courtiers and henchmen had virtually formed an iron curtain that allowed no whiff of fresh air to reach the Emperor who was kept ignorant of the likes and dislikes of the common people. In a country which had sustained powerful Muslim kingdoms for the past hundreds of years, Islam was facing.

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condition* thus depicted by the Qur’a n : “ When the earth, vast as it is, was straitened for them, and their own souls were straitened for them till they be­ thought them that there is no refuge from Allah save to­ ward Him.”1 Things, however, changed with Jahangir’s accession to the throne in 1014/1605. He was not religious-minded, obviously, because of his upbringing under the care of a father avowedly anti-Muslim, nor was he a practising Muslim; yet he was neither inimical to Islam nor unduly impressed by any alien culture, thought or philosophy, nor yet was he desirous of inventing a new religion or promulgating novel rules for the conduct of the state. In other words, if he was not a defender of the faith, he was also not its adversary. The rulers who are fond of sport, art and good living normally take little interest in introducing new and novel measures for the governance of the country for they get satisfied with the things like a critical taste in matters of dress and pleasures of the table. But, such persons generally possess an instinct of reverence for those righteous and heavenly-minded persons who have raised them­ selves above worldly desires, fame and honour. Such persons are thus more accessible to truth than those who arrogate themselves to the position of the founder of any new school of thought or philosophy of life. ' Jahangir belonged to the category of sovereigns known for their catholicity and open-mindedness. It was not difficult for the sagacious and discerning persons to realise that his acces­ sion to the throne was the opportune time for attempting a gradual transformation of the state and its religious policy, and bringing them back on the right path. Proper Line of Action Three courses of action were then open to the persons like I. Q I X t i l l

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Shaikh Ahmad and others well-versed in religion and endowed with spiritual perfection. Their religious enthusiasm could take one of these courses: (1) To withdraw to their closet leaving the country and the state to go unrestrained on its way, and to occupy themselves with the remembrance of God, contemplative concentration and guidance of the people desirous of tra­ versing the path of spirit. This was, in fact, the course adopted by hundreds of scholars and mystics of the time who were spreading the light of faith and morals to innu­ merable persons in their hospices spread all over country. (2) To abandon all hopes of reforming a kingdom and its ruler who was a Muslim in name only, and to start a movement for opposing the ruler whose manners and morals were patently un-Islamic. It was the path of resistance and struggle against a state which was decidedly opposed to and inimical to Islam. An attempt for a military takeover or political revolution by giving a call to one’s disciples and other dissatisfied sections of the people for joining hands to install another virtuous and believing king, even if he belonged to the house of Babur, for changing the existing state of affairs as well as reli­ gious policy of the government, was the second alternative open at the time. (3) To establish contact with the courtiers and grandees having the ears of the Emperor with a view to inviting their attention to the pitiable condition in which Islam and Muslims were placed at the time was the third option. This was to be done for urging the nobility to advise the Emperor for doing something to ameliorate their condition. This course, however, required that instincts of faith and morals were aroused in the nobility who were, on top of it, also convinced of the absolute selflessness and sincerity of the reformer. The reformer had to keep himself aloof from worldliness, honour and position so that not even his

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worst enemy could accuse him of having any ulterior motive in his sacred task. The line of action first indicated was neither suited to the temperament of Shaikh Ahmad nor did it accord with the higher reaches of his spirituality. It was also unbecoming for a man inflamed and imbued with the religious zeal for reform and renovation. The Mujaddid had had an intuition from the day he had attained spiritual perfection that the Providence had earmarked him for some higher task than merely guiding the travellers of spirit. He had once alluded to his own feelings by quoting the obseveration of Khwaja ‘Ubaid Ullah Ahrai (d. 895/1490), a noted mystic of his own order. “Were I to devote myself to taking disciples and their guidance, no spiritual guide in the world would find a follower. But God has entrusted some other task to me and that is to rainforce the validity and centrality of the shan'ah and to strengthen the millat.” Shaikh Ahmad had also elucidated the observation of Khwaja Ahrar in this manner: “He used to pay visits to the kings and convert them into his admirers and followers through his spiritual power and then ask them to enforce the shan'ah as the law of the land.”1 The second alternative would have answered the purpose of a short-sighted reformer having an ulterior political design. Such persons, normally hasty and skeptical, prefer confronta­ tion to well-meaning advice and selfless service with the result that ihey end up as adversaries of the powers that be. They render the task of religious reform and renovation even more difficult by their indiscreet actions. This is obviously not the method to be used by one desiring penetration of the revealed law into the life and thought of the community, particularly if it is desired not for one’s own personal advantage or the benefit 1. Maktubat, Vol. I, No. 65, to Khan ‘Azam

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of one’s group or party but for the pleasure of God alone. Such a reformer never cares as to who enforces the divine law into the public life of the Muslim community. Any action in this direction supported by the force of arms was, in the conditions then obtaining in India, fraught with grave dangers and might well have proved suicidal for Islam. The founda­ tions of Mughal kingdom had been entienched deep into the soil of India by Babur; Humayiin had strived hard to regain his lost glory; Akbar had given stability and strength to the empire by his successive victories and no streak of weakness in the Mughal power was visible by that time. An ambitious king like Sher Shah SnrI and his able successor Salim Shah had failed to dislodge the Mughal supremacy and so had misfired all the subsequent insurrections and revolts against that kingdom. Even if it were possible to dethrone the Mughal rulers, there was every likelihood that the Rajputs who manned a number of higher positions and had already gained considerable influence and power during the reign of Akbar, would have stepped in to take the reins of government in their hands, which would have sounded a death-knell to the supremacy of Muslims in the country for ever. An experiment of that kind had, in any case, been already made and failed. Shaikh Ba Yazid, known by the contradic­ tory appellations of Pir-i-Roshan and Pu-i-Tsnk, had raised the banner of revolt against Akbar as the head of Roshana'Is in the form of a religious movement. The Roshna’Is had opera­ ted from their headquarters in the Koh Sulaiman and captured Khaibar Pass in order to annex the contiguous areas. They held the powerful army of the mughals at bay for several years. Akbar sent expeditions under Raja Man Singh «nd Raja Birbal, both of whom were uncussessful in subduing the Roshana’Is and the latter even lost his life in an encounter with them. The Roshna’Is had later on captured even Ghazni but their power was eventually broken during the reign of Jahangir. The fanatical community of the Roshna’Is was

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ultimately annihilated after Shahjahan had mounted the throne but no good had come out of the Roshna is’ insurrections except disorder and chaos. Ultimately crushed by the Mughals, the Roshna’is have only left their name on the pages of history. Armed uprisings, even if undertaken with the aim of bringing about some improvement, always invite the rancour of the ruling circles who take the religion itself as their adversary and start liquidating the entire religious-minded class. This was perhaps the reason why when Mahabat Khan rose up in arms in 1035/1626, about four or five years after Shaikh Ahmad had been released from the Gwalior Jail, all those who were sagacious and farsighted had tried to dissuade Mahabat Khan from his course of action. That the Mujaddid opted for a constructive and dependable line of action rather than taking a risky and negative path bespeaks of his wisdom and intelligence. The Mujaddid had thus only one course left open to him and it was to establish contacts with the courtiers and nobles who were, in any case, the followers of Islam. He knew fully well that most of them were not a party to the un-Islamic innovations of Akbar, some detested those measures but were helpless, while others even possessed the zeal and enthusiasm for their faith. Some of the nobles had been on friendly terms with him and his spiritual guide Khwaja BaqI Billsh, if not actively devoted to them. These nobles were also aware of his sincerity and selflessness as well as his well-meaning anxiety for the religion. Nawab Saiyid Murtazs alias Shaikh Farid (d. 1025/1616), Khan Azam Mirza Koka (d. 1033/1624), Khan Jahsn Lodi (d. 1040/1630), Sadr Jahan of PihSnl (d. 1027/1618) and Lala Beg Jahanglrl were some of the prominent nobles well-disposed to Islam. Thoughts that breathe and words that burn Shaikh Ahmad started writing letters to these nobles and

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grandees and poured the full tide of eloquence in his writings. In vigour and force, grace and effectiveness and expressiveness these fetters occupy a unique position and can be favourably compared to similar writings in any language penned anywhere in the world. They still possess the charm and spirit although they were written several centuries ago.1 It can easily b«T imagined how these letters would have warmed the blood of those to whom they were addressed. These letters were, in truth and reality, the messages of a broken heart or a restless soul giving a clarion call for the greatest and most successful reformatory movement. And they did transform the character of the great Mughal Empire during the tenth century of Hijrah. Letters to the Nobles and Grandees A large number of letters written by Shaikh Ahmad were addressed to Nawab Saiyid Farid,2 who occupied a prominent 1. For an estimate of the literary value of these letters one may go through the portion dealing with the Maktubat Seh Sadi of Makhdum Shaikh YahyS Manerl and the Maktubat Imam Rabbsni of Shaikh Ahmad Mujaddid Sirhindi in Vol. II of the Saviours o f Islamic Spirit by the author. 2. Popularly known as Saiyid Farid and Shaikh Farid, his name was Nawab Murtaza b. Ahmad BukhSri. He was a man of multidimen* sional activities. A general, an administrator and a scholar, he had abundant zeal for religion and was known for his generosity, and piety and devotion to men of Ood. He had been appointed to the post of MirBikshi by Akbar while Jahangir further raised his position and con­ ferred the titles of Sahib-i-Saif-o-Qalam (Master of the sword and pen) and MurtazS Khan on him. He was appointed Governor of GujarSt and then of the Punjab. He was so magnanimous that often he parted with his clothes to meet the needs of the poor and the destitute. He used to deal out stipends to the widows and the poor, to support the orphans and to meet the expenses of girls* marriages belonging to poor families. About one and a half thousand persons were invited every­ day to partake their meals at his table. The city of FaridabSd takes its name from him. He died in 1025/1616 (NBzhat-ul-Khawitir, Vol. V.).

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place among the courtiers and provincial governors during the reign of Akbar. He was one of the trusted courtiers of Akbar since the beginning of his rule. He was also devoted to KhwajS BaqI Bilish. Shaikh Ahmad persuaded Saiyid Bukharl, on account of the lalter’s zeal for religion, 10 prevail upon Jahangir to repeal heretical regulations that had been enforced by Akbar and to replace them by measures consistent with the law of Islam. Unfortunately, these letters have no indication of the dates on which they were written which could have brought to light several aspects of the gradual development of Shaikh Ahmad’s reformatory endeavour and the way he impressed his views upon the top officials who paved the way, by using their good offices with the Emperor, to change the government’s religious policy, step by step, from its anti-Islamic orientation to a proIslamic current. We have therefore, tried to present the letters of the Mujaddid in a choronological order according to our best judgement. A letter written to Saiyid Farid Bukharl, perhaps soon after the accession of Jahangir to the throne, expresses the wish that be would follow the right path shown by the holy . Prophet and his own progenitors Thereafter, it goes on to say: “The King bears the same relationship to the world as does the heart to the body; if the heart is healthy the body will be fit and fine but if the heart is unsound the body will also be weakened. To cure the king is to heal the world and to cripple him is to corrupt the world. “You know full well the distress into which the follo­ wers of Islam had fallen during the preceding era. In the times of old Islam and the Muslims had never to put up with such troubles and humiliations despite the weak­ ness of Islam ; then the Muslims were, at the most, cons­ trained to follow their faith and the infidels their own. Unto you your religion and unto me my religion was the moto in the days gone-by, but during the days afore the disbelievers used to force Muslims to follow their customs.

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H ie Muslims were even compelled not to disclose the rules of their religion and if any one had the nerve to do so, he was condemned to death. Alas! What a pity! Woe betide! The followers of Muhammad (on whom be peace and mercy) were humiliated and those who denied his apostlesbip were honoured! The Muslims were bewail­ ing with their bleeding hearts and their opponents were laughing to seorn them. The sun of guidance had been enveloped by wickedness and the light of truth was concealed by the veil of untruth. “New that the glad tidings of the removal of these impediments in the way of Islam’s glory have reached everyone, high and low, and they have come to know that a son of Islam has mounted the throne, they consider it their duty to assist the king and show him the way of enforcing the shan‘ah and strengthening the millat. They look forward to assist him in this task whether it can be accom­ plished by raising their voice or giving him a helping hand.” In the same letter the Mujaddid seeks for the reasons leading to the situation during Akbar’s time, and then goes on to say th a t: "The affliction during the previous era emanated from the unvirtuous scholars. They led the kings astray from the right path; the seventy-two sects within the millat which fell into error were groomed by these very evil scholars. There would hardly be a profane scholar whose unsound­ ness had not a corrupting influence on others. The igno­ rant sufis of these days exert the same influence as the undutiful scholars; the corruption of these sufis is communi­ cated like a contagion. Now, if anybody has the capa­ city to assist in the virtuous act of promoting the faith but he fails to discharge his duty, and thereby Islam is weakened, tfeen he would be held responsible for his in­ action. It is for this reason that even this humble and in­ competent fellow desires to be enlisted in the group lending

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rapport to the kingdom of Islam and do whatever is possible for him. Since one who goes together with the majority of a class of people is taken as one of them, it may qualify this incapable person to be included in that virtuous group. He considers himself no better than the old woman who twisted strands of hemp to prepare some rope in order to be reckoned as one of the purchasers of Yusuf. This poorling hopes to call upon your honour in the near future. He is also confident that since you enjoy the company of the Emperor and have his ears, you would do your utmost to promote the shan'ah of the Prophet and extricate the Muslims from their present pre­ dicament.”1 In another letter to Saiyid Farid, he writes: “ The poor and helpless followers of Islam, npwadays, caught in a whirlpool, look forward to the progeny of the Prophet to save them. The Holy Prophet (on whom be peace and blessings) has said that my household was like the ark of N oah; one who got into it was saved and who got down was destroyed.2 Make bold to attain this great objective. God has been gracious enough to bless you with glory and distinction. If you could win this great prize it will add to your personal distinction and make you excell all others. This humble person intends to call upon you for an exchange of views in regard to the mea­ sures necessary for the promotion of shan'ah.”8 There is also another letter addressed to Saiyid Farid in which Shaikh Ahmad writes: “Your honour! Islam is impoverished and embar­ rassed today. A farthing spent now in its cause will be worth several millions tomorrow. It remains to be 1. Maktubat, Vol. I, No. 47 2. Mishkat, on the authority of Abu Dharr, Musnad Ahmad. 3. Maktubat, Vol. I, No. 51

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seen who would prove himself bold-spirited enough to qualify for this greatest prize. Anyone who works for the advancement of the sharj'ah and strengthening the millat does a commendable job ......... But, at a time when Islam is distressed and there still live Saiyids like you, it behoves you to possess this treasure for you and your family are its owners while others are only assignees. It is a great merit to posses this virtue as one’s patrimony. The Holy Prophet - had once said to his companions: “You are living at a time when you would be doomed if you give up even onetenth of the commandments of God but a time will come when those who will follow even one-temh of it would be saved.” This is the time alluded to by the Holy Prophet and we are the people referred to in this Tradi­ tion. The ball of grace and virtue is afield, Whats’ the matter with the cavaliers, nobody takes the lead!” After Saiyid Farid, the next Mughal noble chosen by the Mujaddid was Khan ‘Azam1 who was closely related to the royal family. Jahangir also had a high regard for him. Khan *Azam was devoted to the spiritual guides of Naqshbandiyah

1. Mirza ‘Aziz-ud-din was the foster brother of Akbar. He belonged to Ghazni from where his family migrated to Delhi. He was ap­ pointed governor of Gujarat in 980/1572. In the year following his appointment, Akbar went by forced marches in the course of nine days from Fatehpur to Ahmad abad and fought a battle with Muhammad Husain Mirza who was besieging‘Azam Khan. He was again appointed governor of GujarSt in 997/1589, but he used to criti­ cize harshly the new sect and creed of Akbar. He had the royal seal ‘Auzak’ in his charge and held the post of ‘Wakil Mutlaq*. Jahangir, too, appointed him on posts of higher responsibility and made him governor of Gujarat. Although he was prevailed upon by Akbar to accept Din llshi in 1594-95 A.D., he recanted from it later on. He died in 1033/1624.

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order. The letter cited here was probably written to him by the Mujaddid s o o d after Jahangir took over the prerogatives of the crown. “ May Allah help you to achieve victory over the ene­ mies of Islam and make Islam glorious. A hadith of the Holy Prophet predicts that ‘Islam made a beginning in unfavourable circumstances and it will be placed in the same condition towards its end.’ And now that Islam has reached that stage, blessed are they who stick closer to it. Today the infidels openly deride its creed and hold the Muslims in contempt. They are not ashamed to advocate the customs of the infidels while Muslims find themselves forbidden to enforce the injunctions of the shan'ah. If any one takes courage to follow the commandments of his faith he is censored and reproached. The fairy stays in hiding white the demon is making merry, Good gracious, what's ail this, nobody can fancy! “ ...... ...We find in you a well-disposed sympathizer. It is you alone who has the courage to help regain what we have lost. May Allah help you in this sacred task in the name of the Holy Prophet and his progeny on whom be peace and blessings of God. The Holy Prophet is reported to have said: ‘None of you will be a faithful unless they say that you are overzealous’. Such a fervidness issuing forth from Islam is possessed by you: All praise be to Allah, the Glorified One. This is the time when a small service will be recompensed with a goodly return. No heroic deed was performed by the companions of the cave except taking refuge from persecution. At the time when enemy gains an upper hand a little fortitude exhibited by the ordinary soldiers is rewarded with gratitude but a similar hardihood during peace-time, when the enemy is far away, goes unnoticed. The opportunity of pleading the cause of true religion that you enjoy today is not a bit less virtuous

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than fighting in the way of God. Utilize this opportunity and seek to get the most out of it. Know that this verbal ad­ vice is better than actual fighting. Alas that the njeek-hearted like us are helpless even in this matter.......... The animosity against the faith of the Prophet displayed by the previous regime is apparently not to be found in the present one: if any complacence in this regard exists at present it is only because of the administration’s unacqaintance with Islam. It is very likely to grow into hostility once again making the things intolerable for Muslims.”1 i KhSn Jahan,2another noble of Jahinglr’s court, was implored in a similar manner by the Mujaddid who wrote to him: “Were you to take up the responsibility of shan‘ah's execution in addition to the duties entrusted to you; the task that you would perform would be similar to that undertaken by the prophet^ (on whom be peace and blessings of God). You would in this manner illuminate and embellish the faith. The mahdicants like us cannot hope to emulate you howsoever hard we may try to do so. “The ball of grace and virtue is afield, What’s the matter with the cavaliers, nobody takes the lead.”* In another letter addressed to Khan Jahan, the Mujaddid wrote to him: “A great advantage granted to you by God but of whose worth people are generally heedless is that the king comes of a family whose ancestors have been Muslims.

1. Maktubat, Vol. I, Nq. 65

2. Khan Jahan Daulat Khan Lodhi was a grandee who was respected and relied upon by Jahangir. Himself a scholar he treated the learned with great respect, he was also known for his courtesy to the common people. He Rebelled against ShShjahan and was executed in 1040/1630. 3. Maktubat, V ol. JH, N o . 54

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In the times preceding which was separated by a long spell from the Prophetic era and lay adjacent to the Judgement Day, certain educated persons consumed with covetousness gained access to the king and sowed the seeds of distrust ftgainst religion in his heart by their sycophancy. They misled the simple-hearted people from the right path. You have the ears of a great king like Jahingir and thus what a fine opportunity you haVe to let him know about the faith of the ahUi-sunnat expressly or by dropping out a hint now and then. You ought to present the beliefs of the righteous people in the manner you deem fit or rathef try to seek an occasion on Which the truth of religion can be 'Unfolded and the difference between Islam and iiifidelity fiiade'ielear to him.” 1 Mujaddid also wrote letters to LSla Beg besides the members of the royal court just mentioned. Lala Beg held the post of Bakhshl under Sultan Murad, the second son of Akbar, and was later appointed as governor of Bihar. “ It is now a hundred years since Islam fell in a sorry plight; now it has reached the stage when the infidels are ' not content to follow their own customs; they rather desire to abolish Islamic practices and want that every usage of the Muslihis and their way of life Should be completely effaced. The matters are in such wise that if a Muslim performs certain Islatnic rites (like sacrifice of a cow) he is awarded capital punishment......... .If the Islamic customs and practices are allowed to take root at the outset of present kingship, the Muslims will regain some of their lost honour. God forbid, if this is delayed any more, it will create greater difficulties for them. Save u s ! O Helper and Avenger! Now let us see who comes forward to acquire this merit. This is a grace from A llah; He

1. Maktubat, Vol. H, No. 67

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gives it whom He will; and Allah is the Lord of Grace.” 1 Another grandee of the Emperor’s court was Sadr Jahan.2 Shaikh Ahmad wrote to him : “I believe that the leaders and the Saiyids and the scholars would be busy, openly and secretly, in furthe­ rance of the cause of religion and getting through with the right path. This weekling need hardly harp upon this issue.*” Avoiding Recurrence of Mistake At last the time came when Jahangir realised his mistake and expressed the desire that a few religious scholars should be summoned to the court, as had been the practice in olden times, to advise and guide the deliberations of the royal court. He asked his religious-minded courtiers to seek for four reli­ gious scholars and persuade them to remain in his court for elucidation of the matters pertaining to the sharVah. The Mujaddid was, however, not pleased with it as he was aware of the causes of previous government’s waywardness and could clearly see the harmful effect of that course of action. He became rather anxious and wrote letters to Shaikh Farid and NawSb Sadr Jahan asking them to get the Emperor revise his order. He wrote : “ For God’s sake, do not make this mistake. Instead of having several worldly-minded scholars, select one sincere and selfless scholar who is pious and perfect in spirit.”* 1. Maktabdt. Vol. I, No. 81 2. Mufti Sadr JahSn belonged to PihanI (now in district Hardoi). He was a scholar of Arabic. First he was appointed as Mufti of the Royal army and thereafter held the post of Sadr. JahSngir had been his student and had committed to memory forty Traditions of the Prophet from him. Jahangir had appointed him as the Commander of 4000 troups and also granted a fief. He died in 1027/1618 at the age of 120 years. (Nuzhat-al-Khawdtlr, Vol. V)

3. MaktSbit, Vol. I, No. 194

4. Ibid.

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In his letter to Shaikh Farid, wrote Mujaddid: “May Allah keep you on the path of your forefathers. It is learnt that the king has, owing to his inborn sense of virtue and religion, ordered, you to enlist the services of four theologians who are to remain at the court and advise him on matters relating to the shan'ah so that he takes no action or commands anything that comes in con­ flict with the law of Islam. Praise be Allah and Glorified be His Name. Nothing can be more inspiring to the per­ secuted and downtrodden Muslims but this poorling feels obliged to put in a word of advice in this connection. I hope you would not mind the liberty he is taking since anyone who is in dire need is driven to take the extreme course. “ The point is that true and firm theologians indifferent to lust of power and position and devoted to furtherance of religion are seldom to be found these days. If one of these scholars were to take a stand on any sectarian issue just for displaying his superiority over others and getting into the good graces of the king, the cause of religion would necessarily suffer. It was the difference of opinion between the theologians which had brought bad luck to the people and the same danger is again looming large over their heads. This would actually endanger religion let alone promoting its cause. May Allah save us from this evil and calamity of impious scholars. It would be better if only one theologian was selected; it would be nice if he were also a godly soul. To keep company with such a scholar would mean companionship of the blessed. If nobody can be found from those perfect in spirit the best among the theologians ought to be selected........Ifind it difficult to express myself more clearly. Just as the welfare of the people rests upon the scholars so is their deterioration dependent on them. Those who are elect among the scholars are also the best among the people

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and the evil in their ranks are the most wretched of human beings to whom can be attributed every bad influence and waywardness. Someone who saw Satan sitting idle asked him the reason for his indolence. He replied, “The scholars have occupied themselves with the task I used to perform. They are misguiding the people and tempting them into corruption.” An scholar, voluptuous and self-seeking if he were, Himself arrantly lost, how can he guide others! “To come to the point, you have to take action after giving full thought to the matter. Once a wrong step has been taken, nothing can undo the harm inflicted. I feel ashamed of tendering an advice to a person so wise and intelligent as you are, but I have made bold to do so as I consider it a means of my own redemption."1 In the letters just cited attention of the grandees was in­ vited to the troublesome situation in which Islam and Muslims had been plunged: they were urged to bring the reverses suffered by Islam in the country to the notice of the king; awaken the king’s dormant Islamic consciousness; and to find out a way to bring that calamitous condition to an end. In addition to to these, the Mujaddid's letters include a large number of epistles to those nobles o f the royal court who were already devoted to him. Such letters are either instructive or explan­ atory in regard to the discipline of, mysticism or exhort the addressees to give greater Importance to the saving of their souls in the hereafter than their worldly advancement. The addressees of such letters are ‘Abdur Rahim Khsn Khanan (d. 1036/1627), Qalij Khan Andjam (d. 1023/1614), Khwaja Jahan (d. 1029/1620) Mirza Darab b. Khan Khanan (d. 1034/1625) and Sharaf-ud-dln Hussain Badakhshi. The instructive tone of the letters to these grandees shows a marked resemblance 1. Maktabdt, Vol. I, No. 53. Another letter, No. 194, addressed to Sadr Jahan, and included in Vol. I, was written on the same subject.

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to those written by Shaikh Ahmad to his other spiritual disciples. He remonstrates with them on their failings, advises them the course to be followed by them and expresses joy on their pro­ gress on the path of spirit. These letters tend to show that these nobles, spiritually attached to the Mujaddid would surely have, in accordance with the instructions of their spiritual guide, tried to win over the king to Islam. They would have undoubt­ edly cooperated in this task with the other courtiers of Jahangir whom their Shaikh had been constantly imploring and urging for restoration of the Islamic character of the Mughal Empire. Mujaddid’s personal contribution The discussion has so far related to the indirect efforts made by Shaikh Ahmad through the nobles and grandees of the royal court for bringing round the Emperor to mend his ways and make obeisance to the laws and customs of Islam. The letters written by Shaikh Ahmad in rapid succession to different grandees and in a language that could not have failed to arouse the religious consciousness of the addressees must have had the desited effect. All of them did try to bring about the desired, transformation but the key role in this enterprise was played by Nawab Saiyid Farid Bukharl. The nobles and courtiers were, however, not fitted to give a colour to the disposition and mood of the Emperor necessary for a total break with his past. The state policies tend to revolve round the person of the rulers in the hereditary king­ ships. A change of heart on the part of the ruler or his com­ ing to place reliance on any godly soul can sometimes make the impossible possible and quickly accomplish a thing for which years of toil and tears are required. Jahangir had no idea of the spiritual perfection of Shaikh Ahmad nor the latter' had ever tried to visit the royal court or establish contact with the Emperor. There was apparently nothing to bring the two closer but Providence had willed it in a way that affords an eloquent commentary on the Quranic verse ; But it may happen

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that y e hate a thing which is good f o r you.1

Infloaence of the Mujaddid on JahSngir \Ve have already referred to the detention of the Mujaddid in Gwalior Fort in the third chapter. After his release, he accompanied the royal camp for three and a half years.1 During this period, the Shaikh had religious discourses with the Emperor who had already been impressed, first, by his steadfastness in refusing to perform the ceremonial prostra­ tion, and then, by his determination to remain in captivity rather than expressing regret to get out of the Fort. The Emperor would have been aware how the Shaikh’s saintliness had won over hundreds of fellow convicts to Islam in the Gwalior Fort. He would have also witnessed his piety and selflessness, prayers and supplications and the depth and exten­ siveness of his knowledge. There is also no doubt that Jahangir was an intelligent man who had ample opportunity of forming his own estimate of the nobles, scholars, mystics and theolo­ gians ever since the days of his father and had thus developed a flair for appreciation of men and morals as possessed by few individuals. He would have surely come to the conclusion that the Shaikh was a man of different mettle from those he had come across either in the royal court or closets of the mendicants. The following account, which unmistakably indicates Jahangir’s feelings of thankfulness to God as well as his satisfaction, also shows the transformation of his mental attitude in the company of the Mujaddid. This incident becomes all the more significant if we also bear in mind that the Fort of Kangra wa* not captured by one of the Muslim generals of 1. Q. II, 216

2. ShaikhJAhmad was released from the Ow31ior Jail in Jam3dus Than! 1029/April 1620 and he left the royal camp in Dhil-Hijja, 1032/ November, 1623

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Jahangir but by Raja Bikramajxt. “On the 24th of the same month I went to see the fort of KSngra, and gave an order that the QazI, the Chief Justice and other learned men of Islam should accompany me and carry out in the fort whatever was cus­ tomary, according to the religion of Muhammad. Briefly, having traversed about one kos, I went up to the top of the fort, arid by the grace of God, the call to prayer and the reading of the Khutba and the slaughter of a cow, which had not taken place from the commencement of the building of the fort till now, were carried out in my presence. I prostrated myself in thankfulness for this great gift, which no king had hoped to receive, and ordered a lofty mosque to be built inside the fort.’ * This is an account given by an Emperor in the beginning of whose rule many mosques had been demolished and appro­ priated by non-Muslims without being called to account but the Muslims were put to death at Mathura by his order on the charge of having slaughtered a cow.® This account is indicative of the marked change in the state policy towards Islam which gradually changed from in­ difference or even opposition to an earnest care and respect for Islamic rites and customs as a result of the continued effort made by the nobles and grandees, directly and indirectly, who were incessantly urged by the Mujaddid to get the Emperor interested in Islam. It was this campaign of reform and re­ newal which created the atmosphere which eventually enabled Sh&hjahan to adopt an actively pro-Islamic policy. Reign of Sbghjab&n Shahjahan’s (1000-1075/1592-1666) rule, known as the 1. The Tizuk-Jahingtrt (Memoirs of JShangir, Tr. Alexander Rogers, edt. Henry Beveridge, (New Delhi, 1968), Vol. II. p. 223 2. Ganj-i-Arshafi, p. 1172, cited from Aurangzeb and His Times.

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golden period of the Mughals, lasted for 31 years beginning from 1036/1628. The Mujaddid had died two years before Shahjahan ascended the throne but the movement of reform and renewal touched off by him continued to bring about a gradual, though imperceptible, improvement in the adminis­ tration of the country. There is no historical evidence to show that Shahjahan had taken an oath of fealty to Shaikh Ahmad or his son Khwaja Muhammad M'asum, but it is also an un­ disputed fact that he held the Shaikh in high esteem. When Jahangir had summoned the Mujaddid to his court, Shahjahan had sent Afzal Khan and Mufti ‘Abdur Rahman, both of whom were affiliated to him, with certain juristic opinions and the message that the “ceremonial prostration to the kings was lawful and permitted by the jurists on certain conditions. If you could perform it on meeting the Emperor, I would see that no harm comes to you.” Shaikh Ahmad had, however, rejected the plea saying that it was a leave allowed in special circum­ stances but the rule was that no prostration was admissible to anyone save God in any circumstances.”1 Historians agree that Shahjahan was kind and benevolent and held the sharVah in reverence. He was a great builder, specially of magnificent mosques; his personal life was blame­ less, which he led according to the dictates of the sharVah ; and he used to place reliance on the advice of the scholars and the pious around him. His Prime Minister S'ad Ullah Khan ‘AllamI (d. 1066/1656) was a noted scholar and pedagogue. Whatever the view one may take of the personal character of Shahjahan, it can hardly be denied that there was a marked departure from the Akbar’s policy of promoting eclectic pantheism. Shahjahan’s desire to maintain the strict tenets of Islam is apparent from his several measures, such as, abolition of ceremonial prostration before the king, restoration of the mosques which had been converted into temples, and liberation 1. A detailed account has already been given earlier in chapter HI

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of Muslim women forcibly taken into wedlock by the Hindus. “ With the latitude of Akbar’s religious beliefs and practices, and the looseness of Jahangir’s court, he had no sympathy,” writes Sir Richard Burn, “and his objects were primarily to restore the strict profession of Islam rather than to persecute believers in other religions.” He further says, “Thui he soon abolished the ceremonial prostration before the throne which had been instituted by Akbar and maintained by Jahangir, and in its place prescribed forms which savoured less of divine worship. The ostentatious use of divine era instituted by Akbar ceased so far as the record of months on the coinage was concerned a few years after Shahjahan’s accession....... Inter-marriage between Hindus and Muslims which had been common in the Punjab and Kashmir, was forbidden in 1634.”1 Several incidents of Shahjahan’s zeal for his faith have baen preserved by the contemporary historians. “ When the royal camp was at Gujarat” , writes the court historian, “the Saiyids and Shaikhs of the town petitioned to the Emperor stating that some of the Hindus had married Muslim women, and appropriated several mosques. Thereupon Shaikh Mahmud Gujarati was appointed to make enquiries, separate the Muslim wives from their Hindu husbands, and take possession of the mosques. He acted, according to the order, and the mosques occupied by the Hindus were pulled down and new mosques erected in their place. Later, an order was sent throughout the Empire directing the same action to be taken in similar cases.”* Shahjahan’s personal conduct showed as much reverence for religion as his state policy exhibited his desire to res­ tore the tenets of Islam in public aifairs. Still, he was exces­ sively fond of his first-born Dara Shikoh who was impulsive and cosmopolitan by temperament and had little regard for Islam’s 1. Cambridge History o f India, Vol. IV, p. 217 2. Mohammad WSris: Badshsh Namah, Vol. II, p. 58 (Bibliotbeca Indie* series)

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creed and practices'in his political decisions. He not only wan­ ted Dara to succeed him to the throne but was at times harsh and unjust in his dealings with Aurangzeb who was by far the ablest and most learned amongst his sons.1 The question ^of succession in the monarchical forms of government, decided by personal likings of the ruling prince and artful plottings of the contenders to the throne, seldom takes into account the upright­ ness of personal conduct and faithfulness to one’s religion. This is perhaps the reason why a virtuous ruler is oftentimes found lending his support to a corrupt and degenerate wretch. Prince Dara Shikoh It would not be fair to depend on the court historians of Aurangzeb’s reign for- condemning Dara Shikoh asi an apostate from Islam nor the war of succession between Dara and his brothers could be conceived as a struggle between Islam and infidelity, nor yet was it a conflict of ideologies and philosophies. D&ra’s own writings, however, confirm the charge of his contemporaries, both Muslims and non-Muslims, who allege that he had discar­ ded the essential dogmas of Islam and wanted to renew Akbar’s electicism. This mystic prince had unfortunately fallen under the spell of the sufis like MiSn Mir, Mulla Shah and Sarmad. It did not take him long to claim that he was an 'Arif Kamil, a knower through God, and to declare that “ the wealth of divine knowledge is not bestowed on every person, but it has been bestowed especially on me”.2 By the time he was in his late twenties, he had developed hatred towards dogma and ortho­ doxy : he wrote to an eminent mystic saint, Shah DilrubS, in a letter, “Esoteric Islam has ceased to influence the mind of this meekhearied and the real esoteric infidelity has shown its face

1. Zahir Uddin Faruqi: Aurangzeb and His Times, see chapter I, War of Succession ‘ 2. DSra Shikoh. Risala HaqnSmah, Litho, Newal Kishore Press, p. 5

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to him".1 In his streak of egoism and self-commendation, Dara often indulged in aphorisms and mystical utterances repugnant to Islamic beliefs and practices. He argued that distress or calamity made the prayer necessary for the immature, while an *Arif Kdmii, as he was, had no need of prayers. Accordingly, he had suspensed with the prayers and fasts enjoined by Islam* Meanwhile, his studies of Sanskrit led him to Vedenta and Yoga philosophy, to Hindu rituals and mythology. Fascinated by mystical pantheism he wanted to renew Akbar’s syncreticism. The Holy Qur’an he found enigmatical, its meaning hidden and the Upanishads as the original revelation in which Quranic verses could be found in entirety.® Dara kept the company of Brahmins, yogis and sany&sis and regarded them as true masters of wisdom. As a contemporary historian has reported, “He considered their books... ...the word of God, and ...... employed himself in translating them.......More specifically, Dara had taken up the Hindu name Prabhu (Lord) and inscribed it on the rings which he wore, he had given up the prayers, fasting and other obligations imposed by the law...... It became manifest that if Dara Shikoh obtained the throne and establi­ shed his power, the foundations of the faith would be in danger and the precepts of Islam would be changed for the rant of infidelity and Judaism.” 1 The Muslim chroniclers’ accounts could be coloured by their prejudice, but there are also corroborative evidences left 1. Fourth letter to Shah Dilruba in Faiyydz-ul-Qawdnin cited by BikramSjit Hasrat in Dara Shikoh: Life and Works, (Shanti Niketen, 1953), p. 65 2. Khafi KhSn. Muntakhab-ul-Lubab, Vol. I, pp. 717, 725 (Bibliotheca Indica Series; Elliot and Dowson); Muhammad Kazim’s ‘Atamgir Namah), Vol. VII, p. 179 3. Sirrul Asrdr (British Museum). In some Mss. the book bears the title of Sirr-i-Akbar. Also see Majm'a-ul-Bahrain by Dara Shikoh, pp. 1,18. 4. Mohammad Kazim, 'Alamgir Namah, Elliot and Dowson, Vol. VII, p. 179

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of

is l a u ic

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by contemporary Hindu writers about the censurable beliefs and conduct of Dara Shikoh. Sujan Singh writes in the Khuissatut-Tawarikh, “ .........Data Shikoh being inclined towards the religion of the Hindus, associates with Brahmins, yogis, and samiyasis, and regards them as his guides and protectors, and looks upon their Books, known as Veda, as ancient and revealed from God, and spends his precious time in translating them, and composing poems in H indi; calls them tasawwuf, end, in­ stead of the name of God, he has inscribed Hindi names which denote Reflection of God to Hindus, on diamond, ruby, and ether stones, and puts them on as a charm and has discarded fasting and prayers and the ways of a Musalman; has usurped power—determined to pay respect to His Majesty.”1 Dara’s thoughts and behaviour, portending renewal of Akbar’s religious eclecticism, which were never kept secret by the conceited prince, must have caused serious misgivings to the Indian Muslim society, and provided a God-send oppor­ tunity to the practical and astute Aurangzeb to take advantage of the situation. It is also quite reasonable that the Muslim scholars, right-minded sufis and their disciples, would have recoiled in horror at the thoughts and doings of Dara for they had been a witness to the indignities heaped on Islam and the Muslims during Akbar’s time. They would have been sympathetic or rather actively helped the Prince whom they knew to be virtuous, God fearing and the defender of orthodox faith.® The final outcome of the war of succession is too well known to be recounted here. Aurangzeb ascended the throne in 1068/1659 and ruled over the country for half a century.

1. Sujan Singh, KhulSsat-ut-Tawarikh, p. 58 cited from Aurangzeb end His Times, p. 48 2. See for details Prof. Muhammd Aslam who has thrown light on the role played by the scholars and mystics in the victory of Aurangzeb in o.ie of his essays included in the Tarikhi Maqdl&t.

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Muhyl-ud-din Aurangzeb ‘Alamglr Aurangzeb had displayed a concern for the faith from the very beginning and held Shaikh Ahmad and his progeny in reverence. It is also reported that he had enlisted himself as a disciple of Khwaja Muhammad M asum.1 There is also supportive evidence to show ihat Aurangzeb did not merely admire Khwaja Muhammad M'asum but had accepted him as his spiritual guide. The Khwaja, on the other hand, looked affectionately upon Aurangzeb since his childhood and used to call him Shahzada Din Panah (Protector-Prince of the Faith). In a letter written by Khwaja Saif-ud-din to his father, Khwaja Muhammad M‘asum, we find a reference to Aurangzeb’s pre­ occupation with mystical path of spirit. He writes: “The King is firmly attached to your eminence. Having traversed the stages of lat&'if sittah and sult&rt-ul-azk&r, he has attained the station of negation and affirmation. As he states, more often be does not feel even a streak of dubiety and if he does feel it at any time, it is only transitory. He is much pleased with it for he used to be perplexed earlier by the state of suspense and hesitation. He is thankful to God for this favour to him.” 2 KhwajS Muhammad M'asam offered thanks to God for the spiritual perfection of the King in his reply to the above letter. His letter also shows that Aurangzeb had by that time attained a sufficiently higher stage known as fana-i-qalbi or extinction of the heart, on the path of mysticism.2 Abul Fath writes in the Adab-i-‘A!amgiri that “soon after Aurangzeb’s accession to the throne, Khwaja Muhammad M'asnm and his elder brother Khvtaja Muhammad Sa'eed paid a visit to the royal court. Aurangzeb presented three hundred gold

1. Maktubat Saifiyah, No. 83 to Sufi S‘ad Ullah Afghani 2. Ibid., letter No. 2 2. Maktubat Khwq/a Muhammad M'asSm, No. 220

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mohurs to them on that occasion.1 Professor Muhammad Aslam has also cited a number of other incidents mentioned in the Mirat-ul-‘A‘alam2 and the Futiihdt ‘Alamgin8 which go to show that Aurangzeb was on very intimate terms1 with the sons of Khwaja Muhammad

1. Abul Fath, Addb-i-'Alamgiri,India Office Library Manuscript, No. 317, folio-B, 431; Muhammad Kazim, Alamgir Namdh, (Calcutta, 1868) p. 493 (cited from Tarikhi Maqdlat by Prof. Muhammad Aslam). 2. The Mirat ul-A'alam by Bakhtawar K han is a British Museum Manuscript on universal history and describes Aurargzeb’s manners and habits. 3. Futshat ‘Alamgiri by Ishwar Das gives very useful information about Aurangzeb’s rule (British Museum M anuscript No. 23884). 4. The letters of K hw aja Saif-ud-din to Aurangzeb, published under the title of Maktubdt-i-Saifiyah clearly indicate that the latter was not merely regardful of Khwaja Saif-ud-din and other members of the Mujaddiyah family as the kings and nobles usually are to eminent scholars and mystics o f their time, but took the Khwaja as his spiritual guide. In a letter addressed to Khwaja Muhammad M'asum, Khwaja Saif-ud-din w rites: “ I have had lengthy sittings these days with the K in g ; some o f the intricate points mentioned in the letters came under dis­ cussion and the King patiently listened to my explanations (letter No. 3).” In another letter written by Khwaja Muhammad M'asum to Shaikh Muhammad Baqar of Lahore, he w rites: “ On the Sunday night, which was the third of this month, the King dropped into my house and took whatever food was available at the time. The sitting with the King was sufficiently lengthy—we also remained silent for a time in a meditative state—, and I hope to see him undergoing the tnriqah-i-'dtiyah (ritual of sublimity) as desired by the well-wishers (letter No. 142, pp. 168-69). The intimate relationship between Aurangzeb and the Mujaddiyah family appears to have been too well-known for an eminent mystic Shaikh of the Chishtiyah Nizamiyah order, Shah Kalim Ullah Jahanabadi (d. 1143/1730) instructed Shaikh Nizam-ud-din of (Continued on next page)

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M'asam who often used to call upon him. Aurangzeb also used to pxesent costly gifts to them and he visited Sirhind several times to associate with Khwaja Muhammad M'asum and his family members while on his way from Delhi to Lahore or back. Mufti Ghulam Sarwar is on record in the Khannat-ul-Asjia that Aurangzeb repeatedly requested Khwaja Muhammad M'asam to keep company with him but he always declined the offer, in accordance with the advice of his late father, and sent his son Khwaja Saif-ud-din to Delhi as his proxy. Two letters* included in the Maktubat M'asumiyah, which are addressed to the Emperor, tend to show that Aurangzeb used to seek advice from Khwaja Muhammad M'asam and also acted on it. In the next section we would show how Khwaja Saif-ud-dfti helped the king in his religious endeavours designed to make the shariah the law of the land. The collection of Khwaja Saif-ud-dm’s letters, known as the Maktubat-i-Saifiyah, includes eighteens letters2 addressed to the king in which his attention has been drawn to the prevalent innovations that ought to be prohibited and the steps to be taken for propa­ gation of the Holy Prophet’s sunnah and practices o f the true faith. It is not possible to ascertain the religious motive for every action or decision taken by any king nor can they always be in accordance with the teachings of Islam. This was true only in the case of the first four right-guided caliphs and the Umayyad Caliph 'Umar b. ‘Abdul ‘Aziz who regarded the (Continued from previous page) Aurangabad, in one of his letters, to exercise caution in organising musical recitations since mystics o f the Mujaddiyah family were with the King in his Deccan campaign. (Prof. Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, Tarikh Masha'ikh Chisht, pp. 418-19.) 1. Maktubat M ’asdumiyah Nos. 221, 247 2. Maktubdt-i-Saifiyah, Nos. 20, 22, 23, 26, 35, 39, 56, 57, 59, 60, 67, 72, 74, 76, 80, 161, 164 and 165.

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caliphate as ah extension of the prophetic assignment. The things changed with the passage of time as well as under the compulsion of social and political forces but, apart from it, we can never be sure of the reliability of accounts left by the historians. It would thus be difficult to bring in any verdict on the doings of the rulers of later times with any amount of certainty. Nevertheless, the reliable historical data available about Aurangzeb speaks volumes of his concord with the objectives of reformation and renovation set afloat by Shaikh Ahmad Mujaddid Sirhindi and the active cooperation he extended to the virtuous efforts of the Shaikh's progeny in transforming the state and the society as instruments serving the cause of religion. Aurangzeb took courageous steps, for the first time in the history of India, in accordance with the ideas and ideal of the Mujaddid to rejuvenate the staie and the society irrespective of the financial loss suffered by his government. How far these measures designed to reform the morals of the people and to enforce the provisions of the shan‘ah were successful can be seen from the following remarks of the author of Ma'athir-i-Alamgiri. “The innovators, atheists, heretics who had deviated from the straight path of Islam, infidels, hypocrites and the spiritually indifferent who had spread all over India—were chastised and forced to give up their wicked usages, obey theologians and observe ihe fasts and prayers regularly.”1 We need not give any detailed account of the personal character and conduct of Aurangzeb who was acclaimed by his contemporary historians as a believing, pious ruler “abso­ lutely free from vice and even from the more innoccnt plea­ sure of the idle rich.”* Speaking of Aurangzeb's piety and simplicity Manucci says : “The king.......... .sleeps for three hours only, on 1. Muhammad SSqi Musta‘id K han, Ma'asir-i-'Almngiri, p. 93 2. Jadunath Sircar, Cambridge History o f India, Vol. IV, p. 318

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awakening offers up his usual prayers which occupy an hour and a half......Every year he goes into penitential retirement for forty days, during which he sleeps ou the ground, he fasts, he gives alms...... Thus in twenty-four hours his rule is to eat once and sleep three hours.'....4.His clothes are plain, he wears few ornaments......nothing but a small plume, or aigrette in the middle of his turban and a large precious stone in front. He wears no strings of pearls....... His coats are of a very moderately priced material, for each QabS (gown) does not exceed ten rupees in cost.”* The last days of this darvish clad in the imperial purple have been thus described by the historians : “In the fifty-first year of his rule, 1118/1707, he was smitten with fever for four days, but he performed all the five daily prayers with the congregation. He wrote a will giving directions about his last rites—I leave four and a half rupees out of my earnings by sewing caps which should be spent on the death shroud, while 805 rupees earned by copying the Qur’an should be distributed to the poor and the needy—After morning prayers on Friday, 28 ih of Dhi! Q‘ada, fifty-first year of his kingship in 1118 A.H.,3 he was engrossed in the recollection of God. A pahar of the day later the rosary fell silent as God answered his prayers. ’ There was not a field of activity—political, social, fiscal and moral—in which Aurangzeb did not try to bring out im­ provements. Here we would mention some of his edicts which were issued with the object of ensuring deference due to the

1. Niccolo Manucci, Storia do Mogor, (first three volumes translated by William Irvine, London, 1907; fourth volume translated by John Murray, London, 1908), Vol. II, p. 332 2. Ibid., II, p. 342 3. 3rd March, 1707 4. Ma'asir-i-'Alamgirl, p. 319 (Will o f Aurangzeb)

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shan'ah and Islamic practices. Describing the events pertaining to the second year of Aurangzeb’s reign (1069/1659), KhafI Khan writes: “Since the reign of Emperor Akbar the official year of account and the years of the reign had been reckoned from the 1st Farwardi, when the sun enters Aries, to the end of Isfandar, and the year and its months were called Ila h l; but as this resembled the system of the fire worshippers, the Emperor, in his zeal for upholding Islamic rule, direc­ ted that the year of the reign should be reckoned by the Arabic lunar year and months, and that in the revenue accounts also the lunar year should be preferred to the solar. The festival of the (solar) new year was entirely abolished.......... (All) know that.......... the recurrence of the four seasons, summer, winter, the rainy season of Hindustan, the autumn and spring harvests, the ripening of the corn and fruit of each season, the tankhwah of the jagirs, and the money of the mansabdars, are all depen­ dent upon the solar reckoning, and cannot be regulated by the luoar; still his religious Majesty was unwilling that ' the nauroz and the year and months of the Magi should give their names to the anniversary of his accession.”1 Khafi Khan goes on further to say : “ To comfort the people and alleviate their distress, the Emperor gave order for the remission of the rahdan (toll) which was collected on every highway (guzar), frontier and ferry, and brought in large sums to the revenue. He also remitted the pandari, a ground or house cess, which was paid throughout the imperial dominions by every trades­ man and dealer, from the butcher, the potter, and the green-grocer, to the draper, jeweller, and banker........ The

t.

Khafi Kh5n, Muntakhab-ul-Lubdb, Vol. II, pp. 77-79 (Elliot and Dawson, Vol. VII, pp. 241-42)

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tax on spirits, on gambling houses, on brothels, the fines, thanks-givings, and the fouith part of debts recovered by the help of magistrates from creditors. These and other imposts, nearly eighty in number, which brought in crores of rupees to the public treasury were all abolished through­ out Hindustan.” 1 Soon after his second coronation anniversary Aurangzeb issued a number of ordinances for restoring the rules of Islam in the administration and bringing the lives of the people into closer accord with the moral teachings of the Qur’an. Almost every historian of Aurangzeb’s time reports the appointment of Mulla ‘Ewaz Wajih, an eminent TuranI scholar, as the censor, with the rank of the commander of one thousand horse. A party of mansabdars and ahadis was placed under him and the provincial governors were directed to assist Mulla ‘Ewaz Wajih in the woik of moral reform of the people within their own jurisdictions.* The annals for the years from the eleventh to the twentyfirst year of Aurangzeb’s regnal year include several regulations promulgated with the object of enforcing the rules of the shar iah. Khafi Khan writes in the Muntakhab-u!-Lubab. “The king of happy disposition strove earnestly from day to day to put in force the rules of the law, and to maintain the Divine commands and prohibitions...... The minstrels and singers of reputation in the service of the court were made ashamed of their occupation, and were advanced to the dignity of mansabs. Public proclamations were made prohibiting singing and dancing...... In the reigns of former kings, upto this year, the jharoka-rlarshan had been a regular institution. His religious Majesty looked upon this as among the forbidden and unlawful practices, 1. K hafi K han, Muntakhab-ul-Lubab, Vol. VII, p. 87 (Elliot & Dawson, p. 247). 2. ‘Aldmgir Namah, pp. 390-97; M ira'it Ahmadi, pp 263-4, Storia, ii, pp.5-7

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so he left off sitting in the window, and forbade the assem­ bling of the crowd beneath it,”1 The Muslim rulers of India had come to place reliance on astrologers and horoscopists like the Hindu rajas of o ld ; the astrologers were considered an integral part of the Mughal emperor’s entourage. They decided all questions pertaining to the selection of the proper time for doing things which were considered to depend upon the selection of the proper astro­ nomical movement. In the year 1087/1675, according to Khafi Khan, “Aurangzeb forbade all this. He abolished the custom of composing and reciting verses, of selecting the moment for doing things on the basis of astronomical calculations.”2 “ They were also bound down to furnish securities for not drawing up almanacs.”3 The administration of justice had been the preserve of civil administrators and military officers during the Mughal period. “Aurangzeb established the QazI so firmly”, writes Khafi Khan, “in the affairs of the state and with reference to the general principles as well as the details of administration, that the leading and responsible officers of the empire began to regard them with envy and jealousy.”4 As it was the great object of Aurangzeb that all Muslims should follow the principles of religion as expounded by the most competent jurists and the law officers should not feel difficulty in administering the canonical laws, he took the initia­ tive of getting a digest of Muslim Law compiled by competent

1. K hafi K hsn, Muntakhab-ul-Lubab, Vol. II, Dowson, Vol. VII, pp. 283-84)

p. 211 ff. (Elliot and

2. Ibid., Vol. II, p. 215, (A. J. Syed Bombay, 1977, p. 247) 3. Muhammad. S5ql Musta’id KhSn, Ma’asir-i-'Alamgiri, pp. 75, 81, Ruqa'at ‘Alamgiri, No. 78 4. K hafi K han, Muntakhab-ul-Lubab, p. 216 (A. J. Syed, p. 248); Jadunath Sircar, History o f Aurangzeb, Vol. I ll, p. 74; Zahir*ud-din Farflqi, Aurangzeb and His Times, pp. 559-62

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scholars. He appointed a Board of experts to compile a stan­ dard canon in order to provide an easy and available means of ascertaining the proper and authoritative legal opinion alongwiih the sources from which these precedents were derived. The chief editor of the digest, appointed in the very beginning of Aurangzeb’s rule, was Shaikh Nizam-ud-din of Burhanpar who was assisted in the task by a number of eminent scholars of Hanafite persuation.1 This digest known as the Fatawah-i‘'Alamgin in India and the Fatawah-i-Hindiyah in Egypt, Syria and Turkey is still regarded as a work of outstanding merit and importance. It was completed in six volumes at a cost of more than rupees two lacs.2 An act of greater courage was the proclamation made by Aurangreb that he was prepared to meet all the shara‘%and civil claims against him. Reporting the events pertaining to the period between eleventh and the twenty-first regnal year Khali Khan says: “ In this year owing to his concern for righteousness and justice, Aurangzeb ordered a proclamation to be issued at the court and the cities, ‘Every one, who had any civil or sharai claim against the Emperor, was to present himself before the vakil of Emperor, and obtain his claim after proving his case.’ Aurangzeb also ordered a vakil-i-shara‘%to be appointed on behalf of the Emperor in the court and each of the territories far and near in order to deal with the claims of the people who were unable to approach the Emperor them­ selves.”* It had long been customary with those attending the Mughal Court to salute the Emperor by lowering their heads and tou­ ching it with the hands several times. These practices, although 1. Hakim Saiyid Abdul H a'i has given the names of twenty scholars selected for the compilation of the FatSwah (As-Thaqifat-ii-Islamtyah fil Hiiui, Damascus, pp. 110-111). 2. Bhaktawar K han, MirSt-i-'Alam (Elliot and Dowson, Vol. VII, pp.159-160) 3. Khafi Khan, Mmakhab-ul-Lubab, Vol. II, p.248 (A.J. Syed, p. 271)

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or

ISLAMIC SPIRIT

against the precepts of the sharvah, had been accepted no less by the learned and the mystics than the nobles and grandees of the state. It has been reported by the historians that “ during the same period an order was issued that when Musalmans met the king they were to greet him with the salam prescribed by the sharvah and not to raise their hands to their heads like infidels; the officers were also to behave in the same way towards persons of distinction as well as the gene­ rality of the people.”1 The steps taken by Aurangzeb to enforce the rules of the sharVah and the orders and prohibitions of God earned him the title of “ Muhyi-ud-dxn”, the vivifier of faith, from the people desirous to see Islam strong and vigorous in India. Dr. Sir Mohammad Iqbal, who had a deep insight into the conflicting features of the ancient Indian religious thought and philosophy and the ideas and ideals of Islam as well as the vital role of the latter in shaping the future of the country, deemed Aurang­ zeb to be one of the protectors of true faith in India. The writer of these lines had met the Poet of East at his residence on 22nd November, 1937 and recorded in his reminiscence of the meeting th a t; “Coming to the topic of Islamic revival and renovation in India, the 'Allama paid glowing tributes to Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi, Shah Waliullah, and Emperor Muhyi-ud-dln Aurangzeb and remarked that but for these great men and their Herculean efforts, Islam .would have been assimila­ ted in India by the Hindu culture and philosophy.”2 Iqbal has also summed up his feelings of admiration and gratitude to the great Emperor in these lines included in the 1. Khafi K han, Muntakhdb-uULubab, Vol. II, p.248 (A.J. Sayed. p.271), p. 271; Muhammad Saqi Musta'id Khan, Maasir i-Alamgiri, p.98 2. F or a detailed discussion of Aurangzeb’s religious reforms see Jadunath Sarkar's Aurangzeb, Vol. I ll and Aurangzeb by Stanley Lane-Poole.

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RamOz-i-Bekhudi. ‘Alamgir, the king of heavenly abode, the glory of Timurid lineage, To him is due the respect paid to Muslims and to the Prophet’s law, the homage. He was our last shot in the battle of religion and misbelief, When Dara came forth in the cast of Akbar’s seed of disbelief. Hearts had ceased to be radiant within the breasts and the millat was in despair, Thence God picked up ‘Alamgir, the mendicant with a trusty sabre. To revive the faith and renew conviction, he was charged, His luminous sword illumined our company and the seat of kufr was scorched. Unable to fathom his wisdon, the blockheads took to prattle, Enamoured of tauhid, he was like Ibrahim in the idoltemple. Exalted among the kings, from his grave his mendicity is visible. The ideas and ideals of the Mujaddid gradually took root within the country through the efforts of his purehearted spiri­ tual successors, specially Khwaja Muhammad M‘asum and Saiyid Adam Binnauri, until, by the twelfth century, this country became a lighthouse of spiritual and intellectual enlightenment amidst the gloom encompassing the world of Islam. A network of hospices run by mystics belonging to the Mujaddidyah order came into existence which attracted people from the lands, far and near, for obtaining spiritual guidance as well as instruction in the hadith and other branches of Islamic learning.

CHAPTER IX

NOTABLE ADVERSARIES OF SHAIKH AHMAD

The character and thought of Shaikh Ahmad Mujaddid Sirhindi discussed earlier bring out his achievements which are definitely great and outstanding, but this appraisal would remain incomplete if a mention is not made of his adversaries who started opposing him in his own lifetime. Certain writings of the Mujaddid in his letters and other works, explaining higher reaches of the spiritual realm, did give rise to discordant notes against him. The lasting fame and popularity achieved by the Mujaddid during his lifetime raised his prestige outside the country no less than the recognition accorded to him in the intellectual and ruling circles of India. Nevertheless, some of his teachings were so unfamiliar to the people in general that even the learned among them found it hard to accept them. They were shocked by his views which were against the accepted thought and inherited custom of the community. This reaction was not unusual: all those

NOTABLE ADVERSAR. ES OF SHAIKH AHMAD

m

who are endowed with a nimble mind and vital impulse have to go beyond the current norms of thought and practice with the result that they find themselves at odds with their contemporaries. The Mujaddid had been preaching against the so-called virtuous innovations, respectful prostration to the mystic guides, musical recitation normally accepted as a means of inducing ecstasy, verbal repetition of the niyat (intention) before the prayers, congrega­ tional prayers of tahajjud, celebrations in connection with the prophet’s birthday, infallibility of intuitive insights and spiritual knowledge of the mystics as against the legal pronouncements of the celebrated jurisis and similar other practices in vogue among al­ most all the sufi orders of his day which were then employed for drawing out the deepest spiritual emotions. And, to crown it all, he had the courage to criticise the Shaikh Akbar and his doctrine of Unity ot Being which was then accepted as the acme of spiri­ tual perfection and the highest achievement of gnostic intuition. He went even a step further and presented his own finding —the doctrine of Wahdat-us-shuhud—as a parallel mystical experience to that of Shaikh Akbar. It would have really been surprising—an event unheard of in the history of revivalist movements or even arts and literature—if no dissenting voice had been raised towards the end of his life span or immediately after his death. The opposition to the Mujaddid can be classified under two broad headings: one of it was caused either by misunder­ standing or deliberate misrepresentation of his teachings and it vanished as soon as the misapprehension was removed or the false construction put on his ideas was detected. The second type of antagonism was the product of a contrary belief or thought or else a personal antipathy to him. The friction between the Mujaddid and Shaikh ‘Abdul Haq Muhaddith Dihlawl (d. 1052/1642), a sincere and pious scholar, falls under the first category. He was also one of the spiritual successors of Khwaja BaqI Billah and thus allied to the Mujaddid, but he expressed surprise and resentment en

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certain views and statements of the Mujaddid and came out with them in one of his letters addressed to the latter.1 The views, attributed to the Mujaddid in the letter of Shaikh ‘Abdul Haq Muhaddith Dihlawi, have been found to be incorrect or distorted by those who have studied it at length. Actually this was a personal letter written by Shaikh ‘Abdul Haq to a colleague and it was not included by him in the compilation of his epistles known as the Al-Makatib wal-Rasail. According to Mirza Mazhar Janjanan Shaikh ‘Abdul Haq had even directed his successors to destroy this letter. The underlying idea in the letter of Shaikh ‘Abdul Haq was that certain statements of the Mujaddid were contem­ ptuous of the great precursors who were unanimously held in esteem by the entire community;. This letter has, however, been examined more than once and the contention of Shaikh ‘Abdul Haq has been refuted by several scholars. The letters of the Mujaddid as well as his life-long endeavours give a lie to the charge against him. An important reason for Shaikh ‘Abdul Haq’s opposition to Shaikh Ahmad was his unbounded devotion and love for Shaikh ‘Abdul Qadir JllanI who has been, in a unique way, the inspirer of millions. Shaikh ‘Abdul Haq shared the ardent affection evoked by the lovesome spirituality of Shaikh ‘Abdul Qadir in the hearts of vast numbers and thus he could not countenance what he considered as the assertion of anybody’s superiority over Shaikh ‘Abdul Qadir. This point has also been extensively dealt with by several writers in a satisfactory manner. 1. Professor Khaliq Ahmad NizSmi has given the full text o f this letter in his "HaySt Shaikh •Abdul Haq” (pp. 312-344). Several brochures have since been written to confute the charges levelled by Shaikh ‘Abdul H aq by persons like Shaikh Badr-ud-din Sirhindi, Shaikh Muhammad Yahya (youngest son o f Shaikh Ahmad), Shaikh Muhammad Farrukh, Shah ‘Abdul ‘Aziz Muhaddith Dihlawi, Qazi ThanS U llah Panipati and Shaikh Ghulam ‘Ali Dihlawi. A larger volume consisting o f 336 pages was written by Vakil Ahmad o f Sikandarpfir under the title o f the Hadiyah-t-Mujaddidyah.

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It is not necessary to re-examine Mujaddid’s letter in question or the different issues that arise from it for one can go throngh the writings on the subject, some ol which have been men­ tioned earlier. These studies prove, beyond any shadow of doubt, that most of the statements attributed to the Mujaddid were deli­ berate perversions or, at best, misconstructions on his sententious expressions. It is rather surprising bow Shaikh ‘Abdul Haq allowed himself to accept such reports and quoted them in his letter. Shsh Ghulam ‘All Dihlawl who is typically solemn and soberminded has after citing such concocted passages expressed his surprise in these woids: “God forbid ! What a monstrous lie and fake material! None of the Mujaddid’s letters include these passages. May Allah forgive the Shaikh.” Since, however, Shaikh ‘Abdul Haq's criticism of the Mujaddid was motivated by his sincerity and zeal for religion, he lost no time in making amends as soon as his misunder­ standing was removed. His subsequent letters to the Mujaddid as well as other contemporary mystics bespeak of his admira­ tion and high regard for the latter.1 In one of his letters written after his retraction from the criticism against the Mujaddid, Shaikh ‘Abdul Haq wrote to Khwaja Hosatn-ud-din of Delhi. “ May Allah keep you well and allow your sincere disciples to enjoy your gracious patronage. The reason for not being able to ascertain about your health during the last two or three days was either because of my sluggishness, a common human weakness, or my assumption that you would be alright in a few days. I hope that you would now let me know about your health. “I am looking forward to the happy tidings from

1. It is interesting to see how a modern scholar who has treated Shaikh Abdul Haq’s letter criticising Shaikh Ahmad at some length, dis­ misses the reproachment between the two with a skeptical note. See pp.87-90 of Friedman's Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi.

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Shaikh Ahmad. I hope that the invocations of his adorers would be answered by God, and rhey would surely be efficacious. This poorling is nowadays feeling a close spiri­ tual affinity with him ; nothing of human dispositions and mental attitudes stand in-betwern us. I do not know why it is so. But apart from it, the right and proper course as well as the way dictated by prudence is that one should not bear any ill-will against such a venerable person. I find my own heart so very inclined towards him that it is difficult to express my attachment to him in words. God alone is capable of inclining the hearts and changing dis­ positions. Those who cannot see beyond the e x te rn a l appearances would not believe it, but I myself do not know what has happened to me and how it has come about. God knows best the truth of the matter.”1 We may now turn to an Arab scholar of Hijaz, Shaikh Hasan al-UjaimI,a who respresents the second group of Shaikh Ahmad’s opponents. In the introduction of his book entitled 1. Shah Naym Ullah of Bahraich, Basharat-i-Mazhariya, Nadwatul ‘UlamS Library Manuscript No. Tarikh (33535) 1591. It was written in 1281/1864. 2. He was a teacher of hadith in Medina, and a renowned Hanafite theo­ logian o f his time. He was the teacher of Shaikh Abu Tahir Kurdi, under whom Shah Waliullah had studied hadith. Shah Waliullah introduces him in the Anfas-ul-Arafin as a teacher o f hadith and a man o f encyclopedic knowledge. He was a fluent speaker with good memory and a close associate of Shaikh ‘Isa al-Maghribi but was also friends with Shaikh Ahmad Qashashi- ShaikhiMuhammad 'bin ‘Ala Babli and Shaikh Zainal 'Abidin b. ‘Abdul Q adir Tabari, a Shaf'ite jurist. He had also been associated with the mystics like Shah N i'am at Ullah Qadiri and practised the methods employed to attain spiritual concentration. His favourite student was Shaikh Abu Tahir Kurdi, the teacher o f Shah Wall Ullah. In his old age he had given up his residence at Mecca and led a secluded life at T a’if where he died in 1113/1701. H e was buried near the tomb o f ‘Abdullah b . ‘Abbas. (Anfds-ul-'Arifin, pp. 186-7). In the Al-'AlSm, Khair-ud-din al-Zarkali (Continued on next page)

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As-Sarim al-Hindj f j Jawdb-i-Sawal ‘an Kalamat-i-Sirhindl,» it has been stated that a juristic opinion has been sought from the scholars of Mecca and Medina in regard to certain heterodox statements made by Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi in his letters. “The enquirers have asked,” he writes, “ to expound the view of the shart‘ah about any one making such unsound statements, or giving tongue to them, or entertaining a belief in them, or else preaching them.” Thereafter, the author says, “ my revered teacher Shaikh Mulia Ibrahim b. Hasan Kaurani directed me to write a rejoinder giving legal opinions on the subject and also td mention the opinions expressed on the subject by other scholars of the two holy cities.” Shaikh Hasan has also copied the lfcgal opinions of his teachers, Mulla Ibrahim Kaurani of Medina and Saiyid Jamal-ud-din Muhammad b. ‘Abdur-Rasul al-Barzanjl in his book. It would be of interest to know something about the two scholars quoted by Shaikh Hasan. The former, that is, Mulla Ibrahim Kaurani of Medina finds a mention in the Anfas-ull2rifm of Shah Wallullah. He was father of Shaikh Abu Tahir Kurdi, the scholar under whom Shah Wallullah studied hadith. He had accused an eminent scholar and mystic of his time, Shaikh Yah>a Shawl, of having anthropomorphic view of God for which he was turned out of his court by a minister * (Continued from previous page) has stated that he was a non-Arab whose father's name was ‘Ali b. Y ahya, and his patronymic name was Abu’l Baqa. The year of his birth is given in it as 1049/1639. {At 'Alam, Vol. II, p. 223). 1. Arabic manuscript No. 2753, Khuda Bakhsh library, Bankipur, Patna. The manuscript is a copy from the author’s own dissertation by Shaikh Sulaiman JitwS. Another incomplete manuscript of it (included in the Qadh-us-Zand, No. 224) is to be found in the Asafia Library under the title o f Al-Asb al-Hindi but the name o f the book has not been given by the copyist. Two other books confuting Shaikh Ahmad, present in the Asafia Library, are by Muhammad al-Barzanji (Mss. No. 223 and 224 under the Kalam section).

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of the Turkish Empire. The incident is but an example of his being rash and short-tempered. Saiyid Muhammad alBarzanjl1, the second jurist cited by Shaikh Hasan in his support, is stated to be sulky by Shah Waliullah. It is also noteworthy that in a fatws, the legal position stated in the light of Islamic law by a jurisconsult is always based on facts narrated by an inquirer. The jurists are not judges, nor do they have time and resources to record the evidences or make personal enquiries before giving their opinions. It is also not incumbent on them to find out whether the oral of written statements attributed to a certain person and sub­ mitted to them for legal opinion are correct or not. Thus, there is -every reason to believe that the above-mentioned jurisconsults would not have gone through the Maktubat of Shaikh Ahmad. It would have not been possible for them to spare some of their time spent in studies and teaching, to make enquiries about the beliefs and statements attributed to Shaikh Ahmad. There was no scholar having first-hand information about Shaikh Ahmad in Mecca or Medina in those days. As for the mental grasp, truthfulness and conscientiousness of the inquirer seeking juristic opinion about Shaikh Ahmad is concerned, only one example is enough to illustrate his ignor­ ance and improbity. The observation of Shaikh Ahmad about the essence of the K'aba affirmed by him as divulging spiritual secrets, has been interpreted by the inquirer as his denial to recognise its present structure as the sacred mosque which amounted to infidelity. He says in his presentment that one of his unsound utterances is the denial of the present, well-

I. Muhammad b. ‘Abdur Rasul al-Barzanji was born in 1040/1630 and died in 1103/1691. He belonged to Shehrzor but later on settled down in Medina. He wrote a book on Ibn ‘Arabi, known as the Halli-Mushkildt Ibn‘Arabi, and another to refute Shaikh Ahmad under the title of the Qadh-us-Zand, F or details see Shaikh ‘Abdullah MurSd Abul Khair’s At Mukhtasar min Kittib Nasr an-Nur Waz-Zahr.

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known edifice of K‘aba as the sacred mosque. This assertion ..can now be qompared with the .fascination and zeal expressed by Shaikh Ahmad for paying a visit to the holy mosque written in a letter to Shaikh Taj-ud-din of Sanbhal just after the latter’s return from the pilgrimage. “ Just as the K'aba is, in the eitimation of this humble self, the object of prostration for all form* and bodies created by God (whether they be human beings or angels), its essence is also the sanctorum of divine service for the essences of all forms and bodies. Its reality surpasses all realities and its perfection predominates over all the realities of other things. It is like an intervening stage between the realities of the world and the celestial realities.”1 The instance cited here fully illustrates the worth and soundness of the fatawa based on linguistically strained or even wilfully misrepresented writings of Shaikh Ahmad. Still, the jurists who declared Shaikh Ahmad to be an infidel also said th a t: “ However, it is not improbable that God might have bestowed His favour on the believer in these doctrines and the scriber of these writings, and he might have died as a true believer. This is what so often happens to His bondsmen: for, thus He demonstrates His mercy on several occasions. One of the grounds supporting this assumption is that some of his progeny who came for pilgrimage to the holy cities exprssed their desire to qualify for the aca­ demic degree in hacjuh, and they told that their spiritual way consisted of following the sunnah of the Prophet and walking in his footsteps. They obtained the certi­ ficates of proficiency from the scholars of hachth like Imam Zainul ‘Abidin Tabari, and so highly satisfied and pleased was our Shaikh ‘Isa Muhammad b. alMaghribl J'afrl with them that he got himself initiated 1. Makiubat, Vol. I, No.263

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in the Naqshbandiyah order with a view to receiving the blessings of venerated mystics among the ancestors o f the latter.”1 The author’s solicitude for truthfulness is as much apparent from this quotation as it shows that his legal statements were based on distorted facts presented to him. It also divulges the diffidence of the jurisconsult in pronouncing an opinion hostile to Shaikh Ahmad, which, ultimately, had to be amended because of the noble behaviour and spiritual attainments of Khwaja Muhammad M'asiim as later on witnessed by him in the two holy cities. In fact, one of the respected scholars of the place, Shaikh ‘Isa al-Maghribl took the oath of fealty on the hands of Khwaja M‘asum and was initiated in the Naqshbandiyah order. Shah Waliullah writes about Shaikh ‘Isa al-Maghribi in the Anfas ul-'Arifin : “In all respects he was a well-read scholar and teacher of great many theologians of the two holy cities. He was a colossus of knowledge pertaining to hadith and qlr&i. Saiyid Umar Ba Hasan used to say that if anybody wanted to see a saint, he ought to meet him.”* Shortly thereafter a scholar belonging to the Mujaddidyah order, Muhammad Beg al-Uzbeki went to Hijaz from India. He wrote •Atiy&t al-Wahhab al-Fssalah bayna al-Khata’ wa alSawab to defend Shaikh Ahmad in which, he demonstrated that the condemnation of Shaikh Ahmad was based on faulty translations and wilful misinterpretatfon of his writings. He cited several examples of such misrenderings with the result that a number of scholars in Arabia abandoned their erro­ neous notions and wrote books in the defence of Shaikh Ahmad. One of those who supported Muhammad Beg was Hasan b. Muhammad Murad Ullah al-TanisI al-Makki whose ‘Al-'Arf alNadi f t Nusrat-ai-Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi brings out the unreliable 1. Mss. Al-Sarim cd-Hindi, p.2 2. An/di al-'Arifin, p. 183

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testimony of wrong and misleading translations on which the campaign against Shaikh Ahmad was based by his detractors. Ahmad al-Yashishl al-Misrl al-Azbari expressed his conviction that the Mujaddid had been condemned by certain scholars owing to their insufficient knowledge to understand the mystic terms used by the Shaikh or an erroneous conception of his thought. Muhammad Beg even defended Shaikh Ahmad in debates with the scholars of Hijsz which went a long way in clearing the mist of misunderstanding against the Mujaddid spread by al-Barzanjl with the result that he had ultimately to write An-Nashirah al-Nsjirah lil-Firqah al-Fsjirah in which he speaks of Muhammad Beg with scorn and contempt. In India the Ma'&rij ul-Wilay&h1 by Shaikh ‘Abdullah Khesgl Qmuri (1043-1106/1633-1695) is a representative document showing the trend of thought among the sections not favour­ ably inclined to the Mujaddid. Khesgl who was also known by the name of ‘Abdi1, was a prolific writer, having several works to his credit, and a theologian allied to the Chishtiyah order. He was strongly inclined to the doctrine of Unity of Being. Khesgl’s teachers and mystic guides were mostly those who were opposed to the Mujaddid and had already signed the fatwa condemning him as a non-conformist. Some of them like Shaikh Ni'amat Ullah of Lahore and Qazi Nur ud-din, the Qazi of Qusiir, seem to be unduly impressed by the Qadh-us-Zand whose author was then staying at Aurangabad.2 Khesgl wrote Mofarij ul Wilayah in the same city in 1096/1688 by making use of another contemporary but apparently anony­ mous work entitled Kssir ul-Mukhalifin, which had been written to confute Shaikh Ahmad and his followers. 1. The author has seen a manuscript of the book in the personal library of Prof. Khaliq Ahmad Nizami. Another copy of the book is stated to be extant in Lahore. 2. For details see Ahw&l-o-Athsr ‘Abdullah Khesgl Kasurt by Muhammad IqbSl Mujaddid!. The book has been published by the DSr-alM'livarrikhtn, Lahore.

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Khesgi’s Ma'arij ul-Wilayah evinces little scholarship and coherent thought as it would be seen by the few extracts of the book given here. Amongst the things considered objection­ able by him, one is that the Mujaddid did not consider it necessary to repeat the words of niyat or intention before offer­ ing a prayer. He writes: “When he stood up for prayer, often he contem plated the niyat in his mind without repeating the formula, and claimed that it was the custom of the holy Prophet. He claimed that intention was a settling of purpose1in the heart rather than something to be repeated by the tongue.” How deeply haSPKhesgl studied the Maktubat and what sense of responsibility he exhibited in attributing ideas and statements to the Mujaddid can be seen from the following ertlle&i&ken from the Ma'arij ul-Wilayah: “Among the mystics of old those giving faith to the Unity of Being, such as Husain Mansnr, Shaikh Muhyiud-din Ibn ‘Arab! and others, are regarded by him as •agnostics and disbelievers. He has, on several occasions, denounced Muhyi-ud-dln Ibn ‘Arabl as an apostate, attri­ buted the beliefs of the M'utazilah to him, yet, he has also listed him amongst the elects of God in the Maktubat compiled in three volumes.” Nowithstanding his criticism of the Mujaddid, Khesgl also pays tribute to him for his piety and spiritual attainments. He writes; “ (Hazrat Khwaja Baqi Billah) had given him leave to guide the seekers of truth whereby he imparted instruc­ tion in divinity to those who sought guidance from him ; led the people to the way of G od; instructed them to follow the commandments of the shari ah; denounced those who did not live up to the demands of the law of Islam; and was pleased with those who walked on the path shown by the shan'ah.” Khesgi appears, at several places in his writtings, to be

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favourably inclined to the Mujaddid and even defends him by contradicting the constructions put upon the Mujaddid’s writings by his opponents. He reproduces a number of passages from_ the Maktubat held objectionable by the adversaries of the l^ujaddid and then goes on to say: “It is, however, not at all necessary that these passages , should be deemed to express the external (z&hir) sense of the words ; if he intented, as already explained earlier, to convey some internal (batin) significance...... he should neither be blamed nor held up to reprobation.” But t£e surrounding influence and the common talk he had swallowed soon make him to sing a different tune. “ Nonetheless, the fact of the matter is that any pronouncement which can be construed as disrespectful to the holy Prophet can never be deemed to be free from blame or guilt.” Ojne of the reasons for attaching undue importance to the Ma'irij ul-Wilayah and its publicity is that the book is supposed to preserve the text of a decree of Shaikh-ul-Islam1 sent to Hiidayat Ullah, the Qadi of Aurangabad, on the direction of Aurangzeb. This decree, claimed to have been sealed by Shaikhul-Islam and issued on Shawwgl 27, 1090/December 1, 1679, directed the qai\ to curb the ideas apparently opposed to the views of ahl al-smnah wal jama‘ah which were reported to be contained io the Maktubat, and to check their publication among the people. The decree has been given undue importance in certain

1. Son o f QSzi ‘Abdul Wahhab was appointed as Shaikh ul-Islam by Aurangzeb in the year 1086/1675. In 1094/! 6?6 the Shaikh resigned his exalted office and proceeded to Arabia for performing the pilgri­ mage. Aurangzeb exerted pressures on him to resume the office once again but the Shaikh did not accept his offer. Khafl Khan speaks of his piety and virtue in the Muntakhab-ul-Lubab in his narration o f the events from the eleventh to the_twenty-first regnal year.

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modern dissertations as if it were a discovery of unusual signi­ ficance which demolishes the. whole edifice of the devotional attitude of Aurangzeb to the Mujaddid and his spiritual affiliation with the Mujaddid’s descendants. One may refer to a recent work, the Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi by a Jewish orientalist of Germany, Yohanan Friedmann, by way of example, who speaks of irrefutable historical authenticity of this document merely because (1) Ma‘drij al-Wilsyah was written in Auranglbad, the city to which the decree is claimed to have been despatched, (2) references^ the decree are found in two more con temporary works and (3) the non-existence of any writing by a partisan of the Mujaddid rejecting it as a forged document. The two additional contemporary works cited in support, which make a reference to the document are the Qadh-us-Zand and the An-NOshirah al-Najirah, which were written by Muhammad b. ‘AbdurRasul al-Barzanjl. The first of two works, Qadh-us-Zand wa Fadah al-Rand fi Radd Jihslat Ahl al-Sirhind is an Arabic work completed on Rajab 13, 1093 (July 20, 1682), according to Friedmann. As Friedmann says the book was written to answer the istifts (questionnaire) sent by the ‘Qadl of India’ styled as q&di al-qud&t bid-daySr al-hindiyah who was probably the same person referred to in the decree as Shaikh-ul-Islam. It is also claimed in the Qadh-us-Zand that the enquirer sent the questions for legal opinion upon the instruction^ of the Emperor. Were it so, Al-Barzanji would have been in direct contact with the person issuing the said decree, yet he fails to give its text although he reproduces all the other questions said to have been referred to the scholars of Mecca and Medina for juristic opinion. As-Ssrim al-Hindi was also allegedly written by Shaikh Hasan Ujaimi in response to the istifts’ from Indian scholars but it spoke neither of the qadl al-qudat nor of any decree issued by him. This leads to one conclusion only and it is that either the istifts' was not sent by the qadl of India but by somebody else in his name or that no text of the decree existed by that time which would have

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surely been sent along with the istifta' as a weighty document in support of the alleged claims against the Mujaddid. The other book an-Nsshirah aUNajirah lil-Firqah al-Fajirah was completed by al-Barzanji on Muharratn 7, 1095/December 26, 1683; that is, two years after the first one was written to counter the pro-Mujaddid campaign launched in Hijaz. In this book, too, he just mentions the existence of the said decree. Incidently, this reduces Friedmann’s two contemporary authorities to one only since both were written by the same author. However, against this solitary witness supporting Khesgl, none of the historians of Aurangzeb’s time make any reference to the decree of the highest religious and judicial authority of the country although they report such trivial matters as funeral procession of music (n g ) taken out by the musicians and prohibition of the t‘azia procession following an altercation between two parties at Burhanpur1. The decree in question does not also find a place in the published and unpublished collections of Aurangzeb’s edicts, nor Friedmann has given any reason for this omission in the meticulously recorded annals of the time. On the other hand, Friedmann brushes aside the voluminous evidence of intimate relationship between Aurangzeb and the descendents of the Mujaddid just by a casual remark that the whole affair is a matter of controversy. The so-called decree issued by the qsdl of India begins with the words, “ It has reached this august and holy location that some passages in the Maktubat of Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindl are apparently opposed to the views of ahl-al-sunnah wal-jam&'at." Unlike his predecessors, Aurangzeb was widely read and an accu­ rate scholar who kept up his love of books to his dying day. His extensive correspondence proves his mastery of Arabic and Persian literature, both secular and Sacred. His interest in mystical discipline and association with the saintly men of God of his time are facts too well-known to every historian of t. •Mimtakhab-ul-Lubdb, pp. 213-14

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the Mughal period. It would, therfore, be unreasonable to suppose that Aurangzeb was not conversant with the writings of the Mujaddid which had been deliberated upon by,,a la^ge number of scholars of India and the holy cities ever since they had been penned by the Mujaddid, nor did he care, to go through the book adversely reported to him despite his deep interest in all matters pertaining to religion. It is equally fallacious to suppose that Aurangzeb would have given orders to curb its contents just on hearsay reports. In fact, had any such report been received by Aurangzeb, the religious aspect of the matter could never have escaped his notice for there was hardly any one more competent than he to bring in a verdict on the falseness or otherwise of the contents of the Maktubat. In any case the order would have never been issued on the basis of reports reaching ‘his august and holy location’ ; it would have rather been his own judgement to curb the publication of the Maktuhat throughout his kingdom than in Aurangabad only. After a similar incident of local nature already referred to earlier, Aurangzeb had issued orders to all the subas prohibiting the manufacture and taking out of the Vazia (of Imam Husain) instead of issuing a prohibitory order for Burhanpur only. Even if we assume that the decree in question is authentic, its importance has evidently been overestimated to strain the truth. The primary business of a king, even if he were religiousminded like Aurangzeb, would be to see that the people did not fall into polemical wranglings and mental dissention. Thus, if any order was in fact given by Aurangzeb fot curbing the publication of intricate mystical thought contained in theMakmbat among the illiterate masses of Aurangabid, which had then be­ come a centre of anti-M.ujaddid activities, it would have been of the nature of instructions by many a mystic guide upholding the doctrine of Wahdat ul-wujud but asking their disdplcs not to go through the works of Ibn ‘Arab!. In other words, even if this decree were accepted as authentic,- it would not be helpful

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in drawing the inference that Aurangzeb disagreed with the Mujaddid’s forceful pleadings for enforcing the sharvah as the law of the land. For this was Aurangzeb’s accepted policy and his life-long endeavour as unmistakably demonstrated by the deliberate steps taken by him to nullify the religious eclec­ ticism of Akbar, and the reaffirmation of the distinct and unique character of Islamic thought and conduct—all these were com­ pletely in accord with the teachings of Mujaddid and his virtuous descendants who were in close contact with him. Be that as it may, the popular opposition stirred up by rivals of the Mujaddid after his death, in oider to condemn and contradict the mystical thoughts contained in the Maktubat, died away in the first quarter of the twelfth century A.H. although it was initially supported by a number of scholars and jurists, The traces of these wranglings can now be seen only on the pages of historical writings, some of which are still unpublished, destined to be preserved in the archives. On the other hand a number of cloisters of Mujaddidyah order were set up by that time from India to Turkistan. The scholars and mystics allied to the Mujaddid’s order propagated his thought and made the Arabic version of the Maktubat available to the Arab world. Shaikh Muhammad Mutad al-Makkl Qazzgni acquainted the Turk and Arab scholars with the mystical thought of the Mujaddid by writing the Zail ur-Rushahat. The Arabic translation of the Maktubat was made available under the title of Ad-Darr alMaknunat al-Nafisi. Shaikh Muhammad Nur-ud-din Uzbek! wrote the ‘Atiyat al-Wuhhab al-Fasilah bayrta ul-Khata wa asSawab. The book was popularly received in the Arab countries and Turkey and it helped to clear the mist of misunderstanding about the Mujaddid.1 The response to these concerted efforts is 1. K more complete list of scholars who were won over by the scholars allied to the Mujaddidyah order and who later on took up the task of defending his thought can be seen in the Nuzhat-ul-Khawiitir (Vol. v,

P-48).

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adequately demonstrated by the complimentary remarks of a re­ nowned scholar Shihab-ud-din Mahmud AHisS al-Baghdad! (d. 1270/1854) about Shaikh Ahmad in his Rsh-ul-Ma'am in which he has profusely quoted from the Maktsbat. By that time the flutter of opposition to Shaikh Ahmad among the circle o f scholars had completely passed away. “As for the foam, it passeth away as scum upon the banks, while as for that which is of use to mankind, it remaineth in the earth. Thus Allah coineth the similitude."1 The scholars who had played a leading role in the dispargement of Shaikh Ahmad in Hij&z were all Kurdis. Shaikh Ibrahim al-Kauranl was a Kurd and so was Muhammad b. ‘Abd al-Rasul al-Barzanjl who belonged to Shahrzor. Strange to say that Maulsna Khalid, also of Shahrzor, was selected by God to propagate the mystic order of Shaikh Ahmad who succeeded in spreading it to Iraq, Syria, Kurdistan and Turkey in a way unprecedented in the history of mysticism.

I. Q. XIII: 17

CHAPTER X

GROWTH AND DEVELOPMENT OF MUJADDIDYAH ORDER

The Eminent Deputies It would be difficult or rather impossible to catalogue all the noted deputies of the Mujaddid and their achievements. The number ran into thousands who were spread all over the Islamic world. We have already mentioned the names of a few of them who were commissioned to preach either out* side the country or were sent to the different cities of India. We propose to give here only the names of the outstanding deputies with a bit detailed description of the reformative endeavour of the two, Khwaja Muhammad M'asum and Syed Adam Binnauri, which Would be helpful in estimating the popularity of the Mujaddidyah order, and the great task it has performed in reforming the morals and religious life of the Muslims. There is the least doubt that this success was achieved by the Will of God which always conies to the aid

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of every virtuous task undertaken with the sincerity of purpose and in accordance with the way shown by the holy Prophet. The more eminent deputies1 of Shaikh Ahmad Mujaddid Alf Thani were: 1. Saiyid Adam Binnauri, 2. Maulana Ahmad BarkI, 3. Maulana Ahmad Daibani (Deobandi), 4. Maulana Aman Ullah Lahorl, 5. Maulana Badr-ud-dln Sirhindl, 6. Shaikh Badl-ud-din Saharanpurl, 7. Shaikh Hasan Bark], 8. Shaikh Hamid Bangali, 9. HajI Khizr Khan Afghani, 10. Mir Saghir Ahmad Riiml, 11. Shaikh Tahir BadakhshI, 12. Shaikh Tahir Lahorl, 13. Khwaja Ubaid Uilah alias Khwaja Kalan, 14. Khwaja ‘Abdullah alias Khwaja Khurd, 15. Shaikh ‘Abdul Ha’i Hisarl, 16. Maulana ‘Abdul Wahid Lahorl, 17. Shaikh ‘Abdul Hadi Faruqi BadSunl, 18. Maulana Farrukh Husain Harwl, 19. Maulana Qasim ‘All, 20. Shaikh Karlm-ud-dln Baba Hasan Abdali, 21. Saiyid Muhib Ullah Manikputi, 22. Shaikh Muhammad Sadiq Kabuli, 23 Maulana Muhammad Satih Kaulabi, 24. Maulana Muhammad Siddlq Kashmi, 25. Shaikh Muzammil, 26. Hafiz Mahmud Lahorl, 27. Shaikh Nur Muhammad Patm, 28. Maulana Yar Mubammad Jadld BadakhshI TalqanI, 29. Maulana Yar Muhammad Qadlm, 30. Shaikh Yusuf Barkx, and 31. Maulana Yasuf Samarqandl. Khwaja Muhammad M‘asnra2 A prefound sage and leader of the learned,: Khwaja. Muhammad M’asiim was the dearly beloved son of Shaikh Ahmad, whom he closely resembled not only in external appearance but also in his inward perfection. As a spiritual 1. This list has been taken from the Hazrat Mujaddid A lf Thani by Zawwar Husain and published by Idara Mujaddidiyeh, Karachi. For details see pp. 724-800 o f the above-mentioned book and the article "Tazkirah Khulfa'i Mujaddid A lf Thani” by Naslm Ahjnad Faridi (pp. 310-351) in the Tazkirah ImSm Rabbsm Mujaddid A lf Thani compiled by Muhammad Manzoor Nomani. 2. The a c c o u n t given here has been taken from the ffuihatul Khawatfr; Vol. V.

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descendant of his renowned father, he was a paragbn of Virtue and most celebrated for the beauty o f his soul.

Bom on 11th Shawwal l007/27th April, 1599, he read the first few books from his elder brother Khwaja Muhammad Sadiq and then studied at the feet of his father and Shaikh Muhammad Tahir of Lahore. He committed the holy Qur’an to his heart within a brief period of three months and, like the reputed author of the Sharh Waqayah, used to learn the writings of his father by heart while copying them. He succeeded his father after the death of the latier. Thereafter he went for pilgrimage and stayed for a long time in Medina before his return to India. The rest of his life he spent in guidance pf the people and teaching Tafslr Baidawi, Mishk&t, Hidayah, 'Azodi arid Talmh to his disciples. Shaikh Muta$ b. Abdullah Qaz/ani writes in the Zailur-Rushahat that he was, like his father, one among the signs o f God who illuminated the world and dispelled the darkness of ignorance and blameworthy innovations. Thousands of his disciples were helped by, him to attain spiritual perfection and the knowledge of God. The number of persons who took oaths of allegiance to him is stated to be nine hundred thousand of which seven thousand qualified as his spiritual descendants. Of these one was Shaikh Habib Ullah Bukhar'i who rose to the position of most revered mystic Shaikh of his time in Khurasan and Transoxiana, spread the light of sunnah in Bukhara and the surrounding lands and guided four thousand among his disciples to attain the perfection of spirit enabling them to impart instruction to 01 hers in the disciplines of divinity. The letters of Shaikh M asQm were compiled in three volumes and like the Maktubut of his father, are a repository of wisdom and intricacies of mysticism,, serving as a key to the letters of his father. He died on the 9th Rab‘l-ul-Awwal, 1079/7th August, 1668, at Sirhind where his grave is still visited by a large number of people.’

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Saiyid Adam Binnauri1 A prince of those endowed with divine knowledge and the very crucible of love for God, Saiyid Adam b. Ismail occupied a prominent position among the noted spiritual guides of the Naqshbandiyah order. His birth was promised by the holy Prophet in a vision to his father who lived in the village Binnaur, near Sirhind, where Saiyid Adam spent his childhood days. After entering the religious life Saiyid Adam spent the first two months at Multan under the guidance of H sjl Khizr Raughani, a disciple of Shaikh Ahmad and thereafter he came to pursue the mystical discipline at the feet of Shaikh Ahmad. However, Saiyid Adam was first attracted to the divine, accor­ ding to the Khulssatul Ma'&rif, in the company of Shaikh Muhammad Tahir of Lahore who is stated to have inherited the same from his father Shaikh Askandar and grandfather Shaikh Kamal-ud-din Kaithali. In any case, Saiyid Adam attained the sublime state of spiritual elevation hardly encom­ passed by his Contemporary mystics. His way of mystical experience was meticulous adherence to the shan'ah and the sumah of the Prophet. He never made any deviation, either in utterance or practice, from strict compliance with the theolo­ gical doctrine. Innumerable persons were helped by him to walk the path of virtue and goodness; four hundred thousand are reported to have taken oath of allegiance to him, o f which about a thousand were guided to attain the spiritual insight. His cloister had at least a thousand guests every day who came there for the satisfaction o f their spiritual urge. It has been related in the Tazkirah Adamiyah that when Saiyid Adam went to Lahore in 1052/1642, he was accompanied by ten thousand

1. The account given here has been taken from the Nuzhatul Khawatir. Vol. V.

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persons including several nobles and mystics. Shabjahan happened to be present at Lahore in those days and he felt per­ turbed at the popularity of Saiyid Adam. He sent his minister S*ad Ullah Khan but the scant attention paid by the Shaikh to the prime minister caused to deepen the misunderstanding between the two and on S'ad Ullah Khan’s report the king ordered Saiyid Adam to proceed for performance of the pil­ grimage. Accordingly, Saiyid Adam left for HijSz with his friends and relatives and stayed at Medina after performing the haj, where he ultimately breathed his last. Saiyid Adam has to his credit a number of mystical tracts, o f which the Khul&satul Ma'srif, in Persian, covers two volumes. It opens with the words: ‘Praise be to Allah, the Lord of the worlds; in great measure be He glorified to the extent of the perfections of his names and bounties.’ His another work is entitled Nikat-ul-Asrar. Saiyid Adam did not know reading or writing for he had not been educated by any one. He died on the 23rd of Shawwal1053/25th December, 1643 at Medina and was buried in the Jannatul BaqI near the grave of Caliph Uthman. Other Eminent Mystics We propose to describe here, albeit briefly, some of the noted mystics associated with K hw ija M'asum which will indi­ cate the popularity enjoyed by them and the great influence they wielded on the Muslims of their day. A detailed acc­ ount of their lives and works can be found in their biographies or other works purporting to describe sufi traditions. In so far as the sufis of India are concerned, sufficient details have been given in the fifth, sixth and seventh volumes of the Nuzhatul-Khawaiir, the renowned work of Hakim Saiyid ‘Abdul Ha‘I. Khwaja Saif-ud-din Sirhindl The system of Khwaja Muhammad M'asam was exten­ sively diffused by his eldest son and spiritual successor Khwaja

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Saif-ud-din (1049-1096/1639-1685) who achieved a great suc­ cess in iealising the reformist ends of Shaikh Ahmad by renew­ ing the awareness of God and insisting on following the sutmah of the Prophet to the exclusion of all subsequent accretions and innovations. He took up his residence at Delhi, as desired by his father, and established the famous cloister which was later developed into an international centre of guidance and devotional exercises by Mirza Mazhar Jan Janan and Shah Ghulam ‘All, radiating spirituality to Afghanistan and Turkistan, on the one hand, and to Iraq, Syria and Turkey, on the other. Aurangzab had, as stated earlier, taken an oath of allegiance to Khwaja Muharrmad M'asam and was imparted spiritual training by Khwaja Saif-ud-din. The annalists of the time record the incident that when the Khwaja went into the royal chamber, he objected to the pictures painted on its walls. The king at once ordered to efface all such paintings. The incident was reported by the Khwaja to his father in a letter in which he wrote: “How virtuous it is of the king that despite his magnificence and majesty, my advice was heeded and the counsel of this humble fellow was readily implemented.”1 Khwaja Saif-ud-din used to report the spiritual experiences of the king to his father who expressed satisfaction, in one of his letters, at the progress made by the latter. “ What you have stated of the king, the protector of religion, as, for example, the zikr (remembrance of divine names) pervading the recesses of his heart, attaining the state of sullan-uz-zikr (supreme remembrance) and the rdbita (communion), absence of distraction, acceptance of the truthful advice, getting rid of the things forbidden and abandonment of desires, speak of his condition minutely. One ought to offer thanks to God for these qualities are

1. Makilib Khwija M'asum, Vol. Ill, No. 227.

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now extinct in the kings.” 1 Emperor Aurangzeb used to keep himself in touch with Khwaja Muhammad M'asum for traversing the stages of sufi path. Muhammad Saqi Musta'id Khan, the author of MaSsir jHamgin, has in the chronicles of the twenty-first year described the departure of the Emperor from the garden known as Hayat Bakhsh, in the night of 13th Muharram, 1080/3rd June, 1669, to the house of the,Khwaja and his return to the royal palace after remaining there for some time listening to the Khwaja's discourses and rendering honour to him.2 The Khwaja was very particular in commending the lawful and forbidding the unlawful. He had so given himself up to the task that according to Shaikh Murad b. ‘Abdullah al-Qazzgnl, the author of the Zail-ur-Rushahst, he had almost uprooted the blameworthy innovations from the country. It was this concern for the shan‘ah which had earned for him the title of muhtasib-ul-ummah (censor of the community) from his father. He possessed a spiritual charm that used to cast a spell on those who happened to meet him. His disciples seemed to be carried away as if in a trance in his cloister. At the same time, he had such a dominating personality that even the nobles and kings did not dare sit down in his peresence and kept standing obediently. He was also immensely popular; over fourteen hundred people coming daily to pay a visit to him were provided with the victuals desired by them.* After the death of Khwaja Saif-ud-din, his place was taken by his spiritual successor, Saiyid Nor Muhammad Badaanl (d. 1135/1723) who kept the torch of spirituality burning in his cloister. Thereafter, Mirza Mazhar Jan Janan took the seat of these masters. We shall speak about Mirza Mazhar Jan Janan later on. 1. Maktubat Khwaja M'asum, Vol. Ill, No. 227 2. MaSsir *Alamgiri. Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1871 , p. 84 3. Zail-ur-Rushahat, pp. 48-49

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From Ehwftjs Muhammad Zubair to Maulana Fazlnr Rahmfto Ganj-MorSdSbSdi The second son of Khwaja Muhammad M‘a*um was Khwaja Muhammad Naqshband (1034-1114/1625-1702) who was also known as Hujjat Allah Naqshaband. Appointed as his chief spiritual successor by Khwaja Muhammad M’asam, he set about to propagate his father’s way in all sincerity, temperance and humility. Khwaja Muhammad Zubair (d. 1151/1738) b. Abil ‘Ala’, a grandson of Khwaja Muhammad M'asnm, succeeded Khwaja Muhammad Naqshband and achieved such a universal popula­ rity as was not enjoyed by any other mystic of the period. The path he took from his house to the mosque was covered with turbans and wraps by the nobles and grandees so that he may not have to step down on the bare ground. If he ever went to see any ailing person or to take part in a repast, the pro­ cession formed by his followers resembled a royal march.1 Khwaja Muhammad Zubair had several noted successors of whom three, Shah Zia Ullah, Khwaja Muhammad Nasir ‘Andlib and Khwaja ‘Abdul ‘Adi were particularly illustrious. The spiritual successor of the first was Shah Muhammad Afaq; the son of the second was Khwaja Mir Dard Dihlawl; and the third was succeeded by Shah ‘Abdul Qadir Dihlawl, the first Urdu translator of the Qur’an. All of them were highly respected mystics. Khwaja Zia Ullah was a profound sage endowed with both inward and outward perfection. Shah Ghulam (Ali used to say: “One who has not seen the winsome qualities of the Mujaddid may direct his eyes to Khwaja Zia Ullah.”2 His spiritual successor Shah Muhammad Afaq (1160-1251/ 1747-1835) was granted immense popularity by God and was an acknowledged mystic of the north-west India. When 1. D wr-ul-Ma'drif. 2. Ibid., p. 16 -

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he went to Kabul, King Shah Zaman Khan took an oath of allegiance to him. The noted spiritual successor of Shah Muhammad Afaq was Maulana Fazlur Rahman Ganj-MoradabadI (1208-1313/ 1794-1895) whose spiritual magnetism, love of God, rigorous discipline in following the sharvah and deep knowledge of the sunnah were a source of spiritual enlightenment to the people in northern India over half a century. In his own words it was a power of love in action.1 Hakim Saiyid ‘Abdul Ha’i, the author of encyclopedic biographical accounts, is known for the catholicity of his views and critical evaluation of characters. He writes about Maulana Fazlur Rahman Ganj MoradabadI: “A throng of his admirers used to surround and follow him ; gifts used to be showered on him by the nobility and the rich; and people used to come from far off places every day, making him the observed of all observers. He became a worthy prince of the mystics, graced with fame and popularity not enjoyed by any sufi Shaikh of the period. He was such a great worker of miracles that none

1. Most of the founders and directors of the Nadwatul 'UlamS were spiritually attached to Maulana Fazlur Rahman Ganj Moradabadi as, for instance, MaulSnl Saiyid Muhammad ‘All of Monghyr, the founder and first director of the Nadwatul ‘UlamS, Maulana Masih-uzZaman Kh5n of Shihjahfinpur (teacher of the Nizam of Hyderabad, Mahboob ‘All Khan), Maulana Saiyid Zahur-ul-Islam of FatehpQr, MaulSnS Saiyid Tajammul Husain of Bihar, Maulana Hakim Saiyid 'Abdul Ha’i, the prolific writer and director of Nadwatul 'UlamS, NawSb Sadr Y8r Jang, MauianS Habibur Rahman Khan SherwBni (Minister for Religious Affairs, Hyderabad), and Hosam-ul-Mulk Safi-ud-daula NawSb Saiyid Ali Hasan Khan, another director of the Nadwatul 'Ulama, were all disciples of Maulana Fazlur Rahman. MaulSnS Saiyid Muhammad ‘Ali of Monghyr also propagated the way of his matter as bit spiritual successor.

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among the earlier saints except Shaikh ‘Abdul Qadir could be cited by way of comparison.”1 Mirza Mazhar Jan Jaaan and Shah Gulam 'AH Mirza Mazhar Jan Janan Shahid' (1111-1195/1699-1781) was the spiritual successor of Saiyid Nar Muhammad. For thirty-five years he kept the hearts of the people at Delhi illu­ minated through his love-divine. The great scholar Shah Wallullah writes about him. “ Nothing about India is concealed from me for I have been born and brought up in this country. I have also visited and seen Arabia. As for Afghanistan and Iran, I have heard of the conditions prevailing there re­ counted by reliable persons. The conclusion I have reached, after giving thought to all I know, is that no profound sage so conscientious in following the path of the holy law delivered by the Prophet, no spiritual mentor so suc­ cessful in guiding the people on the path of spirit and no mystic so strong in divinity is to be found these days in any country mentioned earlier by me. There might have been such men of God in the days gone-by but, the truth isr that the number of such virtuous persons is extremely limited in every age, let alone these days of chaos and confusion.”3 Shah Ghulam ‘All was succeeded by several illustrious mystics, such as, Maulana Na‘im Ullah of Bahraich (1153-1218/ 1740-1803), the author of M'amiilal Mazhar, Qazi Sana Ullah of Panlpat (d. 1225/1810), another penman and scholar of encylopedic knowledge who wrote the Tafsir Mazhan and Mala

1. Nuzhatul Khawatir, Vol. VIH. For a detailed account see the author's Maulana Failur Rahman Gang MorSdabadi. 3. His name was Shams-ud-din Habib Ullah while JSn Janan was the name given to him by Aurangzeb soon after his birth. 3. Zalamit-i-Tayyabat, pp. 163-65

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Bud Minh and Maulana Ghulam Yahya of Bihsr (d. 1180/ 1766) but the most worthy successor who renovated the Mujaddidyah order was Shah Ghulam ‘Ali of Baialah (1156-1240/ 1743-1825). The last mentioned was a man of great spiritual perfection who achieved world-wide fame attracting travellers of the path of mysticism from every part of the country and other Muslim lands. There was hardly a city in India where he did not have a few disciples. In Ambala alone there were fifty disciples of Shah Ghulam ‘Ali BataM. Sir Saiyid Ahmad Khan, a contemporary of the Shah, writes in the Athar usSanidid : “I have myself seen in the cloister of the Shaikh people belonging to Rum (Turkey) and Syria, Baghdad, Egypt, China and Ethiopia pledging allegiance to the Shaikh a n d -dedicating them selves to his o rd er. Furthermore, there were the disciples of the Punjab and Afghanistan who came to the hospice in large numbers. There also lived at least five hundred of them in the cloister who were provided free boarding and lodging.”* Shah Ra'df Ahmad MujaddidI who spent a few days in the company of the Shah in his khanqah writes that the disciples present on the 28th of Jamadi al-t}la, 1231 /26th April, 1816 hailed from Samarkand, Bukhara, Taskent, Hisar, Qandhar Kabul, Peshawar, Kashmir, Multan, Lahore, Sirhind, Amroha, Sanbhal, Rampur, Bareilly, Lucknow, Ja’is, Bahraih, Gorakhpur, ‘Azimabad (Patna), Dacca, Hyderabad, Poona etc.* The popu­ larity enjoyed by the Shah reminds one of the Persian couplet of Maulana Khalid Rami. Would that somebody conveyed slyly to that prince of the beloved, That the world has come to life again by his rainy cloud.® 1. Athar us-Sanadid, Chap. IV 2. Durr-uUM'adrif, p. 106 3. The eulogy consisting of 69 couplets has been preserved by Shih ‘Abdul Ghani Muhaddith of Delhi.

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The celebrated disciples of Shah Ghulam ‘Ali diffused his order far and wide. Shah Muhammad Na‘im, also known as Miskln Shah (d. 1264/1848), who was a spiritual successor of Shah Ghulam ‘All’s disciple Shah S‘ad Ullah, took up resi­ dence in Hyderabad where he was acknowledged as a spiritual guide by the ruler of Hyderabad, Mir Mahboob ‘All Khan Asaf Jah VI.1 Another notable disciple of Shah S‘ad Ullah was Saiyid Muhammad Badshah Bukhari- (d. 1328/1910). Others of the spiritual line of Shah Ghulam ‘All through whose efforts the Mujaddidyah order made rapid progress were Shah Ra’uf Ahmad MujaddidI (1201-1266/1787-1850) who founded a hospice at Bhopal,* Maulana Shah Basharat Ullah (d. 1254/1838), who set up a cloister in Bahraich, Shaikh Gul Muhammad, who popularised it in a Bukhara4 and Shaikh Ahmad, who came from Baghdad to obtain leave of Shah Ghulam ‘Ali to guide the people in his spiritual order.5 Maulana Khilid Rami Propagation of the Mujaddidyah order in Iraq, Syria and Turkey was taken upon himself by a Kurd scholar, Maulana Khalid RflmI by name, who spanned the continent in one year to traverse the path of spirit under the guidance of Shah Ghulam ‘All. He applied himself to the task of spiritual per­ fection with such a singleness of heart that whenever any scholar or mystic of Delhi came to see him, he always gave the reply that he could not divert his attention to anything else without accomplishing the task he had come for. It is stated that 1. Mukhbir-i-Daccen, Madras, 2nd January, 1896. 2. He had settled down in Hyderabad where his cloistar was headed by Maul5nS Saiyid ‘Abdullah Shah (d. 1384/1964), the author of the Zajajat-ul-Masdbih. 3. Which was latter on headed by Pir Abu Muhammad and then his son MaulanS Shah Muhammad Y'aqub. 4. Durr-ul-Ma'arif p. 125. 3. Ibid. p . 144

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when the noted scholar of the time, Shah ‘Abdul ‘Aziz paid a visit to Maulana Khalid RumI, the latter sent for Shah Abu Sa'eed asking him to tell the Shah that he would himself call upon him after achieving his goal. No sooner did Maulana Khalid Rum! return to his home than his name and fame were noised abroad attracting innumer­ able persons to his threshold. The events pertaining to Friday, the 24th of Rajab, 1231,1 recorded by Shah Ra'af Ahmad in the Durr-ul-Ma'arif read: “ A man who had heard of the eminence of Maulana Khalid Rami has returned after meeting him in Baghdad. He says that about a hundred thousand persons have already affirmed allegiance to the Maulana and about a thousand of them, many of whom are reputed scholars, always remain at hand to attend to his orders like servants.”* In a letter written by Maulana Khalid RumI to Shah Abn Sa'eed he gave an account of the immense popularity gained by the Mujaddidyah order in the Middle East. “In all the dominions of Rum (Turkey), Arabia, Hijaz Iraq and certain non-Arab countries including the whole of Kurdistan the silsUah of Naqshbandiyah order has been received as a greedily desired object. One can see the young and the old, in every gathering and concourse, mosque and madrasa, keenly discussing the merits of Imam RabbanI Mujaddid Alf Thanl. The enthusiasm witnessed here these days is without a parallel in any land or at any tim e ...... Although the description I have given here amounts to self-indulgence and impudence and I feel ashamed of it, I have only penned these facts for the information of my companions.”® Ibn ‘Abidin, commonly known as ‘Allama ShamI, was a 1. 20th June, 1816 2. Durr-ul-Ma'arif. p. 170 3. Tazklrsh Imam Rabbsni (cited from the article of MaulSnS ‘Abdus Shakfir Farooqi)

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devoted disciple of Maulana Khalid Rumi. In addition to the Radd ul-Mukhtar Shark Al-Durr ul-Mukhtar, Shami has also written the Sull ul-Hosdm al-Hindi V *Nasrata Maulana Khalid al-Naqshbandj which gives, besides confuting the charges levelled against the Maulana by his detractors, a brief biographical account of Maulana Khalid Runri. The Maulana belonged to village Qarah Dagh near Sulaimaniyah mountains where he was born in the year 1190/1776. After going through the then prevalent courses of study he acquired mastery in the then religious sciences as well as logic, mathematics and astro­ nomy and then got busy in imparting instruction to the students of higher grades in medicine, dialectics, syntax etc. at Sulai­ maniyah. In the year 1220/1805 be went to Mecca for hqj where he felt a mysterious urge to take a trip to India. H e' returned, however, to Syria and it was there that he came to know about the spiritual eminence of Shah Ghulam ‘All from one of his disciples. He left for India in 1224/1809 and reached Delhi after one year taking the rough track through Iran, Afghanistan and Lahore. Within a short period of one year he attained perfection in the disciplines of five mystical orders and was granted permission by his Shaikh to go back to his own land for guiding others on the path of spirit. He went back to Baghdad in 1228/1813, after a brief stay of five months at his home, and very soon became a cynosure of the people in that metropolis. His popularity stirred the envy of certain persons who raised a tumult against him. However, at the instance of the governor of Baghdad Sa‘eed Pasha a number of scholars of the city certified his spiritual attainments and the soundness of his religious views. Thereafter innumerable persons belonging to Kirkuk, Arbil, Mosil, ‘Amadiyah, A'intab, Aleppo, Syria, Medina, Mecca and Baghdad got themselves enlisted to the order of Maulana Khalid Rumi. ‘Allama Sbami then gives an estimate of Maulana Khalid’s character and a list of his literary works. He also cites the opinion of a noted litterateur and poet Shaikh ‘Uthman.

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Maulana Khalid migrated to Syria in 1238/1823 alongwith a large number of his disciples. The whole country virtually converged to receive him with the highest honour and to obtain his blessings. The Maulana guided the people not only on the path of spirit but also saw that they neglected not to ob­ serve even a dot of divine law. The Maulana died of plague on 14th Dhi Qa‘ada, 1242/9th June, 1827 and was buried in Qasiyon. He was a lineal descendant of Caliph ‘Uthman b. ‘Affan. Shami has narrated a dream of the Maulana where­ in he had seen that he was leading the funeral prayer of Caliph ‘Uthman. After narrating the dream he told the author that since he belonged to the lineage of Caliph ‘Uthman the dream was a foreboding of his own death. He narrated the dream at maghrib (sunset), gave directions about his will after the ‘Isha (night) prayers, and thereafter went to his house where he was taken ill the same night and answered the sum­ mons of death before the crack of dawn.1 S b ih A hm ad S a 'e e d and H is S p ir itu a l D escen d an ts

The chief successor of Shah Ghulam ‘Ali, providing the nucleus from which his silsilah (line of succession) gained fame and popularity, was Shah Ahmad Sa‘eed ibn Shah Abu Sa'eed (1217-1277/1802-1861). After the death of his father, Shah Ahmad Sa'eed took charge of the cloister of Shah Ghulam ‘AH and Mirza Mazhar Jan Janan in 1250/1834 and continued to spread the light of Mujaddidyah order for 23 years till 1273/1857. He had to leave India during the uprising of 1857 whence he went away to Mecca and thereafter settled down in Medina. He died at Medina after a few years but during this brief period hundreds of Arabs and Turks pledged fealty 1. Sull ul-Hosim al-Hindf, p. 318-25. The Maulana’s chain of spiritual descent still exists in Syria and Turkey where the author met a number of sufi guides of his order at Damascus, Halab and several cities of Turkey.

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to him. An eye-witness report is on record that if Shah Ahmad Sa‘eed had remained alive for a few years more, the number of his disciples would have run into hundreds of thousands.1 It is difficult to enumerate all the deputies of Shah Ahmad Sa'eed who had attained the perfection to guide others in his spiritual order. Manaqib Ahmadiyah- records eighty deputies. One of these was Shaikh Dost Muhammad Q a n d h a ri who was succeeded by Khwaja ‘U th m an D am an! (d. 1314/1896). The latter employed himself in spreading abroad the instruction in d ivinity from M usa Za’s, a town of district Dera Isma’il Khan. His chief deputy, Khwaja Slraj-ud-dln (d. 1333/1915), became a great inspirer and caused the order to spread quickly to the distant lands. Endowed with an impressive personality and wide learning, he was able to combine the austerities of the mystical path with the cultivation of the science of hadith. Maulana Husain ‘Ali Shah (1283-1363/1867-1944) ofW & n Bachran* was the chief spiritual successor of Khwaja Siraj-ud-dln. He was a great reformer of the creed and morals who made the unal­ loyed Unity of God (tawheed khalis) the focus of his spiritual life. Another noted mystic of the Mujaddidyah order during this period was Shaikh Shah Imam ‘All Makanwi4 (1212-1282/ 1797-1865) whose popularity attracted devotees in such large num­ bers that 300 goats were slaughtered every day for preparation of repast to feed his guests.6 His initiary pedigree goes back to Shaikh Ahmad through one of his Shaikhs ‘Abdul Ahad Wahdat alias Shah Gul. 1. Letter of Shah Muhammad ‘Umar s/o Sh ah Ahmad Sa'eed to MaulanS Saiyid ‘Abdus Sal am of Haswa. 2. Written by Shah Muhammad Mazhar. 3. A town in district Mianwali of Punjab, Pakistan. 4. Makan Sharif is a town in district GurdSspur. Its ancient name was R&tar Chatra. 5. For details see the Tadkirah Be Mithl Rajgdn-i-Rajaur, pp. 508-21, by Mirza Zafar Ullah Khan.

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Another mysiic of great distinction succeeding Shah Ahmad Sa’eed was M a u la n a Shah -Abdus Salam V»asti (1234-1299/ 1819-1882) of Haswa. He was a man of great sanctity and spiritual perfection who popularised the mystic order of his precursors in the then U nited Provinces .1 Shah ‘Abdur Rashid* (1237-1287/1822-1870) was the eldest son of Shah Ahmad Sa’eed. He succeeded to the spiritual authority of his father after the latter died at Medina but later on migrated to Mecca where he continued to guide the people on the path of spirit. He died at Mecca and was buried in the Jannat uI-M-ala. His son Shah Muhammad M'asum (12631341/1847-1923) established Khanqah-i-Mas‘umI at Rampiir where he spent 23 >ears in spiritual guidance of the people. He returned to Mecca and died there in 1341/1923. Shah Muhammad Mazhar (1248-1301/1832-1884) was the second son of Shah Ahmad Sa‘eed. He was a perfect mystic who gained wide popularity with disciples spread all over Samar­ kand, Bukhara, Qazzan, Turkey, Afghanistan, Iran, Arabia and Syria. He also constructed a three storeyed cloister known as Rabat Mazharl at Medina, in 1290/1873, which is situated midway between Bab-un-Nisa and Jannatul Baql. The third son of Shah Ahmad Sa‘eed was Shah Muhammad ‘Umar (1244-1298/1828-1881). Shah Abul Khair Mujaddidl was his son and spiritual successor. ShSh ‘Abdul Ghani

Shah ‘Abdul Ghani (1235-1296/1820-1879), the younger brother of S h ah .A h m ad S a 'e e d , was also a man of great spiri­ tuality whose remaikable success in combining the cult of the mystics with the teaching of hadvh was not shared by any scholar save Shah ‘Abdul ‘Aziz Dehlawl. He had the credit of producing such scholars as Maulana Muhammad Qasim 1. For details see Nuzhatul-Khawatir, Vol. 7 2. He was spiritual guide of NawSb Kalb ‘At! Khin of Rampur.

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Nanautwi and Rashid Ahmad Gangohl who founded the great educational institutions of Deoband and Mazahir-ul-'Uloom of Saharanpar which have made hadith a popular subject of study in India. During the great upheaval of 1857, Shah ‘Abdul Ghani left India for HijSz, alongwith his elder brother, and settled down in Medina. Like the great Indian savant of hadith, Shaikh ‘All Muttaqi of Kanz ul-‘ummal fame, he spent the remaining period of his life in the teaching of hadith and was ultimately laid to rest in the Jannat-ul-Baql.1 Shah ‘Abdul Ghani was succeeded by three heavenlyminded souls. One of these was Maulana ‘Abdul Haq (d.1333/ 1915) of Allahabad who was more commonly known as Sahib-ul-Dala’i l ; the other was Shah Abu Ahmad MujaddidI (d. 1342/1924) of Bhopal; the third being was Shah Rafiud-dln (d. 1308/1891) of Delhi, the first Principal of Darul ‘Uloo.m, Deoband, who left Mufti 'AzIz-ur-Rahman (d. 1347/1928) as his spiritual successor. The cloister, graced by Shah Ahmad Sa'eed and Shah ‘Abdul Ghani, which had been a great centre of spiritual discipline for half a century in the country, remained vacant2 for a long time until Shah Abul Khair MujaddidI (1272-1341/1855-1923), the grandson of Shah Ahmad Sa'eed, once again made it a centre of spiritual instruction. The descendants of Shaikh Ahmad left Sirhind in the fourth and fifth generations and took up quarters in different parts of the Islamic world. Although this step was taken to propagate and diffuse the Mujaddidyah order on a wider scale

1. One of the disciples of Shah ‘Abdul Ghani, Shaikh Muhammad Yahya, (of Turhut, India,), has written a biographical account of the Shah and his spiritual successors. 2. The author has seen a letter of Shsh ‘Abdul Ghani, written by him from Medina in reply to a letter complaining about the deserted state of his cloister, in which he had urged the addressee to persuade Mau­ lana ‘Abdus Salam of Haswa to take his place for he was the only person fitted for the task.

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it eventually helped them from degenerating into mere mauso­ leum keepers—an institution marking the decline of many a mystical order. One branch of his house settled down in Kabul (in the Jawwad Fort1) to act 2s mentors of the people for spreading and stabilizing the spiritual truth of Islam. Nurul-Masha’ikh Shaikh Fazl ‘Umar Mujaddidi also known as Sher Agha belonged to this very extraction of Shaikh Ahmad’s lineage. He had thousands of disciples in the Indo-Pak sub­ c o n tin e n t .2 His younger brother was Shaikh Muhammd Sadiq who held the post of ambassador for Afghanistan in several Arab countries and was also one of the founder-members of the Rablta ‘Alam-i-Islaml. He was an international figure highly respected for his keen interest in the welfare of Muslims as well as for his learning and piety. The two brothers were acknowledged leaders of Afghanistan and it was through their efforts that Nadir Shah had to abdicate in favour of Amir Arnan Ullah Khan.3 Another branch of the Mujaddidyah family had taken up residence at Tando Sa’indad in Hyderabad, Sind. The two distinguished members of this line of succession were Khwaja Muhammad Hasan Mujaddidi and Hafiz Muhammad Hashim Jan Mujaddidi.4 1. Alas! the Russian aggression and anti-Islamic measures taken by the pro-Russian government installed in that country resulted in des­ truction of this spiritual centre, as most of the descendants of Shaikh Ahmad were either arrested or killed or forced to leave the country. The author had, during his tour of Afghanistan in 1973, witnessed this spiritual centre prosperous and pulsating with life, and had been reci­ pient of the warm hospitality of Maulana Muhammad Ibrahim, the son of Nur-ul-Mashaikh Shaikh Fazl Umar Mujaddidi. 2. He died on the 5th of Muharram 1376/ 13th August, 1956. The author met him at Mecca and Lahore. 3. For details see Daria’y Kabul se Darid'y Yarmuk tak by the author. 4. The writer of these lines paid a visit to Shah Muhammad Hasan Mujaddidi at his house in 1944. Hafiz Hashim Jan used to visit (Continued on the next page)

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IhsSniyah Order Saiyid Adam Binnauri was guided on the sufi path by Shaikh Ahmad who had wafted upon him the breath of felicity, but being a man of spiritual insight his own way soon came to be recognised as a distinctive school known by the name of Ihsaniyah order. Strange though it may seem but the order founded by an unlettered person ultimately claimed the allegiance of the most eminent scholars, authors, savants of hadith and the founders of great educational institutions, all maintaining a careful orthodoxy and the spirit of Quranic piety. The illustrious thinker Shah Wallullah, his son Shah ‘Abdul ‘Aziz, the great martyr Saiyid Ahmad Shahld and his virtuous companions like Maulana Isma’il Shahld and Shah Is’haq, the founders of Darui Uloom Deoband, Maulana Muhammad Qasim Nanautwi, Maulana Rashid Ahmad Gangohi and many others were not only initiated in the Ihsaniyah order but had also obtained leave to innpart spiritual instruc­ tion to others. Shah Wallullah has paid a glowing tribute to Saiyid Adam Binnauri for his insight into the spiritual truth and classified him among the founders of great mystical orders. Those who were guided to attain the perfection necessary for acting as the deputies of Saiyid Adam Binnauix are too numerous to be enumerated here. The author of the Nuzhatul Khw&tir has, however, listed Diwan Khwaja Ahmad (d. 1088/ 1677) of Nasirabad, Shaikh Ba Yazld (d. 1090-1679) of Qasur, Shah Fath Ullah (d. 1100-1689) of Saharanpur and Shaikh S-ad Ullah Balkhari (d. 1108-1696) of Lahore among the prominent khulfa of Saiyid Adam Binnauii. The four heavenly-

(Concluded from previous page) Nizam-ud-din at Delhi and once he came to the author’s house at D a’ira Shah ‘Alam Ullah in Rae Bareli. Both these lines of descent, settled in Kabul and Sind, converged at Shaikh Ghulam Muhammad M'asum or Masum II, who was the grandson of Khwaja Muhammad M‘a*um.

GROWTH AND DEVELOPMENT OF MUJADDIDYAH ORDER

329

minded souls who popularised his order were Saiyid Shah ‘Alam Ullah Hasanl (1033-1096/1624-1685), Shaikh Sultan of Ballia, Hafiz Saiyid ‘Abdullah of Akbarabad and Shaikh Muhammad Sharif of Shlhabad. S a iy id S b ih ‘A la m U lla h and h is fa m ily

Shah ‘Alam Ullah wanted to migrate to Arabia alongwith Saiyid Adam Binnauri but the latter had instructed him to remain in India, saying, “Saiyid, take it easy and go back to your place. You would be like a sun among the stars in the mystics of Oudh.” Khwaja Muhammad Amin BadakhshI, a close disciple and confidant of Saiyid Adam Binnauri has testified about Saiyid Shah ‘Alam Ullah that “ severely simple in his living, he was known for his piety all over India and Arabia...... those who had seen him wondered if the Prophet’s companions were like him” .1 According to the author of the Bahr Zakhkhar, he was “uniquely strenuous in fulfilling the demands of sharvah and despised everything worldly. He set an example of the prophetic way of life as few have done after the companions of the holy Prophet and the saints of God.” When Shah ‘Alam Ullah went for per­ forming the haj, the inhabitants of Mecca and Medina who saw him taxing his energies in following the sharvah in letter and spirit, very often remarked that he was Abu Darr of their times. He was ever mindful of following the example of the holy Prophet to the minutest detail and attained such a stage of sanctity that when he died, Aurangzeb had the vision of holy Prophet’s demise in a dream. Extremely per­ turbed, the Emperor made enquiries about the significance of his dream and soon came to know that Shah ‘Alam Ullah had breathed his last in the very night he bad had the vision.* 1.

NatS'ij-ul-Harmayn.

2. Shaikh Waj!h-ud-din Ashraf, Bahr Zakhkhar; Shah Ghulam Ali, Durr-ul-Ma'arif, p. 46.

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SAVIOtfRS OF ISLAM IC S P IR IT

Shah ‘Alam Ullah and his descendants continued to prac­ tice the devotional rituals of the Ihsaniyah order. His fourth son, Saiyid Muhammad (d. 1156/1743) and later descendants like Saiyid Muhammad ‘Adi alias Shah L‘al (d. 1192/1778), Saiyid Muhammad Sabir (d. 1163/1750), Shah Abu Sa'eed (d. 1192/1778), Saiyid Muhammad Wazeh, Maulana Saiyid Muhammad Zahir HasanI (d. 1278/1861), Khwaja Ahmad b. Yasln Naslrabadl (d. 1289/1872) and Shah Zia-un-NabI (d. 1326/ 1908) were blessed with internal illumination. They guided thousands of persons on the path of moral rectitude and caused them to follow the example of the holy Prophet.1 S h a ik h S u lta n o f B a llia

He was also a distinguished deputy of Saiyid Adam Binnauri. As stated in the Nal&'ij-ul-Harmayn, Shaikh Sultan was endowed with inward and outward perfection. His name is very often mentioned in the mystical tracts alongwith Shah ‘Alam Ullah.2 , H a fiz S a iy id ‘A bdullah A k b a ra b a d l

The third eminent spiritual successor of Saiyid Adam Binnauri who won widespread popularity for his Shaikh’s order was Hafiz Saiyid ‘Abdullah of Akbarabad. He had among his disciples Shah ‘Abdur Rahim Fartiql (d. 1131/1719), father of Shah Wali Ullah, whom he had also invested with the authority to initiate adherents to the Ihsaniyah order.* The 1. For a detailed account of these men of God see Nuzhatul-Khawatir, Vols. VI & VII. 2. He belonged to Lakhminia, district Begu Sir’Si in Bihar which was called Ballia in the past. His descendants are still to be found in that town. No writer has, however, left any detailed account of Shaikh Sultan. 3. The biographical details and virtues of Saiyid ‘Abdullah have been pre­ served by Shah Wallullah in the Anfas-ul-Ariftn, pp. Shah (Batalwi), 319, 320, 322-23, 331 Ghulam Muhammad, Shaikh. 110 Ghulam Mustafa Khan, Dr., 335 Ghulam Sarwar, Mufti, 288 GhulSm Yahya, 251 Ghulam Yahya. Maulana, 319 Ghmiyat'Ut-Talibin 206 Gilan, 27, 28 Gilani. Hakim Abdul Fath, 27, 72 Gilani, Hakim ‘AIi>254 Gilani Manazir Ahsan, 4,157 Goa, 64, 65 Golkunda, 16, 38 Gorakhpur 319 Greece, 72, 180 Gujarat 16, 28, 38, 42, 87, 208, 2J5 277 Gulbadan Begum, 88 Gul Muhammad, Shaikh, 320 Gurghushti, Ahmad b. Muhammad, 255 Gwalior, 20, 21, 23,58, 127, 129, 130 132-35, 208, 255, 261,274

H Habib Ullah 103 Habib Ullah BukhSri, Shaikh, 311

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SAVIOURS O-F ISLAMIC SPIRIT

‘Abdur Rasul, Saiyid, 70 ‘Abdur Razzaq, Shaikh, 23, 235 ‘Abdus Salam Wasti, Maulana Shah, 325 ‘Abdus Samad Husaini, 107 Abraham, the Prophet, 168 Abu Ahmad Mujaddidi, Shah. 326 Abu Bakr b. 'Abdullah, Shaikh, 19 Abu Bakr Idrusi, 234 AbG Darr, 329 Abfi Dawud, 47 Aba Hanifah, Imam, 109, 145, 215 Abu Hayyan, 229 Abul ‘Adi, Khwaja, 316 Abul Fath, 281 Abul Fath b. Ishaq, 103 Abul Fazl ‘Allami, 51, 52, 5,4, 63, 73, 74, 76, 78-82, 84, 87, 96, 99, 112, 156 Abul Khair, Shah, 10 Abul Khair Mujaddidi, Shah, 325 Abu Sa'eed Shah, 321, 323, 330 Abu Sa‘eed, Sultan, 58 Abu Sa‘ud, Mufti, 17, 26 Abu Tahir Kurdi, Shaikh, 297 Abu Turab, Shah, 59 Abu Yusuf, 71 Abu Zura‘a, Hafiz, 229 Adab-i-Alamgiri, 281 Adam Binnauri, Saiyid, 132, 291, • 309, 310, 312, 313, 328-30 Afghanistan, 8, 15, 18, 19, 28, 37, 314, 318-19, 322, 325, 337, Afzal Khan, 133, 276 Agra (Agrah) 55, 58, 77, 112, 12425, 132, 136, 138, 255 Ahmad 103-105 Ahmadabad, 38 Ahmad Daibani, 310 Ahmad, Khwaja, 330

Ahmadnag&r, 16, 30, 38, 41, 50 Ahmad Sa'eed, Shah, 152, 223-26 Ahmad, Saiyid see Saiyid Ahmad Shahid Ahmad, Shaikh, 320 Ahmad Sirhindi, Mufti, 106 Ahmad al-Yashishi, 301 Ahrar, Khwaja ‘Ubaid Ullah, 115 A'idrQsi, Shaikh Muhl-ud-din ‘Abul Qadir, 19 A'in Akbari, 79, 99, 100 A‘intab, 322 Ajmer, 31, 47, 55, 56, 139, 253 Ajodhan, 55 \ Akbar, Emperor, 9, 14-16, 22, 23, 27, 31, 35, 42, 50-73, 75-81, 83-90, 96, 99-101, 126, 130, 153, 155, 156, 158, 252-56, 260, 261, 263, 264, 269, 276-280, 286, 291 AkbarabSd (also see Agra) 23, 112, 253, 329-30 Akbar Namah 79, 100 Akhund Darwizah 35 ‘Ala b. Hasan, Shaikh, 39 Aisdad b. Salih, 107 •Ala’i, Shaikh see ‘Ala b. Hasan ‘Alam Ullah Husaini, Saiyid Shlh, 329-30 ‘Ala-ud-din al-B5ji, 25 Aleppo, 322 Alexandria, 19,180 ‘Ali Ashiqan Shaikh see *Alib. Qawwam Ali, Caliph, 18, 209 •Ali Muttaqi, Shaikh, 26,208, 326 ‘Ali Qarl, Mulla, 26, 229 ■Ali b. Qawwam, Shaikh, 20,22,109 •Ali Sher, 106 AllSdad, Shaikh, 109, 118 Allahabad, 126,130, 235, 326 Allah Bakhsh, 22

349

IND EX

Alusi, Shihab-ud-din, 308 Amadiyah, 322 AmSn Ullah, 107 / Am5n Ullah Khan, Amir, 327 Aman Ullah LShori, MaulSna, 310 Ambala, 24,319 Ambar, 57. 83 Amethi, 24 Amir Abdullah, 115 Amkanki, Shaikh Muhammad, 115,119 {Amli, Mir Sharif, 31,32,72 Amritsar, 338 Amroha, 319 , Anfas-ul-Arifin, 297, 300 An-Nur-us-Safir, 234 Anthony Monserratc, 81 Arabia, 8‘, 124, 300, 318, 321, 325, 329 Arbil, 322 Al-Arfal-Nadi I'Nusrat al-Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi, 300 Aristotle, 177 Arnold, T. W. 134 Asaf Khan Bakhshi, 80 Asafb. Abdullah, 104 Askandar, Shaikh, 312 Asphahan, 125 AsrSr-i-Tashahhud, 110 AstarSbad, 28 Athar-us-Sanadid, 319 fAtiydt-ul- Wahhab ul-Faisalah bayna al-Khati'wa al-Sawab, 300. 307 ^Attar, Farid-ud-din, 47 Attock, 32 Aurangabad; 301, 303,304,306 Aurangzeb, Emperor, 153, 155 278, 280-90 256, 304-7, 314-15, 329 Austria 13 ^Awarif-ul- Ma’artf, 24,109,149,207

Al-Aylim f t Akhbar Bait Allah alHaram, 26 Azad, Muhammad Husain, 75,99 fAzimabad see Patna fAzim-ud-din Koka, Mirza, 254 fAzim-ud-din Mirza. 42,131 *Aziz-ur-Rahman, Mufti, 326 Uzodi, 112,311

B BSbur, 14-16, 34, 58, 61, 62,107,258 260 Badakhshan, 15,19,28, 112,114, 118.124-26,244 BadSuni, Mulla ‘Abdul QSdir, 9, 2223, 50, 51, 53, 54, 57, 58, 64-66, 68-70, 72,77, 78, 80-82, 84, 88,96, 99 Badi-ud-din, Shaikh, 125, 128, 135, 214, 310 Badr-ud-din Sirhindi, Shaikh, 107, 151. 310 Baghdad, 14, 47, 319-22 Bahadur Shah, 61 Baha-ud-din b. Ibrahim Ansari QSdiri, 21 Baha-ud-din Naqshbandi, Khwaja, 115 Bahlol, Qazi, 112 Bahraich, 318-20 Bahr al-Haydt, 22 Bahr Zakhkhar, 329 BairamKhan, 31,61 Bakhtiyar Kaki, Khwaja Qutb-uddin, 47 Balkh, 50,115 Ballia, 328,330 Baluchistan, 32, 33 Bandagi Mian see Nizam-ud-din Shaikh BSqi Billah, Khwaja Muhammad, 2,74, 113-23, 125, 130,239, 243, 261,263, 293,302, 336

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SAVIOURS 0 7 ISLAMIC! SPIRIT

Stanley Lane-Poole—Aurangzeb and the Decay o f Mughal Empire, Oxford, 1908 ‘Uoaid Ullah, Khwaja Kalan—Muballigh-ur-Rijal, Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University Collection No. 191 ‘UjaimI, Shaikh Husain—As-Ssrim al-Hindi fi-Jaw