THE ENGLISH PLACE OF WORSHIP

THE ENGLIS H PLA C E OF WORSHIP: A P H E N O M E NOLOG ICAL STUDY

Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philoso phy by Mr. J, Marvell

1984

UMI Number: U347127

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Hr»esis 3 I3 8 S

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank Dr. P. McKenz ie and Dr. S. Reno for their guidance, Mrs.

B. Lane,

Senior Library As sistant at the

Colche ster Institute for her constant help and my wife Pat for her unfailing encouragement and loyal support as I prepared this thesis.

CONTENTS

Page

Introduction Chapter

Chapter

1

2

Chapter 3

Chapter 4

Chapter 5

Chapter 6

Forms of Sacred Space: The Earlier Period

33

Forms of Sacred Space: The Later Period

91

Symbol and Image: Forms of Sacred Object

143

Community and Individual: Social and Personal Sacred

201

Cultus: Sacred Action and Word

268

Time : Sacred and Secular

339 357

Summary and Conclusions Append ices

(a)

Who were the English?

(b)

What influence did Celtic Christianity have on E nglish Religion and Culture?

(c)

(i) (ii)

375

Anglican Church Consecra tion Services

Bibliograph y

371

1960-1980

380

Books

381

Articles and Theses

411

INTRODUCTION

In the nineteen sixties it became apparent that secularisation wit hin society was making an a p proac h to religious education in schools, based on Christian nurture,

a progressively more difficult task.

result ne w approaches were sought.

As a

Many of the ideas put forward were

e n cap sulat ed in the Schools Council Working Paper No.

36.^

This

adv ocated a phenomenological a p pro ach to the study of religion in schools.

Subsequently,

the teaching material produced by the project

has been used widely in schools in this country.

However,

little

phe nomenological study of English religion has been undertaken.

It

seemed that such a study was required and that a key area of r esearch was the public place of worship.

The importance of the latter was suggested by an earlier research.

2

In this study a substantial proportion of a multi-racial

group of young people living in this country reported that they would exp erience a sense of awe,

or some similar numinous experience,

their public place of worship.

in

The study also revealed an increasing

degree of secularisat ion within several ethnic groups.

A starting

point for religious education seemed to be offered by the fact that at least some insight into religious experience could be gained by beginning with the public place of worship.

If young people could

sense from this what it was that led to p e o p l e s ’ religious co nvictions and com mitments they might also think that a wider study of religion was a worthwhile pursuit. inner core of religion,

1.

it would lead them to the

revelation of the sacred.

Schools Council, Worki ng Paper No. Secondar y S c h o o l s .

2.

In any case,

Evans/Methuen.

36.

Religious Educa tion in

I97I.

Marvell, J. "Religious Beliefs and Moral Values of Immigrant Children". M.Ed. Thesis. Leicester University. 1973. p . 136 ff.

A full understanding of m a n ’s experience of divine revelation would require a much wider study,

but from the educational point of

view the public place of worship is always accessible. of evidence is also important to the researcher. worship,

which exist in every locality,

The availability

Public places of

provide an abundan ce of

evidence much of which remains long after its use as part of the living faith.

This latter point is of some m et hodolo gical importance.

P h e n om enolog ists have been crit icised both for their lack of first hand knowledge and for abst racting m aterial from its historical and cultural setting.

Eng lish places of worship presented themselves as

both available for personal study and also as being within a unified cultural and historical context.

This study could therefore look at

a specific cultural and historic whole using the broad universal cat egories provided by the ph enomenological analysis of religion.

The phrase,

public place of worship,

in this study means any

site or building whi c h is available to members of society, for worship.

generally,

This excludes private places of worship such as shrines

within houses available only to members of the family.

It does not

restrict the term to places where there is congregationa l gathering. It can also include places where people go as individuals and where parts of the site or buildings are restricted to certain categories of persons,

such as priests.

The use of the word English, should perhaps also be explained.^

1.

in the context of this study Of necessity the lines of

See A p p endix 1 for discussion of who the original En g l i s h were.

demarcation which have been drawn are somewhat arbitrary.

The origins

of the English people have been taken as the Con tinental Anglo- Saxon peoples who migrated to this country towards the end of, and subsequent to, Roman government of this country.

T h ese were the people whose

language became the E nglish of modern times and gave us the word England. The view has been taken that culture and language are closely linked and therefore that the persistence of language is a good indicator of cultural continuity.

The influence of Celtic,

Viking and Latin ways

of life on the homogeneity of the English culture are discussed at ap pr opriat e points in this study.

It is assumed,

has been some continuity of English culture, of whic h the language is a witness, day.

Nevertheless,

however,

that there

religion and experience,

that has co ntinued to the present

it is accepted that influxes of other peoples,

ideas and cultures have had their influence on the English experience and under standi ng of life and religion.

The prime reason for choosing p h enomen ology as the discipline w h ere by the English public place of wo r s h i p would be studied has already been given.

There are,

however,

numerous disciplines a vailable whereby

r e lig ion in all its m a nifes tation s may be studied. traditi onally "Queen of the Sciences", w orks within presuppositions of truth.

Theology,

is the most obvious.

T h eol ogy

It always commences with the

a c cep tance of certain truths on an ^ priori basis and proceeds from those premises. beliefs,

Thi s leads to the exclus ion of certain religious

act ivities and attitudes as inadmiss able evidence or their

re l e g a t i o n to a second class status.

T h e o l o g y can only proceed within

the commun ity of faith which accepts a priori claims.

Its'

ontological

a s s u m pt ions and method of working means that it cannot function as a path of knowledge to an outsider.

It has been suggested that with

increas ing plurality and secularisation young people have little to do wi t h their traditional faith communities.

Clearly a theological

study of places of worship would not be of any great ad vantage to the educa tional world.

Dis ciplines such as sociology,

psychology,

anthropology,

and

similar behavioural sciences occupy the opposite epi stemological position.

These disciplines,

while making valuable contrib utions to

the study of religion in terms of their own m ethods of understanding, are limited in their usefulness for increasing our insights into the inner dimensions of religious experience.

They,

of necessity,

explain

rel igion in terms of function rather than originating experience. Wh il e a c cept ing that the study of religion by the behavioural sciences is a valid exercise,

their presuppositions exclude any e xam inatio n of

rel igion in terms of claims to find its origins beyond the world of senses.

The se disciplines are not in the position to say anything

dir ectly concerning

the experience of divine revelation.

The general problems of the objective,

n o n-norm ative study of

religio n have been subject to considerable debate in recent years,^

2 as has been the object of that study.

A full discussion and validation

of phenome nology as an a dequate discipline for the study of r eligion is beyond the scope of the present work.

1.

2.

However,

some indication of how

e.g. Pummer, R. "Relig ionwis sensc haft or R e l i g i o l o g y " . N u m e n , No. 19. pts, 2-3. 1972. pp. 90-124. e.g.

Earnhardt,

Mouton,

J. E.

The Hague.

The Study of Re ligion and its M e a n i n g ,

1977,

chapter

1.

the d iscipline has been used and understood in the present study is now given.

Sharpe

1

2 , Bleeker

, and Hultkrantz

3

, all trace the beginnings of

practical phenomenology of r eligion to the pioneer work of Chantepie 4 de la Saussaye.

Tog ether with Penner

, they identify the philosophy

inf orming this method as derived from the work of Husserl and his followers,

particularly Heidegger,

H u s s e r l ’s major published works,

Sartre and Merleau-Ponty.

Penner says,

Surveying

"The central problem

H u sse rl att empted to solve was epist emological or cognitio nal."^ Husserl,

he suggests,

was concerned with the re lation between the

subjec tivity of c ognition and the objectivity of the content of cognition,

The purpose of a phenomenological appr oach is to transcend forms of hu man kn owledge and find the pure essence by means of a presuppositionless insight into the original consciousness. stances must be adopted:

To achieve this,

two

those of reduction and i n t e n t i o n a l i t y .

Koc k e l m a n s ^ has written about int entionality in a way wh ich shows its

1.

Sharpe, E. "Phenomenol ogy of Religion". Vol. 15. No. 1. Autumn 1975. pp. 4-9.

2.

Bleeker, 1959.

C. J.

Le arning for L i v i n g .

"The P henome nologi cal Method".

Numen.

Vol.

5.

pp. 96-111.

3.

Hultkrantz, A. "The P heno menolo gy of Religion: T e m e n o s . Vol. 6. 1970. pp. 60-88.

4.

Penner, H. H. "Is P h e n omeno logy a M eth o d for the Study of Religion?". B u cknell R e v i e w . Vol. 18. No. 3. Winter. 1970. pp. 29-54.

5.

Ibid.

6.

Kockelmans, p . 34.

Aims and Methods".

p.32. J.

J.

Phenomenology.

N. York.

Doubleday.

1967.

relevanc e to the present study.

He says:-

"Intentionality has nothing to do with relationships between

’real o b j e c t s ’, but is essentially an act which

gives meaning...

In H u s s e r l ’s Philosoph y the object

appears essentially determined by the structure of the thinking i t s e l f . ’’ A phenom enolo gical study, own,

therefore,

requires a suspension of o n e ’s

and other p e o p l e ’s presuppositions,

in an attempt to discover the

original conscious ness of the object in the s u b j e c t ’s understanding, exp eri e n c e and knowing of the object. impossi ble counsel of perfection.

Phenomeno logy is a lmost an

First,

it is almost beyond human

ab i l i t y to suspend o n e ’s normal judgements and presuppo sition s totally. Ev e n if one attempts to do this completely at the conscious level it is not possible to do it, for certain, Secondly,

at the s ub-conscious level.

it is.extremely difficult to know that one has penetrated

su c c e s sfully into the thought world of another person,

even if he is

present to correct what one says.

even in a given

A word or a phrase,

context, may m ean different things to separate people.

If, however,

are to avoid a position of nescience the effort must be made.

we

If it is

made,

we can be sure that our insights will be greater than if it had

not.

If one has shed some of o n e ’s presuppositions and carefully

c o nsi dered the epiphen omena of the other p e r s o n ’s knowing experience it is likely that one will be nearer to gaining true insight than by any other means.

If we are able to share the k nowing experience with

the person and then discuss his experience with him,

so much the better,

Wha t the phenomenolo gical study of religion has meant in applied

terms can be seen in the work of such scholars as Kristensen, Leeuw,

and Eliade among others.'

Van der

Their works demonstrate the search

for u niversals and the essence of religion behind the epiphenomena. Alt h o u g h the authors mentioned do not present identical analyses, they do present a broadly common pattern. wi t h similar phenomenological studies,

These studies,

in common

have considered the morphology

of the sacred or divine world and examine man and the sacred realm in reciprocation. sacred places,

A number of topics occur in each of the writings, sacred times,

sacred persons,

Alt h o u g h the many examples quoted, vary in detail,

sacred words among others.

illustrating each of these topics,

they do point the way to some universal elements of

the experience of divine revelation.

W a a r d e n b u r g ,^ has criticised certain aspects of these earlier phenome nologi cal studies of religion.

He is suspicious of the

"intuitive method" and of what he suggests has been a "hidden theology" Of interest to the present study is his suggestion that intentionality, 2 not universals,

should be the concern.

He says,

"The meanin g of the

given data for given people should be the focus of interest in the first place".

W a a r d enb urg gives examples of how inv estigations could

3 be done.

In his article,

"Confrontations between Religions",

suggests that the confron tation of different confessions,

he

religions 4

and idealogies can be seen as a crossing of intentions.

Mou t o n

The Hague.

2.

Ibid.

p. 94.

3.

Ibid.

p . 140.

4.

Ibid.

p . 131.

1978.

He writes.

"Such a situation is the more appropriate as a point of departure,

since the participants themselves through

the crossing of intention,

arrive at a new consciousness

of understanding."

Such a study has much to commend it when,

like Waardenburg,

one

is studying contemporary religion and can verify one's conclusions with the participants.

The present study is concerned wi th a broad

sp ec trum of evidence from the distant past to the present. pattern of phenomenological categories, place of worship,

have,

therefore,

The earlier

as they apply to the public

been used.

The evidence for each

of the categories among the surviving phenomena of Engl ish religion across the centuries has been investigated.

Altho ugh we cannot be

certain that we can penetrate the inner understanding of the English in the past, any change in the epiphenomena at periods of conf rontation wit h new religious ideas have been noted.

The central que stion for this study has been to enquire into the ways in which the universal forms of sacred phenomena have been m ani fested at the E n glish public place of worship.

The purpose of

this enquiry has been to gain insights through this investigation into the E nglish religious experience and understanding whi ch cannot oth erwis e be obtained.

As a corollary to this,

the study has sought

to provide both methods and materials which will be of use within education.

We turn now to a review of the work of some pheno menologists

in terms of what they have said about the place of w orship and its a sso ciated phenomena and activities.

P h e n o m e n o l o g i s t s ’ prime concern

has been the sacrality of the place of wor ship and its r ecognition and def initi on as sacred space. to this.

Structures and activities are secondary

The earliest phenomenologist to writ e on sacred space was

C han tepie de la Saussaye^.

His o pening statement,

sacred places reads, as follows,

in his section on

2

"The sanctity of certain places consists in the fact that the gods dwell there,

or are w orshi pped there;

but these ideas do not exclude one another,

since

temples are at the same times dwellings of the gods and places of worship." De la Saussaye points out that extremes can exist within one tradition, "Moreover the difference between the house of God and the house of the community is often carried to the very opposite,

as the Temple at J e r u s a l e m by the

side of the Jewi s h synagogues." He indicates another important factor concern ing sacred space, symbolism.

namely

Sym bolis m we may define as the a rt iculat ion by man in

obj ect or action of his understan ding of the nature of the divine. Symbols,

either natural object, man made article or symbolic action

are more than visual or verbal depiction.

Th e y contain within them

som ething of the divine reality and therefore the power to which they bear witness,

1.

at least in the experience of the worshipper.

De la Saussaye, Colyer-Ferguson,

2.

Ibid.

p . 161.

3.

Ibid.

p . 166.

C.

Manual of the Science of R e l i g i o n ,

B. S.).

Longmans,

Gre e n & Co.

1891.

(trans

De la Saussaye suggests that orientation,

structure and ornament are

important factors in the symbolism of the sacred space. aspects of the place of worship are most important.

The visual

They tend to

survive the passage of time better than any other evidence,

and give

clues to the understanding of those who have worship ped there in the past.

De la Saussaye,

quoting Renan,

makes another obser vation

pertinent to the present study,^ "Mankind likes to preserve the same sacred places of worship, and when an old religion gives way to a new one,

the latter receives the inheritance of its

predecessors, more especially the once sanctified places of worship." The phenomenon will be analysed further when an exa mination is made of how existing places of worship were adapted to n e w understandings.

2 Kristens en

takes the view that,

sacred and therefore

’u n t o u c h a b l e ’

places, are G o d ’s dwelling place, "But what is it then,

that makes a place

’h o l y ’ ’s a c r e d ’?

It is certainly not the fact that a sacred act is performed there,

such as the utterance of prayer,

swearing of an oath, purification.

the

or the performance of ritual

It is rather that this place is the

place where God dwells and where he reveals Himself."

1. 2.

Ibid.

p . 167.

Kristensen, W. B.

The M e an ing of R e l i g i o n .

Mar t i n u s Nijhoff,

1971.

p . 357.

10

Th e Hague,

He^ then examines the variety of divine dwelling places.

He suggests

that space which indicates the presence of the deity to the believer usually has inherent numinous qualities.

He also suggests that God

is experienced as present as a result of con secration as well as through theophany, "In Greece and Italy the cities were sacred because they have been founded with special ceremonial rites

2 appropriate to the occasion." The city was constructed to conform to what was conceived of as a cosmic prototype, Temples,

and, similarly,

its cycles of life to the cosmic cycle.

which have often been built at sites made sacred by theophany,

are also the dwelling place of God.

He argues,

"This is because the temple was conceived as an image of the a ctual dwelling place of God,

the

3 place which is sacred by nature."

Kriste nsen also emphasises the frequent occurrence of the idea of a t e m e n o s , a boundary mark ing the limit of the sacred space.

He

examines this phenomenon both in connecti on with the natural sacred spaces and man-made ones,

such as temples and cities.

M a n must be

aware that he is ent ering the divine dwelling space because of its inherent dangers to him.

1.

Ibid.

pp. 357-376.

2.

Ibid.

pp. 362-363.

3.

Ibid.

p.368.

See also

p.369.

11

Another phenomenologist who has written about the sacrality of the place of worship is Van der Leeuw^. where power reveals itself.

Sacred space is a locality

He says,

"Sacred space may be defined as that locality that becomes a position by the effects of power repeating

2 themselves there." He,

too, emphasises their persistence, "The consciousness of the sacred character of the locality that has once been chosen is,

therefore,

3 always retained." He sees the theophany as the only mode of the site becoming sacred and seems to exclude consecration or building by ritual duplication, "Not house,

and temple alone,

settlement in general, a

however,

the village,

but the

the town,

is

' s e lected ’ sacred position; man forms his

settlement and thus converts the discovered possibility into new powerfulness."^ Later he says, "In the holy place,

still further,

power exists;

there its effect becomes perceptible.

What once

occurred is repeated at the sacred spot; at the altar,

1.

for example, C h r i s t ’s death is reiterated.

Van der Leeuw, G. Gloucs.

2.

Ibid.

3.

Ibid.

Ibid.

0. Smith.

1967.

p.393. p . 393.

Quoting A. E. Van Giffen.

Volksalm anak 50. 4.

Religion in Essence and M a n i f e s t a t i o n .

Massachusetts.

1932.

p.62 ff.

p.399.

12

Drentsche

In the Egyptian temple,

similarly,

the foundation

of the world was renewed at a place erected for that purpose."^ It is this presence of power in sacred space. Van der L e euw argues, that accounts for the phenomenon of pilgrimage, "The place of pilgrimage,

the seat of grace,

is

2 thus a home of the second power."

Wh e n this power declines he concludes, "Merely places to stay and talk...

temples become,

the extreme stage

of this development is constituted by the buildings 3 devoted to preaching by some Protestant communities." Van der L e e u w appears at this point to overlook the fact that the sacred word can be experienced as a centre of the revelation of divine power. The view is argued, tradition,

later in this study,

that in the Prot estant

divine power and presence are experienced both through the

sacred community and through the sacred word.

Both of these things

are closely linked wi th the public place of worship.

The view is

therefore taken that public places of worship do not become mere 'talking places'

once the divine power is no longer experienced,

ass ociated with physical place and object, locations of divine presence.

1.

Van der Leeuw, G.

2.

Ibid.

p.402.

3.

Ibid.

p.398.

Op c i t .

p . 401.

13

but can in fact remain

as

Eliade, another phenomenologist who has written on sacred space, shows that he is in agreement with his fellow phenomenologists in understanding its significance as the location where sacred power is present.

He writes^,

"Every krat ophany or hierophany whatsoever transforms the place where it occurs:

hitherto profane,

it is

thence-forward a sacred area." Eliade asserts that sacred space is psychologically necessary for men. He believes that men, at least those who have had an experience of a sacred dimension in their lives,

fear the constant threat of chaos and

wish to live in an ultimately real world,

a cosmos.

2

3 Eliade is also much concerned with m a n ’s fear of non-being. Whereas,

Kristensen and Van der Leeuw are concerned to show that m a n ’s

experience of divine power is linked to the function of boundaries as 4 warnings to people that they are entering the divine presence,

Eliade

interprets boundaries negatively as walls against the ever present threat of chaos to engulf and annihilate.

Eliade divides the experience

of revelation of sacred space into three distinct categories.

He argues

that its location is experienced as the mee ting point of man and God, the centre of the cosmos,

the dwelling place of God, ^ and that any

structure there is a copy of the heavenly realm.

1.

Eliade, M. Patterns of Comparative R e l i g i o n . Sheed 1958. p.367.

2.

Eliade, M. The Sacred and the P r o f a n e . Brace & Worl d Inc. 1959. pp. 10-11.

3.

Ibid.

chapter

4.

Ibid.

pp. 47-49.

5.

Eliade,

M.

1.

1958.

Op c i t .

pp. 380-385.

14

& Ward.

N.York. Harcourt,

Turner,^ a phenomenologist whose w o r k seems to incorporate E l i a d e ’s ideas to a considerable extent,

agr ees with his analysis

of the sacred space and adds a further dimension, transcendent presence.

that of immanent-

Turner argues that the nature of the place of

worship as sacred space depends on w h ether the deity is understoo d to be immanent in the physical world or t r a n sce nding it.

Sacred space

is where the deity is understood to be i m m anentl y present either within the physical environs of the space generally, in one or more images or symbolic objects.

or specifi cally

Turner argues that the

temple at J e r usalem is the most complete exam ple of sacred space. He also says that when the deity is exp e r i e n c e d as being transcendent the public place of worship is a me e t i n g place for the w o r s h ippin g community and has no dimensions of sacrality.

Having reviewed what some phen om e n o l o g i s t s have written concerning the public place of worship in terms of sacred space, we can now examine what they have writt en concerning the symbols and images which are associated with public worship.

Wit h i n and around places of wor ship are found symbols and images.

2 Kristensen

asks what the image meant in wo r s h i p in past times.

He

suggests that it was something very d i f feren t from our m o dern idea of image.

The image,

he suggests,

possesses the properties of the

original and therefore replaces it. not identical,

he argues,

Th e original and the image are

but n e verth eless share a common identity.

1.

Turner, H. Fr o m Temple to M e e tin g H o u s e . Mouton. 1980.

2.

Kristensen, W. B.

Op c i t .

p . 389 ff.

15

The Hague

Thi s identity is a spiritual one. divine present here and now. the evidence from symbols.

The image makes the eternal and

Kristensen^ argues similarly concerning The symbol indicates the essence of a

reality and operates as an image.

He appears to suggest that images

and symbols share with the sacred space and its edifices the property of revelation.

He argues that image and symbol,

are gateways to the divine.

Van der Leeuw,

like the sacred space,

They have inherent numinous qualities.

like Kristensen,

asserts that,for the worshipper,

2 images and symbols share a community of essence.

He says,

"The essential factor in the image then is power; hence the importance of the dedication of images since this first endows them with potency." He proceeds to make the further point, miracu lous origin or characteristics, dedication is not required.

however,

that if the image through

has already revealed its power,

The symbol or image as sacred object is a

source of revelation.

3 Eliade

says that symbols gather together and represent many

related facets of the sacred (or h ierophanies as he calls them). he argues the pearl, as a symbol, associated with water,

the moon,

Thus

gathers together hieropha nies feminity and fertility.

Thus the

wearing of pearls brings a person very firmly into the sacred world. This one symbol provides many gates into that world.

1.

Ibid.

p.400 ff.

2.

Van der Leeuw,

3.

Eliade, M.

G.

Op c i t .

p .450.

1958.

Op c i t .

p . 188 ff.

16

Turner,^ asserts that the image or symbol is worshipped because the indwelling spirit of the divine is present within it.

Further,

he

suggests that this indwelling presence is not confused with or identified with the physical symbol or likeness through whic h the power and presence of the divinity are brought home to men.

He says that men are well aware

that the images are made by local craftsmen.

They have no significance

until they have been ritually consecrated and installed. way is the divinity present.

Only in this

Turner arg ues that the divinity is not

confined to revealing itself through one image,

it is equally present in

all.

Not only,

then,

is the public place of worship sacred through its

revelation or consecratio n as

sacred space,

and symbols withi n it.

the l ocation where the

It is

but also through

the images

sacred community

gathers to worship and the images and symbols provide the focus for that worship.

The public place of w orship is the gathering place of

the sacred community. with the sacred realm. cult,

It is the focus of the c o m m u n i t y ’s relationsh ip Just as the home is the centre of the f a m i l y ’s

so the place of wo rship is the cultus centre of the sacred

2 community.

As Cha ntepie de la Saussaye says,

’’A religious community is founded on a c u l t . ’’ Cha ntepie de la Saussaye points out that sacred communities are not founded on common beliefs and doctrines,

in the first instance,

necessarily on shared tribal or national origins.

nor

It is the sharing of

cultus which marks one as a member of the community.

1.

Turner, H.

L iving Tribal

2.

Chan tepie de la Saussaye,

Religions. P. D.

Ward Lock.

Op c i t .

17

p . 187

1971.

p . 21.

Kristensen^

says that the social comm unity is also a sacred

co mm unity and that it is the concept of covenant which makes this com munit y sacred and its order unbreakable and absolute. order there can be division. of priests,

He quotes the Avesta with its divisions

warriors and farmers each with its own "fire",

cap acity and energy.

W i thin this

a spiritual

The distinctive a ctivity of each class is the

res ult of this indw elling power or activity.

Thus the society and

its structure is of divine not human origin.

Accordingly,

the laws

and ethical codes whic h govern men are of divine origin.

The course of the i n d i v i d u a l ’s life is lived out w i thin the framewor k of the sacred society.

However,

it is not a matter of the

ind ividual growing slowly into it and thereby entering the sacred realm.

Entrance into the sacred com munity and its sacred realm is

th rough the sudden t ransition of the rites of passage,

each is a

2 passage into a new life.

Van der L e e u w takes a similar v i e w of the moments of transition in the individual's life.

Each transition he suggests is a passage 3

from death into life or the opposite.

He says,

"The sacred life indeed knows neither beginning nor end but strives after co ntinuity by means of power. Birth is therefore rebirth:

birth and death pertain

to each other and rites at birth are often exactly similar to the customs observed at death."

1.

Kristensen, W. B.

2.

Ibid.

3.

Van

Op c i t .

p.342.

Op c i t .

p . 194.

p.304 ff.

der Leeuw, G.

18

He continues,^ "Man, however,

cannot rest content with mere life:

he must seek sacred life,

replete with Power,

Rites

guarantee him p o w e r ...

Van der Le e u w argues that the community is given and is not a matter of contract or covenant.

He suggests that one has consciously

2 to enter a covenant.

He di stinguishes between various sacred

communities to be found within the large given community, societies, mystery communities,

and m o na stic communities.

these are founded on covenant and i ndividual entry, from the "world" in order to seek power.

secret Each of

each separates

Van der L e e u w sees the key

factor of the sacred community as the presence of sacred power within it.

He argues that as the community has moved from tribe to city to

nation there has been a move from power as the community has become more and more secularised.

He points out, as K ri stense n does,

social order can be linked to potency, their religious value.

that

that classes and castes have

H aving c o nside red the sacred community.

Van

der Le e u w also shows that power resides in special ways with in individuals in that community.

He lists and discusses the king,

m edicine man

preacher and the co nsecrated person.

(Shaman),

priest,

Eliade has not given attention to the sacred com munity as such 3 a l tho ugh he has w r i t t e n on the Shaman

as an individual who makes the

sacred world avai lable to the co mmunity and to the individual.

1.

Ibid.

p . 195.

2.

Ibid.

p . 252.

3.

Eliade, M.

1954.

Op cit.

19

T urner

also leaves the community aside and deals only with various forms of sacred person but this is understandable in terms of the limitation of his study to tribal religion,

except that one would have expected

some reference to secret societies.

Joa chim Wach^ worked as a phenomenologist in Germany prior to e migrating to the Unite d States in the nineteen thirties where he taught at the University of Chicago.

It was while there that he

2 published his book, Sociology of R e l i g i o n .

This book is written

from the perspective of the impact of religion on society,

in other

words its prime c oncern is with the religious experie nce of men, not with the importance of social structures as such to men.

His acceptance 3

of the definition of religion as "The experience of the Holy" indicates that W ach seeks to present religion as an objective experience within the life of man which finds outward e x press ion in social structures.

A lthough not intentionally phenomenological, W a c h ’s

wor k is influenced and informed by his previous p henomenological studies.

Inasmuch as his writing reflects upon social structure

which has resulted from man's experience of the sacred it can be called phenomenological.

4 Wa c h belief,

argues that experience of the sacred is articulated through

which is encapsulated in myth,

of which is worship.

doctrine,

and cultus,

the centre

Thus linking sacred community and its place of

1.

Wach, J. R e l i g i o n s w i s s e n s c h a f t : Pr olegomena zu ihrer w i s s e n s chafts theore tisch en G r u n d l e g u n g . Leipzig. J. C. Hinrichs,

2.

Wach, J. 1944.

Sociology

of

R e l i g i o n . Universi ty of Chicago Press.

3.Ibid. p.13. 4.Ibid. chap. 2. 20

worship. proximity,

He looks first at natural groups, racial and national- groups.

such as family,

kinship,

These by a common relation to

the sacred through belief and cultus become coherent wholes.^ on to suggest that society,

as it becomes more complex,

He goes

no longer

e ffectively a rticulates in relation to the sacred realm in a manner who lly sa tisfactory to individuals and groups.

R eligious groups'

fou ndation and continuation then depend on a diff erenti ation of religious experience.

Wa c h suggests that secret societies,

societies and founded religions are such groups.

mystery

While asserting that

all relig ion is essen tially collective and that the great founders of world religion did so within an existing religious community,

he

2 interesting ly calls them

'divine men'.

Thus emp hasising the sacred

wi thin them rather than the human.

3 Wa c h suggests founder.

that a band of disciples gathers around the

These become the nucleus of the brotherhood which perpetuate

the faith of the founder after his death.

In time,

from this group

4 comes what Wach

describes as an ecclesiastical body.

corpus of the central religious experience, in the new community's cultus, doctrine and belief.

Here the

previously encapsulated

is systematised into a body of

These ecc lesiastical bodies may vary greatly

in form depending on whether their organ isatio n tends towards an hierarchic al or eg alitarian ideal. turn,

This eccl esiastical body,

in

will be the focus of protest which centres on the understanding

of the foundation religious experience and its interpretation.

1.

Ibid.

p.54 ff.

2.

Ibid.

p . 132.

3.

Ibid.

p.130.

4.

Ibid.

p . 141 ff

21

Wach^ says that internal protest takes the forms of "ecclesiola in ecclesia" such as pietistic groups,

fraternities and monasticism.

He says that external protest takes the form of the sect as a suc cessionist group. community,

In turn,

this group by

’conquering'

the total

itself becomes an ecclesiastical body.

Lo ok ing at leadership within the religious group Wach, again,

links it to religious experience.

plenitude in the founder. diviner,

the saint,

from this.

They,

This he finds in its greatest

Others such as the reformer,

the priest,

the

in various ways,

sacred which is new,

2

once

the prophet,

the

'r e l i g i o u s u s ', all in some way decline only reflect that e xperience of the

fresh and vital within the founder.

The sacred community does manifest the sacred.

Ther e are various

types of sacred community and w ithin them are a variety of sacred persons who have differing roles in revealing the sacred.

Nevertheless,

the sacred community is as important to the individual in entering the divine sphere as are all the other manif estat ions of the sacred found at the public place of worship.

The community seeks to encounter the sacred at the public place of worship.

This

sacred acts which

it does through

its cultus. This consists

bring the community

and

of the

the sacred into relation with 3

each other.

Concern ing sacred actions Chan tepie de la Saussaye says,

"The object of cult is to main tain the relationship

1.

Ibid.

p . 173 ff.

2.

Ibid.

p.331.

3.

Chant epie de la Saussaye,

P. D.

Op c i t .

22

p . 142.

1

between man and God,

to reinstate it wh en it has

become clouded." He says that the two key elements in this activity are sacrifice and prayer.

He asserts that these two elements are inseparable.

occasion for one is always the occasion for the other. events in personal and social life require, by, sacrifice. Things,

The

Further,

all

and are occasions marked

Conne cted to these central activi ties are other actions.

and people,

connected with worship have to be purified.

The

posture of the body is often symbolic and connected to the type of prayer.

Other acts such as music and dancing often acc ompany acts of

worship.

Kristensen's^ analysis of cultic activities seems to suggest that they are all concerned with making the sacred realm present. oath,

curse and ordeal to the sacred world.

He relates

The oath makes the reality

of the contract as pertaining to the heavenly world and the ordeal as an act of divine justice actualised by the outward,

observ able rites.

2 Similarly,

concer ning ritual purification K risten sen

says,

"The character of ritual purification is always the same:

it is impartation of divine life."

A similar i n terpre tatio n is given to the phenomena of sacrifice.

u 3 He says, "The primary religious meanings of these offerings is unambiguous.

1.

Kristensen, W.

2.

Ibid.

p.452.

3.

Ibid.

p.463.

They are the perceptible bearers

B. Op c i t .

p.417

23

ff.

of divine life.

The o ffering is a confession of

faith, a participation and co-oper ation in divine life." Sacraments,

too, he says are acts whereb y the believer is taken up

into fellowship with God.^

Van der Leeuw, sacrifice.

sees man coming into communion with power in

M an offers his life,

but this he has from God and the

power which is at the centre of the sacrifice is shared in com munion wit h me n and God. and Kristensen,

In fact Van der Leeuw,

like Chan tepie de la Saussaye

sees m e n ’s action of r eciprocation to divine re velation

as the means whereby the divine can become present once again in m a n ’s life.

Like Kristens en he deals wi t h purification,

prayer,

sacraments

as well as sacrifice.

In examining the various forms of prayer he finds, key to power. similarly,

Prayer unlocks and m akes power available.

once again, Sacraments,

bring power into man's life through things wh ich are every

2 day and simple but transformed.

Simi larly wit h purification,

a new

beg inning is made and fresh potency drawn in.

Sum ming up his exa minati on of the many forms of experience of 3 the

revelation of divine power. "The

Van der

sacred then, must possess

'l o c a l i z a b l e ' spatially,

aform:

temporally,

audibly."

1.

Ibid.

2.

Van der Leeuw,

p.456.

3.

Ibid.

G.

Op c i t .

Lee u w says,

p.365.

p .362.

24

it

must be

visibly or

a

For Van der Leeuw the actions which men perform at the place of worship are concerned with being able to participate in the divine power.

Even

the sacred community is the means of communion with divine power, "The foreigner is one who is a stranger to the sacred."^

The only form of cultic action wh i c h Eliade has w r i t t e n about is initiation.

2

He outlines,

in his writings,

ho w men have sought to

traverse from the profane world to the sacred world but says little c o n c erning how men have sought to main t a i n contact with the sacred wh i l e living day by day in a profane world.

I n i t iation frequently

takes place in part or completely away from the sacred c o m m unity and its public places of worship. if Eliade was to comment,

It would be of conside r a b l e interest

as a phenomenologist,

on cultic acts at

the public place of worship.

3 Turner

says that prayer and sacrifice are key elements in man's

re s p onse to the divine.

He suggests that prayer and sacrifice share in

co m m on the ideas of thanksgiving,

securing forgiveness and av e r t i n g evil,

int e rcession and petition and generally to ma i n t a i n good relations with the divine powers. activity,

He says nothing of the a c tions a c c o m p a n y i n g such

doubtless because of the dictates of the necessary b r evity of

the particular work.

1.

Ibid.

p . 251.

2.

Eliade, M. Shamanism, Archaic Techniques of E c s t a s y . (trans. W. R. Trask). N. York. Pantheon Books. 1954. Eliade, M. Rites and Symbols of I n i t i a t i o n , W. R. Trask). Harper and Row. 1958.

3.

Turner, H.

1971.

Op cit.

p . 29.

25

(trans.

W i t h i n the c o m m u n i t y ’s cultus at the place of w o rship another sacred form has an important place. It is articulated,

This category is the sacred word.

in its various forms,

for the community w ithin its

cultus thus revealing the sacred .

C hantepie de la Saussaye^ divides the form of sacred word into three types.

F o undation documents which are seen either as of divine

origin or as emanating from founders, ritual or dogma and,

lastly,

cult documents w hich outline

devotional works.

He m akes the further

d i stinction between those writings that are m y t hical and which use the i m agination and those that are dogmatic which are based on reasoned thought.

K r istensen links sacred words and ac t i o n very closely,

including

what he has to say about sacred words wit h i n what he writes on cultic acts.

Of prayer he says, "In prayer man ceases from all outward activity

2 and enters into immediate relation to God." He suggests that it is the most chara c t e r i s t i c cultic act and is to be found in every religion.

He discusses the difficulties of a

p h enomenological analysis of prayer.

He produces evidence to s h o w that

the sublime and the banal are to be seen side by side in many places and times,

and that it is not possible to impose a developmental scheme.

He also points out that an analysis of w r itten prayers would not tell us the whole story because there is mu c h of the phenomena of prayer

1.

C h antepie de la Saussaye,

2.

Kristensen, W. B.

P. D.

Op c i t .

Op c i t .

p.417.

26

pp.

198 ff.

w h i c h cannot be observed.

Finally he concludes that,

"Prayer is a gift of God, a communi c a t i o n of divine power. It is the divine in men responding to the cosmic divinity.

K r i s tensen

also says that oaths and curses bring m e n into the divine realm.

Van der L e e u w

2

says,

"The Word then,

is decisive power:

whoever

utters words sets power in motion." He then points out that how the word is uttered affects its potency: emphasis,

loudness,

softness,

rhythm all have their effect.

the power of certain cult terms such as Hallelujah, A m e n and Om. qualities. formula.

He notes

Kyrie Eleison,

Their very unfamiliarity adds to their numinous Sacred words become even more potent if they are within a

Such formulas can be powerful curses and blessings.

can put people within the realm of the sacred or without. oaths are similarly formulas of consecration.

They

Vows and

Tu r n i n g to myth.

Van

der L e e u w asserts that like sacred action its essential nature is 3

revealed by its repetition, its constantly being retold.

He says,

"The myth then is therefore not reflective contemp l a t i o n but actuality.

It is reiterated p r e sentation of some

event replete with power."

1.

Ibid.

p.426.

2.

Van der Leeuw,

3.

Ibid.

G.

Op c i t .

p.405.

p.413.

27

Saga and legend enfeeble the sacred word,

he argues,

but the hieros

l o g o s , the story of salvation is different. "It proclaims some definite occurrence,

but

it also determines the h e a r e r s ’ s a l v a t i o n . ’’^ Prayer,

spoken or silent, although primarily a human response can also

be a moment of the revelation of power.

The written word also reveals the sacred and the will of God. Many religions have their collections of sacred writings. f requently need tradition and community for interpretation.

T hese Creeds

w hich encapsulate the sacred common element are both wri t t e n and spoken and,

in fact,

are potent when spoken.

Eliade deals only with the sacred word in terms of myth. says,

He

2 "A true myth describes the archetypal event, while a

’s i g n ’ evokes the event simply by

being shown." The ritual repetition, now.

in sign form, makes the myt h i c a l event present

Eliade goes on to suggest that every myth is cosmogonic and 3

therefore, "A precedent and an example not only for m a n ’s actions

(sacred or profane),

but also as regards

the condition in which his nature places hi m

.,.

We must do what the gods did in the beginning."

1.

Ibid.

p.418.

2.

Eliade, M.

3.

Ibid.

1958.

Op c i t .

p.413.

p.417.

28

He suggests that epics and legends are degenerate forms of myth. Turner^ once again follows Eliade.

He only deals with my t h s and

says, "Myths really tell men about the gods themselves, what they have done for men at all the important points of human life, and how men are expected to live in obedience to the gods by contin u i n g in the pattern they have established."

There are auspicious times for sacred ac t i o n to be performed and the sacred word to be uttered.

Time also has a d i m e nsion when the

2 sacred is present.

Chantepie de la Saussaye

iation of time is universal,

says that the d i f f e r e n t ­

and that the order of festivals is closely

c o n nected with these divisions of time.

He suggests that c l a s s ically

these times were related to the seasons of the sun and moon. look,

as he suggests,

If we

at the Semitic festivals of death and resurre c t i o n

c onnected with the seasons and fertility,

it is clear that one is 3

dealing w i t h manifestations of divine power.

Cha n t e p i e de la S a u ssaye

also points to the fact that festivals celebrated mythical events.

At

such times the stories of the gods were retold.

The r e t e lling of

cosmogonic events,

as we saw in e x a m ining

often dramatically reenacted,

the sacred word, makes the sacred world present in the here and now. 4 The a t re had its origin in such events.

Chantepie de la Sa u s s a y e says

that such times were dedicated to the gods and all public and private

1.

Turner, H.

1971.

Op c i t .

2.

C h antepie de la Saussaye, C.

3.

Ibid.

pp.

4.

Ibid.

p . 174.

Op c i t .

p . 167 ff.

173-4. :

29

business stopped. and celebrate.^ feasts,

They were times for the sacred c o m m unity to gather This took, and takes,

fairs and public amusements.

the forms of public processions, They are often times of licence.

A time of chaos before a new creation of sacred order and time.

Kristensen argues,

2

draws similar conclu s i o n s about time.

Time,

he

is not seen by the religious person as h o m o g eneous mo m e n t s

mea s u red mechanically.

Time is experienced as a partaking of the inner

reality of the event in time, w aning of the moon.

such as the N e w Year,

the wa x i n g and

Such time can participate in, and reveal,

ultimate

reality.

3 Van der Leeuw

, similarly,

indicates that there is a difference

between duration and value in assessing time.

He says that mo d e r n man

is ma inly concerned with mechanical dur a t i o n w h ereas sacred time has to do w i th value.

He continues.

The calendar,

then,

indicates cl early which instants

of time have value and possess power,

each instant

has specific individuality and its own potency. The festival is a time of particular potency and the c elebration of such times ensures the presence of that power."

1.

Ibid.

p . 174.

2.

Kristensen, W. B.

Op c i t .

p . 377 ff.

3.

Van der Leeuw,

Op c i t .

p . 384.

G.

30

Quotation,

p.386.

Eliade,^

too,

points to the fact that mo d e r n man has a different

e x p e rience of time to his predecessors. primitive mind time is not homogenous.

He states that for the It can be mythical time, or

time made sacred by ritual re-duplication of m ythic time or a moment made sacred by kratophany,

hierophany or theophany.

He suggests

further that sacred time is not so much an incision into profane time but that it has a continuity of its own.

Each festival and its

acc o mpanying ritual'is a continuation of the previous one.

Eliade

says that it is in this way that mythic time is made to be present here and now.

Mythic time is when the a rchetypal

occurred that explain sacred time.

’t r u e ’events

how life is and ought to be, it was

the truly

It is this that makes the festival so potent.

Eliade

goes on to say that the chaos and orgies that preceed certain festivals are concerned with the destruction of profane time and are the necessary precursors to the festival w hich renews the creation in this sacred time.

2 T urner

follows Eliade in seeing sacred time as coming at the

end of a decline through profane time and as an entry to mythic time and the means whereby the cosmos is recreated.

What these writers on the phenomenology of r e l igion have to say about the categories associated with the public place of worship has now been reviewed.

Although,

1.

Eliade, M.

1958.

Op c i t .

p . 388 ff.

2.

Turner,

1971.

Op c i t .

p . 26 ff.

H.

as has been men t i o n e d previously,

31

they are not in exact agreement,

a general consensus is present.^

Each of the categories linked with the public place of worship has been widely experienced as a channel of the sacred. chapters that follow each category, image,

community,

English context.

person,act,

sacred space,

word and time,

In the

symbol and

is e x a mined in the

This is with a view to ana l y s i n g the ways in

which these universal forms have been present at the English public place of worship.

1.

Heiler, F. "The Manife s t a t i o n and Essence of Religion" in Waardenburg, J. Classical Approaches to the S tudy of R e l i g i o n , pp. 474-478. Especially figure p. 476 also gives the same c l a s sification of the forms of the sacred.

32

C HAPTER ONE

Forms of Sacred Space The Earlier Period

In this chapter and the next, having described the E n glish public place of worship,

both site and edifices at various times,

the ways in

which these locations have been recognised and defined as sacred^ space will be described.

Before doing so,

two p r e l i minary questions need to be

discussed, "What public places of worship did the En g l i s h have when they first came to this country and what relation did they have to the general background of traditional Te utonic religion?" and secondly, "Were these

and

the activities a s s o c i a t e d with them,

affected by

the

religious life which they met in this

country?".

An answer to the second question is g iven in detail in App e n d i x B. The conclusion reached is that there is little evidence that the Celtic B ritons transmitted their cultural ideas,

traditional or Christian,

to

the E n glish as they settled in this country.

The earliest evidence concerning T e u t o n i c places of worship we

2 possess is in T a c i t u s ’ G e r m a n i a . in sacred forests

and

groves.

He speaks of Germans as w o rshipping

There is e v i dence both from England and

Go tland that the fri3geard (frith or peace-guard) as an enclosed sacred space in the open air,

had a long history

frequently linked to stones.

1.

Phenomenologists have used various terms to describe that which is revealed in religious experience: hierophany, power, the numinous. The term sacred is used t hroughout this study.

2.

Tacitus. The Agricola and the G e r m a n i a . (Trans. & Intro. H. Mattingley. Rev. trans. S. A. Handford). Penguin. 1970.

chaps. 9, 39, 40.

33

trees or water.

1

.

Tacitus says,

2

"At a set time deputations from all the tribes of the same stock gather in the grove hallowed by the auguries of their ancestors and by immemorial awe.

The sacrifice

of a human victim in the name of all marks the grisly opening of the savage ritual. This gathering seems to have taken place at a central shrine of an amphictyony.

We cannot tell what my t h may have lain behind the human 3

sacrifice.

The Prose-Edda

tells of the killing of the giant Ymir and

the building of the heavens and earth from his body.

The reiteration of

cosmic events is not unknown in religious ritual and the slaughter of an

4 a r c hetypal being is seen in other traditions.

The sacrifice may have

been to Odin (Woden) who was the god of the gallows.^ c o n tinued to the late days of T e uton i c religion.^

Hu m a n sacrifice

T a c i t u s , ^ in the same

chapter goes on to illustrate the sacred qualities of the place, "No one may enter it unless he is bound with a cord,

by

which he acknowledges his own inferiority and the power of the deity.

Should he chance to fall he may not raise

himself or get up again,

he must roll out over the ground."

1.

Turville-Petre, E. 0. G. W eiden f e l d and Nicolson.

2.

Tacitus.

3.

Young, J. I. (trans.). The Prose Edda of Snorri Sturluson: Tales from Norse M y t h o l o g y . Gambridge. B owes & Bowes. 1954,

4.

cf.

Op c i t .

Rig-veda.

chap.

M y t h and Religion of the N o r t h . 1964. pp. 236-237. 9.

p . 133.

1090.

5.

Branston, B. The Lost Gods of E n g l a n d . 1957. pp. 100-106.

6.

Turville-Petre, E. 0. G. Op c i t . pp. 272-273 (Ibn Fadlan). pp. 244-247 (Adam of Bremen) for late accounts.

7.

Tacitus.

Op c i t .

chap.

39.

34

T h a m e s & Hudson.

This sacred space was not only a place of divine presence but a meeting place for the sacred community.

As Tacitus^ says,

"The grove is the centre of their whole religion. It is regarded as the cradle of the race and the dwelling place of the supreme god."

In his next chapter, Tacitus speaks of another form of sacred space amongst the German tribes (including the Anglii) Nerthus,

the mother goddess.

the shrine of

He describes the annual parousia of the

goddess as she journeys in her chariot among her people.

He says,

"When she has had enough of the society of men she is restored to her sacred precinct by the priest." The slaves who perform the sacred lustrations on her return, Tacitus informs us, are drowned in a lake.

N e r t h u s ’ shrine appears to have

been a divine dwelling of awesome aspect.

We have to span several centuries,

after Tacitus,

before any

further descriptions of the structure of Te u t o n i c places of worship are available to us or accounts of the ritual act i v i t i e s within them. There is, however,

a considerable amount of evidence concerning the

sites of places of worship and, there from place-name evidence.

sometimes,

of the deities worshipped

2

1.

Ibid.

chap. 40.

2.

V i d e . Gelling, M. "Pagan elements in Ang l o - S a x o n Place Names". U niver s i t y of B i rmingham Historical J o u r n a l . Vol. viii. 1961.

35

The names indicate there had either been a theophany or a c o n secration which defined the sacred space.

There are sites

dedicated to Odin, Thor, Freyr, Tyr as well as those simply indicated as sacred or holy

1

.

Grimm

2

mentions a variety of words from T e u tonic 3

languages indicative of sacred space.

Gon c e r n i n g this e v i dence G r i m m

says, "What we figure to ourselves as a built or walled house resolves itself the further we go back, a holy place untouched by human hand, shut in by self-grown trees.

into

embowered and

There dwells the deity,

veiling his form in the restling foliage of the boughs...

I am not m aintaining that this forest

worship exhausts all the conceptions of our ancestors had formed of deity and its dwelling place. only the principal one.

It was

Here and there a god may

haunt a m o untain top, a cave of the rock,

a river,

but the grand general worship of the people had its seat in the grove." He then proceeds to show that veneration of trees,

e specially oaks

and holy woods,lasted well into C h ris t i a n times.

A difficult problem arises when we ask at what period of time any of the T e utonic peoples began to erect buildings at their places of worship and whether these had any specific rel a t i o n s h i p to the

1.

Turville-Petre,

E. 0. G.

Op c i t .

2.

Grimm, J. Teutonic M y t h o l o g y . (Trans, of 4th Ed. J. S. S t a l l y b r a s s ) . George Bell & Co. 1883-1888. (Republished Dover Publications. New York. 1966). Vol. 1. chap. 2. pp. 66-88.

3.

Ibid.

p . 69.

36

pp.

237-240.

existing sacred space.

Kramitsch

1

2 , Da v i d s o n

, and Starr

3

each give

evidence concerning different cultures for the c o n t i n u a t i o n of basic structures and conformations at sacred sites through periods of te c hnological change. to reproduce,

The later stone buildings and mo n u m e n t s continue

albeit in durable materials,

that w h i c h was primordial.

It is not unreasonable to suppose that a similar evo l u t i o n took place among the T e utonic peoples and certainly there is no evidence to suggest a n ythin g to the contrary.

4 De la Saussaye

suggests that there is plenty of evidence from

the sixth century onwards of temples as such. in late pre-Chr istian times,

He al s o m e n t i on s ^ that

each area of Iceland had its public temple,

He adds that private individuals also erected temples but that these had no communal or political function.

De la Sa u s s a y e gives a

de s c ription of a typical Icelandic or N o r w e g i a n temple.

A c c o r d i n g to

De la Saussaye^, "The dimension of these temples varies but one part was always larger than the other.

The larger division

was designed for use at the sacrificial feast and was a r ranged like a common hall, with the he a r t h fire in the centre and the seats arrang e d on the two sides.

1.

Kramitsch, S. of Calcutta.

The Hindu T e m p l e . 1946. chap. 1.

2.

Davidson, H. E. R. Gods and Myth s of Nor t h e r n E u r o p e . worth. Middx. Penguin. 1964. chap. 1.

3.

Starr,

4.

De la Saussaye, C. The Religion of the T e u t o n s . (Trans. B. J. Voss). G i n n & Go. 1902. p.357. (Based on Bede).

5.

Ibid.

p . 360.

6.

Ibid.

p.358.

C. G.The Ancient G r e e k s .

Calcutta.

O.U.P.

37

2 vols.

1971.

University

Harmonds-

p.86.

Prominent among the latter was the high seat for the priest, with its pillars,

wh i c h were adorned

with rows of nails, and also at times carved with images of the gods.

The smaller building,

was called

the Afhus (off-house) and contained the images of the gods and the s t a l l r , a sort of altar,

on wh i c h lay

the ring that the godhi put around his a r m at the sacrifice.

On the stallr burnt also the sacred fire,

and there likewise stood the sacrificial bowl with its sacrificial whisk with which the priest sprinkled the images and at times also on the walls.

A round the

temple was an enclosure of about a m a n ’s h e i g h t . ”

Fig.

1.

Conjectural Reconstruc t i o n of Icelandic T emple (After Chantepie de la Saussaye:

not to scale)

\

%

ooo /

\

1.

Door

2.

Hearth

4.

Images of gods

5.

A spergillum

P r i est's high seat (with pillars)

and bowl 6.

Stallr (altar) with ring and fire

7.

Seats

38

8.

T e menos

Turville-Petre has also examined the evidence.^

He quotes the

story from the Eyrbyggja Saga of how Th o r o l f M o s t r a s k e g g , a c h i eftain from

Norway,

emigrated to Iceland

the Icelandic shore he

hurled the

one bearing the image of Thor. rebuilt the temple.

and took his temple with him. Near main pillars overboard,

including the

He landed where the pillars drifted in and

Turville-Petre quotes the d escription from chapter

four of the saga describing the temple.

The passage from the saga,

cl osely parallels the evidence given by De la Saussaye, "He had a temple built,

is as follows,

and it was a mi g h t y building.

There was a doorway in the side wall,

nearer to the

one end, and inside stood the ma i n pillar in which nails were set,

called

'divine nails'.

was a great sanctuary.

W i t h i n there

Further there was an apartment

of the same form as the chancel in churches nowadays, and there was a pedestal in the middle of the floor there like an altar,

and upon it lay an arm r i n g without

joint, weighing twenty ounces, sworn on it.

and all oaths must be

The temple-priest (hof-godhi) must wear

this ring on his

arm at all

public gatherings.

sacrificial bowl

must stand

on the pedestal,

was a sacrificial twig in it,

The

and there

like an a s p e r g i l l u m and

with it the blood, which was called h l a u t . should be sprinkled from the bowl.

This was the blood of the

kind shed when beasts were slaughtered as a sacrifice to the gods.

The idols were arranged in the apartment

around the pillar."

1,

Turville-Petre,

E. 0. G.

Op c i t .

39

pp. 240-243.

which

T u r v i l l e - P e t r e goes on to describe the exc a v a t i o n of the temple at h o f s ta&ir near Lake M y vatan in Iceland during 1908.^

He d e s c ribes it as

a s h i p-shaped building (similar to that of De la Saussaye) 8 me t res in area and reproduces the ground plan.

being 44 by

He says,

"Its great size shows that it was used for public gatherings," He suggests that the temple is not unlike h ouses of the langhus type. He continues, "In fact the description given in the Eyrbygg ja and the ruins of the hofsta&ir suggests that in the tenth century the hof resembled a C h r i s t i a n church and that its form was probably m o d e l l e d on that of We s t e r n European churches of the period. in its turn,

The h o f ,

is believed by some to have influenced

the form of the stave churches of the Mi d d l e Ages, culminating in such fantastic beauty as the church of Borgund of the twelfth century." One would question the assertion that h e athen temples would be mod e l l e d on the sacred buildings of another culture, c o n v e rsion had taken place, taken over as churches.

B e d e ’s ev i dence is that the temples were

This accords with parallel cases where it is

kn o w n that local architecture, to C h ri s t i a n use.

more particularly before any

having non- C h r i s t i a n origins is adapted

Roman basilicas were adapted as churches and the

2 C e l t i c church retained its own building forms chu r c hes in m issionary areas today.

1.

Ibid.

2.

See Allcroft, 1927.

pp.

pp.

as do many indigenous

It is more likely that at the

240-243, A. H.

The Cross and the C i r c l e .

16-20.

40

London.

Macmillan,

con v e r sion Teutonic cultural elements compatible with C h r i s t i a n i t y or c a pable of adaption to it would be retained. Petre notes that,

in Iceland,

opposed to the private ones,

In con c l u s i o n T u r v i l l e -

the public temple of any one area,

as

filled an important political and social

role.

Gr^nbech^ looking at the Breidafi o r d Saga and the E y r byggja Saga and other evidence gives a similar picture of the late Teutonic temple. He suggests that the common room of the homestead was the original temple hall.

He also gives evidence that h ouseholds o ften had a blot

house (or shrine for the gods) close to the dwelling.

The public place

of w o rship then was a tribal replica of the h o u s ehold hall, where sacred ritual took place,

together with a parallel of the h o u s ehold b l o t - h u s .

This can also be seen in ancient Rome w or s h i p

3

2

in early C h r i s t i a n places of

and on other religious settings.

4

The greatest and last Teutonic place of public w o rship was the temple at Uppsala.

Adam of Bremen recorded accounts of the events there

during its last era as a place of traditional Te u t o n i c worship.^ site, which has been excavated, a n cient grove and,

indeed,

seems in most respects to resemble the

there was a grove at Uppsala.

a sizeable temple building.

The

There was also

This was rectangular and timber built.

It

c o n tained images of Odin, Thor and Fricco(g e n e r a l l y identified as Freyr).

1.

Gr^nbech,

V.

The Culture of the T e u t o n s .

2.

The temple of the vestal virgins was a Roman house.

3.

Chappell, D. M. "The Development of the San c t u a r y and its Furn i s h i n g s from the early Christian Times to the P r esent Day". M.A. Thesis. Sheffield University. 1963. chap. 1.

4. Raglan, Lord. 5.

Turville-Petre,

O.U.P.

The Temple and the House. S.C.M. E. 0. G.

Op c i t .

41

summary pp.

1931.

1964.

244-256.

pp.

134-142.

passim.

It seems unlikely that this was a two chamber b u i lding but it was large and could accommodate the people as well as the images and the priests. Adam of Bremen^ says, "In this temple,

totally adorned with gold,

people worship statues of three gods; m ighty of them Thor,

the

the most

has his throne in the middle,

W o dan and Fricco have their place on either side...". A d a m of B r emen then mentions that other deities were also wor s h i p p e d there

2 Turville-Petre at Uppsala. mythology.

notes a number of things found w ithin the temenos

It is possible to attempt some i d e n tification with Te u t o n i c The ash tree is reminiscent of Yggdrasil the world tree

(also of Irminsul the cosmic column (tree?) of the Saxons). with its golden adornments recollects the roof of v a l h B l l . well standing as that of U r & a b r u n n e r .

The temple The sacred

(cf. the sacred drownings else­

where among Teutons).

The universal column, form)

or axis m u n d i , (appearing here in tree

is to be found elsewhere in Teuto n i c places of worship.

C h a n tepie

3 de la Saussaye

mentions the destruction in 722 a.d.

of the S a x o n s ’

central sacred site and of the destruction of I r m i n s u l , which appears to have been such an object.

The name Thurstable,

an Essex Hundred

4 name according to Turville-Petre

, refers to such a column.

One is

reminded both of the story of Boniface cutting down the sacred oak tree

1.

Ibid.

p . 244.

2.

Ibid.

p . 245.

3.

Chantepie de la Saussaye,

P. D.

1902.

Op

c i t .pp.

124-125.

4. Turville-Petre, E. 0. G. ’Thurstable’ inEnglishand Medieval Studies presented to J. R. Tolkein. George Allen & Unwin.' 1962, 42

at a Saxon shrine in Germany and the later accounts of V i kings casting the pillars of Thor overboard.to guide them to the right landing place in Iceland.

A nglo-Saxon traditional religion was clearly part of the wider c o mmonality of Teutonic religion.

We do not possess enough evidence

to give a complete account of Anglo-Sa x o n traditional r e l igion so as to be able to relate this with any great degree of certainty to other known forms of Teutonic religion. comparisons,

It is possible,

however,

without implying identity or direct connection,

to make with

what is known in this country of Anglo -Saxon religion prior to the c o n v ersion to Christianity.

Two key pieces of evidence which would

help solve many of the questions would be eye-witness descriptions of places and events and an exact knowledge of the myths extant among the p re-Christian English in this country. of the lack of archaeological remains.

A further problem is that

The structures erected at

public places of Worship were made of wood w hich is a highly perishable substance.

Only skilled excavation can reveal anything,

site has remained undisturbed,

even when the

so that such things as post-holes can

be detected.

A key piece of evidence which is available is that of placenames.

This can help us to ascertain some of the deities who were

worshipped,

and some of the sites where worship took place.

occasionally,

Also,

where there was some form of enclosure or temple building,

C e i l i n g ’s^ article on place-names and A n g l o - S a x o n traditional religion

1.

Gelling, M.

Op c i t .

43

sifts the evidence and rejects all names where any doubt arises. suggests that the names can be divided into two groups. c o n t aining a word meaning

’a heathen sanctuary'

the name of a Teutonic god. i n d i cating a sanctuary,

She

Those

and those contai n i n g

She suggests two elements in p lace-names

weoh or wig m e a n i n g

(but she notes that Old Saxon w i h ;

'idol'

in Old En g l i s h

Old D anish wi and Old Sw e d i s h vi

all meant holy place or temple and suggests weoh could well have had this m e aning in the pre-Christian period); grove'.

Hearg mea n i n g

'sacred

She lists nineteen places having weoh as an element and eight

with hearg.

Gelling notes that weoh and hearg are never found in

c o m b i nation with the name of a deity and concludes,^ "The most probable explanation of this is that the sanctuaries in question would contain images of, and altars to, a number of gods, as King Raedwald's temple in East Anglia and the Nort h u m b r i a n temple destroyed by Coifi appear to have done,

so that the building

would not be sacred to one god in particular."

Tu r n i n g to specific deities,

she gives e v i dence of p lace-names

linked to Odin, Thor and Tyr and possible evidence for Frigg.

She

identifies eleven references to Odin together with fourteen to Grim, a k e nning on Odin;

five to Tyr, and nine to Thor.

In the case of

Fr i g g she suggests four places which may c o ntain the word as an element in their names.

1.

Ibid.

p.9.

44

The second elements in these place-names are most interesting because they frequently describe the site and, accordingly, some indication of the nature of the sacred space.

T h e largest class

is leah (fourteen) meaning wood, which. Gelling suggests, ’sacred grove*

give us

on the analogy of the Old Norse l u n d r .

could mean

The next group

dun (six) hoh (one) associate the deity or sanctuary wi t h high place. (She suggests that weoh was normally connected with the grove, with the high place). land'.

hearg

There are also six cases of feld meaning

'open

There are also six cases of a mound or tumulus being associated

with a god.

Odin's name is also associated with two earthworks,

Wa n s d yke and Grimsdyke.

Gelling also examines the case for names which possibly contain the element, temple,

os^, meaning a god, ealh m e aning a r e s i dence or a

hof meaning a house or temple,

god mea n i n g a god and heaven

m e aning heathen and concludes that there is no case wh i c h can clearly be proved to have been associated with Saxon traditional religion.

She

comes to the same conclusion with the many examples of places which have animal names included in them. map^.

Gelling concludes her article with a

This is interesting as the names all occur in the areas of

earliest Saxon settlement, Midlands.

the Home Counties,

East A nglia and the

(Northumbria is perhaps a different case as there are many

D anish and Scandinavian names there derived from a later period).

The interesting case of Thurstable has a l ready b e e n mentioned.

1.

Ibid.

p.25.

45

T u r v i lle-Petre^ says that Thunor (Thor) is the first element of this name.

Its earliest recorded form was Thunrestapl(e)

supports Stenton,

in 1067.

He

A. H. Smith and others in saying that the original

form was j^ u n r e s stapol or

’T h u n o r ’s p i l l a r ’.^

He goes on to suggest

that there was a pillar dedicated to Thor which was the hundred meeting place.

Turville-Petre concludes, "While Irminsul supported the

wo r l d of the Saxons,

h

upheld the house of

>o r r , with his (^nduegissulur

the Icelandic farmer,

and with his stapol he

assured the security of the Essex Hundred."

The place name evidence indicates that the T e u tonic deities Odin, Thor and possibly Frigg were worshipped by the E n glish in this land during the pre-Christian period together with other unnamed deities.

The names we have are those of the Aesir deities.

We know

that the Anglii on the continent worshi p p e d Nerthus a fertility deity frequently identified with Njord. also worshipped.

It seems likely that the Vanir were

The evidence of Engl i s h weekday names also indicates

the pre-eminence of the Aesir divinities amongst the pre-Christian Saxons.

The Saxon Kings in England traced their ancestry back to the 3

T e utonic pantheon.

As Chaney

genealogies which are extant,

points out, seven

of the eight Eng l i s h Saxon

trace the royal descent from Odin

(Woden) and the Essex Kings from Seaxnet (Tyr?).

Further indication

of the importance of the Aesir deities among the English.

1.

Turville-Petre,

2.

Ibid.

3.

Chaney, W. A.

E. 0. G.

1962.

Op c i t .

p . 242. The Cult of Kingship in A n g l o -Saxon E n g l a n d .

Manchester University Press.

1970.

46

p.29.

C e i l i n g ’s evidence supports the idea that there were sacred sites where public worship took place in E n gland among the pre-Christian English.

Bede supplies us with invaluable written i n f o r mation about

them and evidence that at least some of them had buildings within their precincts.

He gives us an accoun t of C o i f i ’s d e s e c ration and

r e nunciation of what appears

to have been the Royal T e m p l e of E d w i n ’s

kingdom.^

We are told that Coifi asks for arms and a stallion from

the king.

In Teutonic religion arms are laid aside in the temple,

it was a place of frith (peace) and the godhi was a m a n of f r i t h , Coifi takes the spear and throws it into the temple. us,

profaned the temple.

the

’i d o l s ’ in the temple.

Coifi, we are told,

This,

Bede informs

then proceeded to destroy

As it was a royal temple and the spear is

a ssociated with Odin it can be speculated that this was a temple especially dedicated to Odin the k i n g ’s divine progenitor.

Elsewhere,

Bede records the fact that

’h e a t h e n ’ temples were

converted to use as Christian churches and records Gre g o r y ' s letter

2 to Mel litus suggesting this course of action.

He writes,

3 "We wish to inform him

that we have been giving

some careful thought to the affairs of the English, and have come to the conclusion that the temples of the idols in that country should on no account be destroyed.

He is to destroy the idols,

but the

1.

Bede, Venerable. A History of the E n glish Ch u r c h and P e o p l e , (Trans. L. S h e r l e y - P r i c e ) . Harmondsworth. Middx. Penguin. 1955. p . 125.

2.

Ibid.

3.

i.e. Augustine of Canterbury.

p.86.

47

temples themselves are to be aspe r s e d with holy water, altars set up, and relics enclosed in them.

For if these temples are well built,

they are to be purified from devil worship and dedicated to the service of the true God. this way we hope that the people,

In

seeing that

its temples are not destroyed, may abandon idolatry and resort to these places as before." T h i s passage seems to indicate that the size and structure of the preC h r i s t i a n temples made them readily usable as C h r istian churches. T h e earliest Saxon churches in England^ have the same structures as the Te utonic temples described by Chant e p i e de la Saussaye, Tur v i l l e P etre and Cr^nbech.

The chancel takes the place of the a f h u s .

altar that of the s t a l l r . —

—

(wigbed or weofod)

The

The Saxon word used for the Chr i s t i a n altar

is that used for a he a t h e n altar.

Ross

2

suggests

3 that it should be translated holy bed or table. Raedwald,

King of East Anglia,

who had two altars,

sacrifices of Christ and another on which d e v i l s ’.

Bede

tells us of

one for the holy

'victims were offered to

Just as oaths were sworn on the ring kept at the traditional

s t a l l r , so in the C h ristian era the relics and the host reserved above the altar made it the place where such things as the m a n u m i s s i o n of slaves took place. chancel,

In outward and visible terms the churchyard,

nave and C h ristian priest must have seemed very like the

1.

Taylor, H. M. & J. Anglo-Saxon A r c h i t e c t u r e . Ca mbridge U niversity Press. 1965.

2.

Ross, A. S. C. "0. E. w e o f o d , w i b e d , w i g b e d ". in E n g l i s h . 111. 1934.

3.

Bede, Venerable.

Op c i t .

p . 128.

48

2 Vols.

Leeds Studies

grove,

a f h u s , stallr and g o d h i .

In G r e g o r y ’s letter to Mellitus,

following the section quoted above,

he writes,

"And since they have the custom of sacrificing oxen to devils,

let some other solemnity be

substituted in its place,

such as a day of

ded i c a t i o n or the festivals of the holy martyrs whose relics are enshrined there."

Only one A n glo-Saxon pre-Christian place of worship has so far been identified and excavated.

This is at Yeavering.^

Unf o r t u n a t e l y

for present purposes this settlement was a rare one where Celtic inhabitants and influence remained so that we cannot be sure that the evidence which we possess is of entirely A n g l o - S a x o n practice. Hope-Taylor,

the leader of the excavation and its reporter,

Dr.

is

convinced that there are many other An g l o -Saxon places of worship to

2 be identified and excavated.

At Yeavering,

besides what was probably 3

a royal hall,

there are two buildings of interest.

The first is an

amphitheatre whi c h appears to have been for a ssemblies and the second is a temple.

The former structure has a bank of seats like a piece

cut out of a circular cake, with a screen behind it at its apex. 4 Allcroft

in an exhaustive study has shown the widesp r e a d prevalence

of this arrangement for gatherings of the sacred community throughout pre-Christian Europe.

1.

Hope-Taylor,

2.

Ibid.

p.263.

3.

Ibid.

pp.

4.

Allcroft,

Of the latter structure Dr. Hop e - T a y l o r suggests

Dr. B.

154-169. A. H.

Yeavering.

H.M.S.O.

1977.

Buildings D2 and E see text and maps.

Op cit.

49

that the radial inhumations,

connected wi t h the temple were most

unlikely to be of Christian inspiration.

He continues that it,^

"... is the last formal institution that can be supposed to have existed for purely - and as it were, D2

officially - pagan purposes.

Since

... not only pre-existed but also survived

2 Paulinus’

recorded activities,

it is likely

that he found the building and its associated rite of extended,

unfurnished inhumation

suitable to his needs." The temple at Yeavering does supply supportive evidence to Bede's record that pagan temples were reconse c r a t e d as Chr i s t i a n churches. Further confirmation of Bede's a s sertio n is found in the fact that a pit for the ritual burying of ox-bones was found in ass o c i a t i o n with 3 the temple.

One other discovery which is of interest is that ritual

free-standing pillars were associated w i t h the temple.

It will be apparent from the evidence which has just been surveyed that our knowledge of the Eng l i s h p r e - Christian public place of worship is not very great.

We know that wi t h i n the broad s p e c t r u m

of T e utonic religion such locations were e x perienced as being sacred spaces with numinous qualities and on occasion d i s c overed by divination, We do not appear to have any record of such sites,or the temples and

1.

Hope-Taylor,

2.

Bede.

3.

Hope-Taylor,

D. B.

Op c i t .

pp.

Dr, B.

Op c i t .

p . 250.

112-135. Op c i t .

p . 158.

50

buildings within them,having been consecrated to the deities.

Wi t h i n

E n g l and we can assume from Coifi's actions that such space and its ass o ciated buildings was sacred but how they were recogn i s e d as such in the first instance we are unable to tell.

The e v i dence from

Yea v ering does point to the possibility of sites sacred to the Ce l t s being taken over.

However,

Dunnett's^ book on the T r i n o v a n t e s

m e n t i o n s all the k n o w n Celtic temple locations in E s s e x and none s h o w evidence of Saxon use.

The evidence for Saxon sacred sites

in that area nevertheless is irrefutable even if the locations are not known.

Did they,

like the viking chief,

use d i v i nation or did

they consecrate new sacred space and buildings.

F u rther evidence

m a y come to light in the.future to answer these questions.

It has been suggested that the evidence points towards the l ikelihood that the pre-Christian English,

coming from the Continent,

e li m inated virtually all earlier culture.

It has also been postulated

that in the initial stages they transplanted,

to a very large extent,

their own religion and culture into the new situation.

The Chris tian mission to the Eng l i s h came from two directions, from the nearby Celtic church and, more distantly, two missions have been well documented,

from Rome.

These

examined and described

2 elsewhere.

The three cultures,

Teutonic,

C h r i s t i a n Celtic and

C h r i stian Roman met and came to a turning point at the Synod of W h itby 3 in 664 a.d.

Clearly,

R.

in outward terms,

The T r i n o v a n t e s .

the Roman m i s s i o n emerged the

1.

Dunnett,

Duckworth.

2.

e.g. Deanesley, M. The P r e-Conqu e s t C h urch in E n g l a n d . London. A. & C. Black. 1961. pp. 20-190.

3.

Ibid.

pp. 87-88.

51

1975.

victor and the subsequent work of Archbi s h o p The o d o r e of C a n t erbury ensured that the Roman discipline and practice

was

followed throughout

the kingdom.

Undoubtedly Celtic C h ristian practice lingered on, in Northumbria,

particularly

but this does not seem to have affected the English

in any widespread or significant way. influence in church architecture,

On e would expect to find this

liturgy and sacred art.

C oncerning

the later, Kendrick^ has claimed to have found traces of C eltic influence in the Lindisfarne gospels. appear to have widespread support.

His views,

Brown,

2

however,

do not

in his six volume work,

finds much northern Teutonic influence particularly in the Bewcastle and R uthwell Crosses,

but makes little me n t i o n of Celtic influence.

A c omparison of Celtic and English liturgies and calendars seem to 3 indicate that in this area of religious life Celtic fertilisation.

also,

there was little

In this connection it may be noted that the

date of observance of Easter was central to the d iscussions at the Synod of Whitby. building.

The same appears to hold good in ma t t e r s of church

The Celtic church was,

in many ways,

a m o n a s t i c church. 4

The heritage of early Celtic C h ristian buildings is monastic.

1.

Kendrick, T. D. Methuen. 1972.

2.

Brown, G. B. J. Murray.

3.

A n glo-Saxon Art to 900 A.D. chap. 5.

2nd ed.

The Arts in Early E n g l a n d .6 Vols. 1903-1907.

Vide, inter a l i a . Dawson, W. "The Celtic C h u r c h and English Christianity". Transactions of the Royal His t o r i c a l S o c i e t y . New Series. Vol. 1. 1884. pp. 376-384. Hardinge, L. The Celtic Church in E n g l a n d . S.P.C.K. 1972. chaps. 3, 4, 7. Wright, T. "The Liturgy and Ritual of the C eltic Church". Church Quarterly R e v i e w .No. X. 1880. pp. 50-84.

4.

Allcroft, A. H.

Op cit.chaps.

17-20.

52

The churches are one-celled oratories used by m o n astic priests. Here they would say M a s s with,the laity gathered at the door. The Anglo-Saxon churches which have survived,

by way of contrast,

are all two-celled,^

The life of the Celtic church cen t r e d on its monasteries, from whence issued independent and it i nerant missionaries.

Celtic

C h r i stianity seems to have lingered on in the N o r t h u m b r i a n monasteries, but it is difficult to see where even these, inary missionary work,

apart from their p r elim­

had any real inf l u e n c e on E n glish Christianity.

The o dore's imposition of Roman discip l i n e appears to have finally been supreme.

Concerning the i mportant area of liturgy,

D e a n esley says,

2

"The liturgy of the Ang l o - S a x o n c h u r c h from Augustine's time to the Norman C o n q u e s t may be said to have been Roman with minor Gal l i c a n e m b e l l i s h m e n t s ."

If one accepts that the Celtic m i s s i o n a r y w o r k had no great and 3 lasting effect on English Christianity,

only one further p r oblem remains

That is to ascertain how far Roman Ch r i s t i a n i t y was m o d ified by E n glish pre-Christian practice. is

The first step in i n v e s t igating what happened

to look at the public place of wo r s h i p and its a t t endant areas

sacred space which the Roman m i s s i onar i e s country.

s ought

to e s t ablish

of

in this

This will necessitate an i n v e s t i g a t i o n of its ant e c e d e n t s and

thus something of a detour in this study.

1.

Vide.

Taylor,

H. M. & J.

2.

Deanesley, M.

3.

See Appendix B for a fuller discussion.

1961.

Op c i t .

Op c i t . p . 156.

53

;

The Christian place of worship had its origins in Jewish predecessors.

The Jewish background provides a suitable starting

point from which to consider the emergence of the C h r i s t i a n place of worship.

Early Christian practice was,

of course,

broader and more

diverse than that which Augustine brought from Rome.

M o dern study of the biblical documents has taken note of the influence of the surrounding cultures for the J e w i s h people in Pa l e stine in Old Testament times.

Clements,

in particular,

has

i n v estigated the idea of the divine presence and the place of worship in Israel in this period,

taking account of such influences.

earliest period in Palestine,

circa

1200 B.C.,

Of the

he says,^

"Influence from Canaan came to play an important part in the development of Israel,

and e v e n tually

affected the building of the Tem p l e for Y ahweh in Jerusalem.

Yet Israel distingui s h e d sharply

between its own Yahwistic tradition and both the religion of its Canaanite neighb o u r s and that of the patriarchs. the Covenant

The devotion of Yahweh as God of

... was the primary unitary factor

in the life of the federation."

The tension between sacred space as being the site of theophany and the location where the sacred community gathered to renew the divine covenant is central, of the Israelite Temple.

1.

Clements, R. E. 1965. p . 17.

in C lement ' s view,

to an underst a n d i n g

Clements has no doubt that the Israelites

God and T e m p l e .

54

Oxford.

Basil Blackwell.

believed that Yahweh manifested Himself to the N ation but questions, however,

that this revelation was linked to special fixed locations

in Israelite thought.^ "Perhaps there were some in Israel who had thought of Yahweh as bound in some way to Sinai,

so that the migration to C anaan was a

departing from Him.

C onsequentl y it was out

of a certain religious tension and struggle that the belief gained a firm hold that Yahweh had given His word to Moses that His presence (Heb. people.

p a n i m .) would be with His

The way in which this word was

fulfilled was given outward expr ession in the cult and worship of Israel.

In the light of this cultic tradition of Yahweh's presence we can discern an idea that became of vital importance in the whole development of I s r a e l ’s worship.

The

patriarchal religion had thought of the divine presence in a personal and clan relationship,

whilst the Canaanite sanctuaries

strongly emphasised the belief in a divine attachment to certain places.

Both of

these traditions contributed something to

1. Ibid.

p . 27.

55

I s r a e l ’s religious growth but neither was allowed to obscure the fact that primarily Yahweh was God of the Covenant,

who revealed

His presence to His people as he had done on Mount Sinai.

This both associated the divine

presence with certain historical events, whilst at the same time imbuing the Covenant with a sense of the active power and presence of Yahweh which marked Him as the living God."

The origins of Israel are obscure.

There is good evidence that

some tribes of the Israelite confedera t i o n were settled in Palestine before the Exodus.^

The paramount tradition,

however,

is that the

totality of the tribes had come out of Egypt and made a Covenant with Y ahweh at Sinai and this has submerged the other traditions. case,

In any

the idea of sacred space being a ssociated with sacred gathering

rather than sacred site has deep roots in Israelite religion.

2 Kraus

has investigated what he believes to be the ancient

tradition of the Amphictyonie Covenant Festival in the pre-monarchic period of Israel which took place at Shechem.

This was a gathering

of people to hear G o d ’s Law (T o r a h ) and to r e - a ffirm their allegiance 3 to Yahweh and His Torah.

Kraus

gives evidence of similar covenant 4

gatherings among the Hittites.

1.

Bright, chaps.

J.

A History of I s r a e l .

3, 4 and 5.

Noth, M.

Allcroft

2nd Ed.

2.

Kraus, H. J. W o r ship in I s r a e l . 1966. pp. 143-5.

3.

Ibid.

4.

Allcroft,

A. H.

S.C.M.

1972.

Also

The Old Testament W o r l d .

footnote,

gives many instances of

p.136.

A & C Black.

Oxford.

1966.

p.63 ff.

Basil Blackwell.

'

Op c i t .

56

similar gatherings in the pre-Christian era throughout Europe, the sacred amphictyony.

of

During the Amph i c t y o n i e Period, Yahweh*s

presence was associated with the Ark^ rather than with a specific location or sanctuary and this adds credence to the idea that the m e eting of the sacred community was an important idea at this stage

2 of I s r a e l ’s religion.

Kraus

also suggests that the

had a history prior to the settlement in Palestine. had the

’Tent Festival' Such a festival

’Tent of M e e t i n g ’ as its centre and here the people met

Yahweh in His glory.

The Covenant Festival appears to have been 3

renewed after the Exile.

The Sabbath m e eting in the synagogue,

w hich appears to have arisen during the Exile, weekly covenant festival.

is in many ways a

Making an event local and frequent which

had once been distant and infrequent.

Turner

4

has suggested that the Je r u s a l e m Temple fulfilled and

a brogated other sacred places of what he calls the type.

’House of G o d ’

Indeed, he does not appear to recognise that the T e mple had a

great deal to do with the sacred community.

He suggests that the

place of worship as a public meeting place for the sacred community does not appear until the New Testament and seems to cl a i m it as a specially Christian innovation.

1.

Joshua 3: 15, 4: 11, 1 Samuel 1: 3, 3: 3, 1 Kings 8; 1 ff.

2.

Kraus,

3.

Nehemiah 8:

J.

4.

Turner,

5.

Clements,

Op c i t .

As C l e ments^ points out,

6: 11, 7: 6, Judges 2: 1, 20: 4: 4, 14: 8, 2 Samuel 6,

pp.

133-4.

1 ff.

H.

1980. R.

Op c i t .

Op c i t.

passim.

57

27,

in great

detail,

there was tension in Jewish thought.

The Tem p l e was never a

divine dwelling in quite the way the temples of the s u rrounding peoples were.

It was the place where God had c hosen to place His

S o lomon prays,

'name'.

As

according to the account in the book of Kings,^

"But will God indeed dwell on earth?

Behold the

heaven and the highest heaven cannot contain Thee;

how much less the house

w hich I have

built."

2 In

the account in Chronicles,

God's glory fills the house

a result of consecration rather than

but

this is

being a place of natural theophany,

It appears to have been understood that Go d ' s presence was not

'fixed'

3 in Jerusalem.

Josephus

records that God's glory left the Temple as

it fell to the Romans under Titus, understanding.

a w i tness

It is also important to note

furniture in the Temple was the Ark:

to a c o n t inuing strand that the central

of

piece of

the symbol of the Covenant and

the m e e ting place of the Israelite conf e d e r a t i o n in the pre-monarchical period.

Israel continued to gather at J e r u s a l e m as it had done at

Yahweh's appointed place in earlier days, "The annals make it clear

as Kra u s ^ comments,

... that the

Israelite cultic calendar continued to observed in Jerusalem.

ancient be

The three m a i n

annual festivals were celebrated in the sanctuary

..."

1.

1 Kings 8.

2.

2 Chronicles 5:

3.

Josephus.

13,

14.

Antiquities.

the Christian Church. 4.

Kraus,

J.

Op c i t .

Quoted.

Whitham,

Rivingtons.

p.208.

58

4th Ed.

M. A. 1957.

The H i story of p . 27.

The Temple area was not a sacred space because of its geographical location but because it was the place wh e r e the sacred community gathered to renew covenant with God at His direction.

There is a strong strand running through the Old T e s t ament w hich emphasises divine sovereignty and transcendence w h i c h has been inherited by the Christian Church,

F r o m w i l d erness Covenant

Festival,

around the Tent of Meeting,

diaspora,

it is God who takes the initiative in making Himself

known.

to the synagogue of the

This revelation is always when and where the sacred community

gather to renew Covenant. of the physical.

There is a limit to the divine penetration

This aspect of the J e w i s h experience was to have,

and indeed still has, a profound effect on C h r i stian underst a n d i n g of sacred space.

Also,

the synagogue,

as the place for the gathering

of the sacred community provided a mod e l which was very influential on the earliest Christian community.

The New Testament documents,

and other contemp o r a r y evidence,

present us with a picture of contemporary J u d a i s m in w h i c h the life of the Temple and the synagogue is flourishing.^

The Acts of the Apostles records the earliest C h r i s t i a n C hurch following a similar pattern to fellow Jews in w o rship but also meeting in homes for what is termed the

1.

2.

’breaking of bread*.

Ma r k 1; 21, 3:

1, 11, Luke 2; 22 ff,

John 2: 13 ff, in this life.

5:

Acts 2: 42,

1 ff, 6: 9.

3:

2

2: 41 ff, 4:

Th i s pattern

16 ff,

1, all record Jesus as taking full part

59

of wo rship was followed by Christians for a considerable number of years.^

The meetings in their own homes which had s p e cifically

J e w i s h origins,

2

were the antecedents of later Chr i s t i a n forms

and places of worship.

The specifically Christian place of worship was s l o w to emerge. In the first place it was many years before a complete break was made with Judaism.

As a sect within Judaism,

in the first instance,

it

w ould be quite normal for the Christians to join in the T e mple and the synagogue worship and to supplement this, as would other groups, wi t h their own domestic fellowship and worship.

Once the Christian

C h u r c h had severed itself from Judaism it lost its status as a 'religio l i c i t a *, a religion allowed by the Roman authorities. was,

therefore,

It

advisable for Christians to be discrete concerning

their activities and, place of worship.

in particular,

with regard to their communal

This, and other factors, has led to there being

a paucity of physical evidence concerning the Chr i s t i a n places of w o rship until after the advent of Constantine as Emperor.

Accordingly,

the history of the places used by Christ i a n s before

the peace of the C h urch for worship remains s o m ething of an enigma. From the time of Constantine onwards the basilica became the standard building.^

Chappell^ has suggested that the possible c andidates for

1.

Acts 12: 12, 13: 14 ff, 17: 1 Corinthians 11: 20-22.

2.

Dix Dom, G. A & C Black.

3.

10,

20: 7 ff,

The Shape of the L i t u r g y .

2nd ed.

1945.

Krautheimer, R. Harmondsworth.

4. Chappell, D. M.

1, 2,

21:

7,

p.50 ff.

Early Middx.

Christian and Byzantine Archite c t u r e Penguin. 1965. chap. 2.

Op cit.

p.13 ff.

60

the original place of Christian worship, the c e l l a , chapels and houses. in the New Testa ment.^

as such, were the s c o l a ,

The house and the scola both appear

The early advent of persecution,

however,

makes it unlikely that the local congregations would have met in the s c o l a e , as these would be easily identified.

In addition,

there

does not appear to be any evidence of scolae having been used after P a u l ’s missionary wo r k and,

if they were,

one would have expected

some trace of the practice to have remained.

Catacombs,

another possible candidate,

were only used for

2 Ch r i s tian worship in one particular way, this connection,

In

they had a very definite influence on the Chr i s t i a n

place of worship, stages,

the cult of martyrs.

as will be explained later.

In the earliest

the holding of the Eucharist at the m a rtyr's grave,

by the r e frigerium (a fellowship meal),

on the a n n i v e r s a r y of the

m a r t y r d o m at the grave was an action of part, local Chri s t i a n Church.

followed

not the whole,

of the

It was an ancilliary activity and not

central to the Church's life.

If the basilica became the normal church building from the time of Constantine,

it is natural to ask whether it had any place in the

life of the C h urch prior to that date.

Krauth e i m e r

3

suggests that

there was peace for the Church in the latter half of the third century,

1.

Acts 2: 46,

2.

Chappell,

3.

Krautheimer,

5: 42,

D. M. R.

20: 8 (Houses)

Acts 19:

19 (s c o l a )

Op c i t .

pp.

18-19 and figs.

Op c i t .

pp.

15 and 21.

61

6-8.

following the Valerian persecution and prior to that of Diocletian, and that the Church did acquire public buildings during the period. T here is no indication that these were necessarily basilican in nature.

There is evidence during this period that,

in Rome,

’p a r i s h ’ (p a r o i c h i a ) was served by a house church.^

Davies,

Krautheimer and Chappell

2

each

all assert that C h r istian worship generally

took place in houses prior to Constantine,

It would appear that a

member of the congregation would make over a house he owned to the local church for the purpose of Christ i a n worship.

Outwardly,

it

would stay as a house and so remain in c onspicuous but inside it would be re-ordered for corporate Christian w o rship and initiation.

Basically,

a local church would need a fairly large room for the ho l d i n g of the E u c harist and an adjacent auditory roo m for those dismissed after the synaxis.

In add i t i o n a baptistry was required and side rooms for

storage and similar purposes.

The house church at D u ra-Europos

3 (circa 232 a.d.)

gives us a picture of what was probably a typical

local church in pre-Constantinian times.

There is no evidence of any special act of dedication or consecration of a site or building as a church before the reign of 4 Constantine,

Muncey,

Ibid.

2.

Chappell, D. M. Op c i t . p . 20. Davies, J. G. The Origin and Development of the Early Ch r i s t i a n A r c h i t e c t u r e . S.C.M. 1952. pp. 199-200. Krautheimer, R. Op c i t . p . 7. Davies,

J. G.

Nicholson. 4.

figs.

suggests

1.

3.

p.8.

quoting Frere in support of his view,

p . 22 and 128.

The Early Christian

1966.

pp.

C h u r c h .London.

Weidenfeld &

159-162.

Muncey, A. G. A History of the C o n s e c r a t i o n Cambridge. W. Heffer & Sons. 1930. p . 11.

62

of C h u r c h e s .

that the building was set aside for C h r i s t i a n w o rship from the moment the first Eucharist was celebrated in it.

This seems to have been

the practice in the eariest days of the peace of the C hurch and doubtless had its origins in earlier practice. say, however,

It is impossible to

whether such an inaugural Euc h a r i s t was thought of as

the means whereby particular space was made sacred.^

The advent of peace from persecu t i o n for the Church, with its public recognition under the Emperor Constantine, far reaching changes in many aspects of the C h u r c h ’s life. C hurch now became part of the fabric of the state, official patronage,

coupled led to The

frequently under

and could equip itself with public places of

2 w o rship openly and proceeded to do so in abundance.

Soon,

churches

were erected on the sites traditionally linked to J e s u s ’ life and m i nistry in Palestine, the Sepulchre.

including those at Bethlehem,

G o l gotha and

Such locations would be seen as having an inherent

sacrality.

The changed status of the community, congregations,

combined with increasing

made domestic buildings less suitable as churches.

Th e problem was to find a suitable alternative to the buildings already in use. idolatry, models.

1.

Pagan temples associated with what C h r i s t i a n s w o u l d see as and even devil worship, In any case,

Willis,

G. G.

were not at all accept a b l e even as

their structure meant that they were physically

Further Essays in Early Roman Liturgy

A lcuin Club Collections No.

50.

1968.

Part 3,

especially chapter 3. 2.

Krautheimer,

R.

Op c i t .

chaps.

2 and 3.

63

unsuitable for a religion which emphasised communal worship. event,

In the

the civil basilica presented itself as a suitable replacement

for the house church.

Although vaguely tinged with paganism,

inasmuch

as the Emperor's statue was always there and given divine honours, this was not an insuperable obstacle. nominally,

Th e Emperor was now,

at least

a Christian and in any case most of the transactions in the

basilicas were communal and legal, and not directly religious.

Alongside the normal congregational basilica a second type of place was evolving,

namely the martyrium.^

It had been the c u stom to

hold the Eucharist at the tombs of the martyrs, on the anniversaries of their martyrdom. the c oming of the peace of the Church,

e s p e cially the catacombs,

It would seem natural,

with

to build churches on such sites.

T h e s e churches were somewhat akin to the guild churches and chapels of later times.

Soon this second type began to coalesce with the normal

ch u r c h of the Christian community.

This was brought about by the

t ra n s lation of the martyrs relics into the normal church. it seems St. Ambrose,

encouraged by his congregation,

In the West,

was the one to

p opularise the translation of relics at the c o n s e c r a t i o n of a new church.

2

The church at Rome was slow to adopt this practice.

m a n y ways,

3

In

the practice which was continued through the centuries,

is ak in to the sending of the fermentu m from the Papal Mass to the p arochial churches.

The relics,

1.

Ibid.

29-41.

2.

Chappell,

3.

Willis,

pp. 8-14, D. M.

G. G.

Op c i t . Op c i t .

translated from another church

figs.

pp.

20-26.

147-148.

64

’f e r m e n t ’ the new church,

bringing in as it were,

the

’y e a s t ’ of

h oliness or divine presence from a place already sanctified by that presence.

The placing of these relics in the confessio under the altar

was a clear step towards making one part in the building,

a point of

divine presence.

The earliest Constantinian churches appear to have been consecrated by use.

Muncey

1

.

and Davies

described by Eusebius.

2

The rite appears to have consisted of a

c e lebration of the Eucharist, Ma n y dignitaries,

both discuss the consecr a t i o n service

a sermon,

special prayers and thanksgiving.

civil and ecclesiastical,

were present on the occasions

w hich he describes.

To this foundation of an inaugural Eucharist was a dded the 3 Davies

tr anslation of

relics.

suggests that the Roman rite,

tr anslation of

relics had been added, was as follows.

first carried to the church in procession.

once

The relics

the

were

The b i s h o p ’s party entered

at this point to prepare the mortar for sealing the altar stone and to wash the altar with exorcised water. the people were aspersed. church.

The b i s h o p ’s party then left and

After this everybody present entered the

The bishop then anointed the four interior angles of the

cavity of the building.

Next the relics were deposited within the

altar and the bishop sealed the altar stone.

W h e n this had been done

he anointed the stone's centre and four corners.

1.

Muncey, A.

G.

Op c i t .

2.

Davies, J.

G.

1968.

3.

Ibid.

pp.

13-17.

Op c i t .

p . 250.

p . 251.

65

There followed the

blessing of the church building,

its vessels and a taper was lit from

w hich all the church lights were kindled.

Finally,

the bishop celebrated

the Eucharist.

He argues that this is based on a funerary rite.

Thus the church

now surrounds the tomb of a saint and the Mass was a R e q u i e m Mass. Wil l is,^ having carefully examined the introdu c t i o n of the deposi t i o n of relics in the Roman Use,

describes the Roman rite in the e arly ninth

century before Gallican elements were introduced.

Basing his a r g u ments

2 on the H a d r i a n u m , he gives an outline similar to that of Davies.

3 Davies

also describes the G a ll i c a n rite in wh i c h lus t r a t i o n of

the building and its furnishings are an important feature. that the bishop,

He says

having knocked at the door with his crozier,

and led the introductory prayer.

e n tered

He then traced the letters of the

alp h abet with his crozier on the floor in two diagonal lines w h i c h crossed in the centre of the church.

F o l l owing this the bishop prepared

lustral water by exorcising and blessing it and a dding salt and wine. He sprinkled the altar and then the c hurch walls during a triple circuit of both the inside and outside of the church.

A prayer of

c o n s ecration was uttered and then the altar and walls were anointed.

Once this was completed the bishop blessed the objects to be used in worship and the relics were brought in and placed in the al t a r cavity. The ceremony was completed by the lamps being lit and Mass celebrated.

1.

Willis,

G. G.

2.

Ibid.

3.

Davies, J. G.

pp.

Op c i t .

p . 154.

154-155. 1968.

Op c i t .

p . 251.

66

Willis^ is in agreement with Davies that lustration was Gal l i c a n in origin and came into the Roman Use from that source.

His outline

of the Gallican consecration rite agrees with that of Davies. Davies,

3

suggests,

as does Lowther-Clarke,

G a l l i can rite is Christian baptism. to his first Mass after initiation, first time in the newly

4

2

that the o rigin of the

Just as the neophyte proceeded so M a s s is celebrated for the

’b a p t i s e d ’ buildings.

This emergence of a clear rite of consecr a t i o n is indicative of a changing conception of the nature of the building.

This is

also seen in the text of the G r egorian Sacrame n t a r y as given by Wilson.^

The prayer of dedication for a church reads as follows,^

"Enter your house and into

the hearts of your

faithful people we beseech

You merciful Lord.

Make it an everlasting dwelling place whose structure may remain that it might become a bright habitation

..."

Th i s suggests that G o d ’s presence is to be both in the building and the people, although the emphasis is

on the building.

being a focus of divine presence

is also present in the d edication

1.

Willis,

G. G.

2.

Ibid.

3.

Davies, J. G. S.C.M. 1968.

4.

Lowther-Clarke, W. K. (ed.) S.P.C.K. 1950. p . 708.

5.

Wilson, H. A. The G regorian S a c r a m e n t a r y . The Henry B r adshaw Society. Vol. XLIX. 1915.

6.

A u t h o r ’s translation.

The idea

Op c i t . p . 155.

pp. 160-161. The Secular p . 261.

Use of C hurch B u i l d i n g s .

Liturgy and W o r s h i p .

67

of

the church of an

a l t a r ,^ "0 Lord our God send down we be seech you, holy spirit upon this altar Nevertheless,

your

..."

h esitation in a ssociati ng the divinity in a concrete way

2 wi t h a particular location continues, "0 God who in every respect remains unseen and yet,

for the w e lfare of mankind,

has shown a

visible sign of your power, a temple,

(that

power of yours which dwells in sacrifice)

that

all who come to this place of en t r e a t y out of whatever tribulation and cry to You may, result,

as a

receive your consolation and blessing,

through ..." The physical changes,

which have been noted,

were a c c o m panied by

theological differences in the wordin g and actions. God,

The presence of

which appears to have been exper ienced by the earliest Christians 3

when the sacred community met to rene w Covenant,

was now being

a s s o ciated with particular and specific physical space.

It is reasonable to suppose that A u g ustine a Roman monk, been sent to Britain by the Bishop of Rome, in the erection of church buildings. neighbouring Christian Churches*

having

would f ollow the Roman Use

Th e local situation and

customs,

nevertheless,

exerted

pressures on Augustine as we read in B e d e ’s^ record.

1.

A u t h o r ’s translation.

2.

idem.

3.

The evidence for this is also dis c ussed in the chapters dealing with sacred action and sacred community.

4.

Bede, Venerable.

Op cit.

pp. 66-102.

68

Fortunately,

there is a good body of evidence con c er n i n g Anglo-

Sa x o n church architecture.

Ii) addition to possessing a good general

k n o w ledge of the size and appearance of A n g l o - S a x o n c hurches,^

there

is evidence of what the earliest Augu s t i n i a n churches in Kent were like.

There is an homogeneous group of churches in or near Kent

dating from the seventh century,

and a group of N o r t h u m b r i a n churches

from the same century (although the exact dating of these churches is not so certain as that of the Kentish group).

2

Cla p h a m suggests that

the structure of the Kentish churches is Roman and that of the 3 N o r t humbrian churches is Celtic, feature of the latter are, "

i.

He m e n tions that the distinctive

4

an unusual length of nave,

the proportions

of length and breadth being 3 to 1 or less; ii.

a chancel of small proportions and of much less width than the nave;

iii.

and

the considerable height of the side walls of the buildings."

He thinks that the church at Bradwell may well be a blend of the nor thern and southern styles, the two,

as its proportions are m i d - w a y between

Nye^ suggests that the Nort h u m b r i a n pattern is Cel t i c in

origin.

1.

Taylor, H, M, & J,

Op c i t ,

2.

Clapham, A, W. English Romanesque A r c h i t e c t u r e before the C o n q u e s t , Oxford. Clarendon Press. 1930. Kentish Group, p . 16 ff. Northum b r i a n Group, p,38 ff.

3.

Ibid.

p,41.

4.

Ibid.

p.42.

5.

Nye, T. M, An Introduction to Parish C hurch A r c h i t e c t u r e A.D. 600-19631 London, B. T. Batsford. 1965, p . 11,

69

It is important, many,

at this point,

to recall that some,

or even

of the earliest Anglo-Saxon C h r i s t i a n places of wo r s h i p were

o pen-air sites.

Allcroft^ is of the opinion that the word

derives from ’c i r i c ’ meaning circle,

’c h u r c h ’

and the circle was the meeting

place of the sacred community throughout pre-Christian Europe.

Further

he suggests that this practice was continued in early En g l i s h Christian times.

He argues that the word mynstyre

(minster)

En g lish church buildings in the first instance,

was used of

and this being so,

the

indications are that few actual church buildings were erected in the early days of Christianity in England.

The ciric garth (circle-guard =

church yard) had been the gathering place of the sacred community in pre-Christian times.

Such sacred space would be cleansed and consecrated

for Christian worship and the placing of a cross wi t h i n its precincts would designate its new use.

We know that the placing of crosses was

a practice of the early English Chri stian in a number of situations, and that church yards were marked with crosses in m e d ieval times. has already been indicated,

however,

2

As

several churches survive from the

s eventh century and these were not all monastic.

Rem e m b e r i n g also that 3

many wooden buildings must have perished,

and that there is a record

that Mellitus was instructed by Gregory that Eng l i s h hea t h e n temples were to be cleansed and consecrated for use as Chr i s t i a n churches. A l l c r o f t ’s case is not as certain as it would first appear. tradition,

both Eastern and Western,

1.

Allcroft, p . 232.

A. H.

2.

Brown, G. B.

Op c i t .

Op c i t .

Vol.

Vol.

with perhaps the e x c e ption of the

2.

5.

pp.

p . 155.

226-257,

especially

See also:

Stevens, W. 0. "The Cross in the Life and the L i t e rature of the Anglo-Saxons". Yale Studies in E n g l i s h . No. 23.

1904. 3.

Bede, Venerable.

The C h r istian

Op cit. p.86.

70

C eltic Church,

which lay on the fringe of the C h r istian area,

was for

the C h ristian community to gather in a church building for its worship. Al t hough for a short time worship and preaching may have continued in the open air in Britain,

Augustine and his successors would have

e ncouraged the conversion or erection of a building to act as a church. Nevertheless,

the enclosed open-air site remained the basic sacred

space onto which were grafted those contained within the church building.

Saxon churches were not large.

In a chart giving the length

and width of the naves of some twenty four A n g l o - S a x o n churches B r o w n ’s^ longest nave is 7 4 ’ 0" and his broadest 2 8 ’ 6 ’’.

The Anglo-

S axon churches were two-celled buildings with a nave and chancel with,

in many cases,

small additional rooms.

towers were quite common, nave.

In the later S axon period

generally placed at the w e stern end of the

Porches were also to be found.

Typically,

the chancel arch

was very narrow distinctly marking the division between the two parts of the church.

The known seventh century chancels were aps i d a l - e n d e d

in the south of England,

and square ended in the north.

occur in various parts of the country, structure is to be found, apse was built.

as at Wing,

Later,

and occasionally a half-way Buckinghamshire,

where an angled

2

1.

Brown, G. B. Op c i t . Vol. 2. p . 21. See also: Harley, L. S. ’’The pre-Conquest Churches of E ssex and the Method of Laying Out their Ground P l a n ’’. Essex Naturalist. No. 28, 1951. pp. 275-277.

2.

Willis, G. G.

Op c i t .

p . 221.

71

both

In the Anglo-Saxon church there was a clear division between the part of the church where the clergy celebrated the mass, reserved for them, and the priestly domain,

and which was

that part which was for the laity.

The chancel,

was the place of G o d ’s especial presence in the

reserved elements of the Mass,

the nave was the sacred c o m m u n i t y ’s

gathering place.

The only documents available from early English C h r istian sources concerning the consecration of churches are of late provenance.^ They belong to the Early Middle Ages, when the Roman and G a l lican Uses had fused.

Both Robert of Jumierges'

Pontifical and that of Egbert of

York clearly show that they are a comb i nation of the Ga l l i c a n rite and the Roman

’b u r i a l ’ rite.

'baptismal*

In fact the two documents present

us with very similar services of consecration,

a testimony to the

unity of thought and faith in late Anglo- S a x o n times in England.

The main pieces of evidence available to us c oncerning the mode of consecration used in the very early days of Chr i s t i a n i t y among the

2 E n glish is a passage from Bede,

quoted earlier in this chapter.

Bede

is describing in outline the Roman manner of consecr a t i n g a church after the Gallican elements had been fused into it.

We can safely

assume that following the asperging of the buildings and the deposition of relics there would have followed a dedicatory M a s s .

1.

Egbert. The Pontifical of Egbert, Archbishop of Y o r k . Surtees Society. Vol. XXVll. 1853. Cage, J. ’’The Anglo-Saxon Ceremon i a l of the Dedica t i o n and Consecration of Churches illustrated from a P ontifical in the Public Library at R o u e n ’’. of London.

2.

It would be

Vol. XXV.

Bede, Venerable.

Archaeologia.

1834.

Op c i t .

p . 235 ff.

p.86.

72

Society of Antiquaries

useful to have the text of the service and o r d i n e s , other than those given,

because this would give us a clear picture of the official

understanding of the nature of the church building as sacred space. It was suggested,

in the earlier part of this chapter,

that the

pre-Christian English temples were two-celled buildings. w ithin these, and the other,

One room

the a f h u s , was the especial area of divine presence the s t a l l r , the meeting place for the sacred community,

the whole building being situated within a sacred enclosure. fact that the Christian churches had the same structure, were re-consecrated pre-Christian temples,

The

and that some

led on at least one occasion

to luciferian confusion.^

In the later Middle Ages, three types of church building: the parochial church. two types,

prior to the Reformation, the community,

there were

the pilgrimage and

They all had a common basic structure.

and on occasion three types,

The community churches,

Often,

were housed in the same building,

be they collegiate or monastic,

and the

pilgrimage churches were usually wealthy and could therefore erect large buildings of better materials than the normal parochial church, using the most skilled artisans in their construction.

T h e community

c h urch and the pilgrimage church very mu c h reflected the medieval e xperience of the nature and presence of God within sacred space and their development influenced the normal parish church.

The English

m e d ieval church was a two-celled structure consisting of nave and chancel,

1.

Ibid.

the latter divided into choir and sanctuary.

p . 128.

73

Th e r e were,

on

o c c a s i o n , as will be described,

addit i o n s to this basic structure.

The significance of Gothic Archi t e c t u r e ' s emergence cannot be over-emphasised,

when the factors a f f e c t i n g the development of the

m e d ieval church building are considered. and understanding of the sacred world.

It reflects an experience As Von Simpson^ has argued,

the introduction of this style in the H e

de France during the twelfth

c e ntury was more than a technical innovation, t heological considerations.

The solid,

was replaced with a heavenly directed,

it was based on serious

earth-based R omanesque style light-infused Gothic style.

The full flood of this style continued until the period of the Reformation.

Its persistence thereafter,

into the present day,

as an

ecclesiastical style may indicate that it reflects something very basic in the Western C h ristian experience of the sacred.

Having considered some prelimina r y issues, of church must now be considered.

the different types

The first is the C o m m unity Church.

2 T h e s e were numerous even in A n g l o -Saxo n times. were of two types, monastic and collegiate.

Community churches

The latter,

w hich included

some cathedrals, were served by a chapter of secular clergy, by a religious community under one of the monastic rules.

the former

The object

of these churches was the continuous w o rship and praise of God.

1.

Von Simpson, 0. G. The Gothic Cathedral; Origins of G othic Architecture and the M e d i e v a l Concept of O r d e r . 2nd Ed. R.K.P. 1956.

2.

Timson,

R. T.

"English M o n a s t i c i s m before 755".

M.A, Thesis. London. 1956/7. Ryan, A. M. "A Map of Old En g l i s h Mona s t e r i e s and Related Ecclesiastical Foundations. A.D. 400-1066". Cornell Studies in E n g l i s h . XXVllll. 1939. Ithaca. Cornell U niversity Press. 1939.

74

Su c h churches were generally large and elaborate.^

The community

e x isted primarily for the purpose of w o r s h i p p i n g God, act i v ity was secondary. buildings,

cloisters,

every other

The principle purpose of the a n c i llary

chapter house,

library,

refectory and dormitories,

was to enable the community to achieve this end.

2

It was in these

3 c hurch buildings that the choir developed.

Besides the daily offering

of the Mass by the priests of the community,

there was the continual

4 round of the choir offices.

It was for this latter purpose that the

choir developed within the chancel.

Here a select part of the sacred

co m m unity offered continuous worship in G o d ’s presence. the ordinary laity had no part.

They supported,

In such churches

economically,

what was

done on their behalf but normally did not even enter the building.

Such communities needed considerable support^ from what was a r el a t ively poor economy.

One is led to ask why they were supported

wh e n they offered so little to the community at large in educational or material terms.

Heer^ suggests,

"The world was full of violence, m ortal sin and depravity;

steeped in

amid such confusion

1.

Cook, 0.

2.

Brook, C. and Swaan, C. The Monas t i c W o r l d . P. Elek. 1974, chap. 4. Bond, F. Gothic Architecture in E n g l a n d . London. 1905. chaps. 1, 2 and 3.

3.

Cranage, D. H. S. pp.

English Abbeys and P r i o r i e s .

The Home of the M o n k .

T hames & Hudson.

C.U.P.

1960.

1934.

71-72.

4.

Batsford, H. and Fry, C. M i ddle A g e s . (2nd Ed.).

5.

Knowles, D. K. Bare Ruined C h o i r s . pp. 191, 286, 287.

6.

Heer,

F.

The Greater E n glish C hurch of Batsford. 1943. chap. 2.

The M e dieval W o r l d .

W eiden f e l d & Nicholson.

1962.

C.U.P.

(Engl, p. 40.

75

the

1976.

trans. J. Sonheimer). \

only a monk could achieve personal perfection

...

This conviction was at the root of all reforms and reformation: the

for once the monks failed

whole world order and the C h u r c h itself

was at stake,

exposed as an illusion,

a fiction,

a lie, since there could no longer be any hope of Christian perfection here on earth.

Every­

thing therefore depended on preserving the purity of monasticism," There needed to be one possibility of a h e a venly m i c r o c o s m on earth, a place where the. divine cosmos shone through the s urrounding moral chaos.

As has been mentioned above, than one role. churches^

churches frequently filled more

The naves of some mona s t i c

churches acted as parish

and others had relics whic h dr e w pilgrims, such as St. Albans

and Westminster.

Cathedrals were also,

churches such as Canterbury and Durham.

on occasion,

pilgrimage

Sometimes they had a role

as a superior parish church a l though actual parochial functions w ithin the Cathedral were restricted to the privileged few.

2

As the church

co n t aining the b i s h o p ’s throne it was the administ r a t i v e and spiritual centre of the diocese.

They were,

however,

always community churches, 3

served either by secular or regular clergy.

1.

Cook, G. H. The English Medieval P hoenix House. 1954. chap. 3.

2.

Batsford,

3.

Harvey, 1956.

J.

H. and Fry, C.

P arish

Op c i t .

En g l i s h C a t h e d r a l s .

Church.

p . 43.

B. T. Batsford.

76

3rd Ed.

2nd Ed.

The Christian paractice of pilgrimage goes back to the earliest centuries.

One of the earliest accounts is that of E t h e r i a ’s visit

tg Jerusalem.

Davies^ suggests that,

"The fourth century saw a development of what perhaps might be called p i l g r i m a g e - i t i s . " In the later Middle Ages,

pilgrimage was a universal W e s t e r n phenomenon.

3 Sumption

suggests the reasons for whi c h the m e d ieval C h r i s t i a n un d e r ­

took pilgrimages were the pursuit of healing, sin and the miraculous generally.

piety,

the remission of

It was certainly the belief that

blessings and benefits would accrue from a pilgrimage.

As Davies^

says, "The cult of the saints, architecture,

which so influenced

also became an important item

in the C h r i s t i a n ’s devotional life Pilgrimages too were in part a by-product of the martyr-cult." Th e e stablishment of the deposition of relics as necessary to the c o n s e cration of Churches,

in the West,

had the effect,

m a r t y r ’s remains being removed to churches. m o r e firmly within ecclesiastical control.

in time,

of all

This brought the cultus A l t h o u g h in Palestine,

wh e r e many of the sites linked wi t h the life of Christ had churches b uilt on them,

the site was the contro l l i n g factor.

1.

Davies, J. G.

2.

Sumption, J. Pilgrimage; Faber & Faber. 1975.

3.

Ibid.

chaps,

1965.

Op c i t .

Wi t h o u t the site

pp. 273-274.

An Image of M e d i e v a l R e l i g i o n .

4-7.

77

2

in P a lestine the church would not have been built.

Elsewhere,

the

sites of the C h ristian saints lives were not p a rticularly hallowed. Their bodily remains and personal chattels, churches.

however,

were taken to

This had its influence on the secu l a r i s a t i o n of the

landscape.

Theop h a n y was restricted to the place duly c o nsecrated

by and under the control of the ecclesiastical authorities.

The

C hurch allowed sites which had been points of theophany in preChr i s tian times to be

'baptised'

into C h r i s t i a n use by being appropriated

to a Chris t i a n saint^ but the proliferation of places of theophany was halted.

The places where the relics of the greatest saints were housed became important centres of pilgrimage.

O thers were important because

large numbers believed that extraordinary powers were present, to those attrib u t e d to the greatest saints, lesser relics.

Some places,

centres of pilgrimage, Canterbury, A l b a n ’s.

similar

in the remains of otherwise

besides Palestine,

such as Rome,

2

became international

Santiago de Com p o s t e l a and

Others became national centres such as W a l s i n g h a m and St.

Mo s t served as local centres.

The pilgrimage church always functioned in other ways, as a c o mmunity church,

be it abbey,

The centre of such churches,

monastery,

however,

Hole, C. 1954.

E n glish Shrines and S a n c t u a r i e s .

2.

Sumption,

J.

Op c i t .

pp.

151-153.

78

cathedral or minster.

was always the relics.

1.

frequently

The great

B. T. Batsford.

C o n s t a n t i n i a n basilica,^ the Church of the Resurrection,

set the pattern

f o l lowed by all such churches.

large in order

Th e y were,

to accommodate the crowds of pilgrims.

of necessity,

Th i s necessi t a t e d large

a m b u l a tories around the church to a l l o w the passage of the pilgrims. The r e ligious community at the pilgrimage church w ould need a substantial choir for its round of worship. public services.

Finally,

A large nave was also necessary for the

behind the high altar,

the sanctuary for the chief relic. sized church was required.

in the choir,

would be

All this me a n t that a c a t h e d r a l ­

Good examples of such churches are West m i n s t e r

2 Ab b e y and S. Alban's Abbey.

Pilgrimag e is always a journey towards the 3

sacred,

a meeting with the divine.

by the late M i ddle Ages,

Although,

in W e stern Europe,

more akin to a modern package tour.

as Sum p t i o n

indicates,

it had often become something

The emphasis in the pilgrimage

c h u r c h was therefore on the divine presence at the shrine.

The shrine

was therefore a further form of sacred space wi t h i n the church al o n g s i d e the others.

To a lesser degree, some sense.

every visit to a ch u r c h was a p ilgrimage in

This was underlined by the fact that there were relics

i n s t alled in every altar and that in every c h urch the host was reserved in the pyx. r i tuals as

The belief in transubstan t i a t io n was very real. 'creeping to the cross'

Such

and the burial of the host in the

E a ster sepulchre was a real and dramatic r e - e n a c t m e n t of the a r c h etypal

1.

Davies, J. G.

2.

Wall,

3.

Sumption, J.

J. C.

1966.

Op c i t .

p . 208.

Shrines of British S a i n t s . Op c i t .

pp.

257-261.

79

Methuen.

1905.

events of Christianity.

Each worshipper in the parish c hurch was making

his or her journey to Calvary.

The later medieval English parish church building was essentially an expansion of the earlier English church as described in the previous chapter,

wi t h the provision for additional altars.^

The building style

2 evolved from Romanesque into the various modes of Gothic.

Ma n y parish

churches were simply enlarged and modi f i e d to meet new needs and today present a variety of medieval and later styles of archite c t u r e in one building.

The m a jor difference between the parish c hurch and the community and pilgrimage churches was the lack of a developed choir for the community offices and a sanctuary for the shrine.

Although,

every

parish chur c h had its chancel for the clergy and reliquaries were far from unknown in even the smaller parish churches. mentioned,

some churches had combined functions.

As has al r e a d y been A number of churches 3

served both a parish and a community either mo n a s t i c or collegiate. In these c h urches the choir was developed and sometimes very large. Every m e dieval church had relics withi n its altar,

some had important

4 relics and a few possessed a complete

1. 2.

Cook,

G. H.

Op c i t .

chaps.

shrine.

1, 2 and

3.

Cox, J. C. and Ford, C. B. The Parish C h u rches of E n g l a n d . 5th Ed. B. T. Batsford. 1946. chaps. 2 and 3. Cook, G. H. Op c i t . chaps. 5, 9 and app e n d i x B. See also above p . 74.

3.

Cook,

G. H.

4.

Ibid. pp.

Op c i t .

36-38 and

chap.

3 and pp.

plates 1 and 3.

80

49-52.

In general,

the majority of parish churches grew in size during

the Medieval Period,^ frequently as a result of local we a l t h as much as growth in population. church remained,

In essence,

however,

throughout the Med i e v a l Period,

It had a chancel, laity.

2

the place of the clergy,

the Eng l i s h parish a two-celled structure.

and a nave,

the place of the

Certain additions to this basic plan were functional and others

liturgical.

Some Sax o n churches had towers such as Earls Ba r t o n in 3

Northamptonshire.

This became a frequent a d dition during this period.

The principle function of these towers was the housing of bells.

These

were used to make the many parish a nnou n c e m e n t s in an age devoid of the 4 mult i p licity of m o d e r n means of communication. placed at the West end of. the church, of nave and chancel, even,

on occasion,

but on o c c asion at the junction

more rarely it abutted a north or south wall, and

was altogether separate as at East D e r e h a m in Norfolk.

The other functional additions, churches,

a l thoug h again,

were porches and sacristies.

churches was usually in the south wall, at the West end.^

The tower was often

these are known in Saxon

The main door of m e d ieval alt h o u g h on occasions it was

The porch built on to this was frequently only used

as a weather entrance.

On occasion,

however,

it was larger and

a ccommodated the activities which took place at the church door: public penance, weddings,

1.

Ibid.

chap.

5 plates,

2.

Ibid.

p.52 ff.

3.

Ibid.

chap.

4.

Ibid.

pp.

131-132.

5.

Ibid.

pp.

188-190.

the reception of baptismal c andidates and

p.48 ff and plates 29-40.

7.

81

funeral processions.^

There was also o c casionally a West door used

for the bishop's visitation and for processions on Pa l m Sunday.

The principal liturgical additions to the main structure of the church in the Medi e v a l Period were chantry chapels. first instance,

A chantry,

in the

was a donation producing an income to pay a priest to

2 say M ass for specific people thought to be in purgatory.

This also

n e cessitated the Use of an altar within the church apart from the 3 Hi g h Altar at which Mass could be said.

The founding of a chantry

was frequently accompanied by further building.

Sometimes an aisle

was added by the benefactor in which the chantry altar could be sited and sometimes an extra room in the form of a chantry chapel. cases it was a separate building,

In other

a chapel w ithin the parish which 4

served the needs of outlying areas.

Such endowments were beyond the

m eans of the less prosperous classes. were not in the wealthiest class,

T hose with some means,

but who

joined together to form fraternal

guilds one purpose of which was to found a chantry for its mem b e r s . ^ T hus a further form of sacred space was incorporated into church buildings.

One in which part of the sacred community associ a t e d with

it were absentees,

F.

sojourners in purgatory.

1.

Bond,

2.

Maynard-Smith, H. Pre-Reformation E n g l a n d . 1965. pp. 198-203.

3.

Cook, G. H. Op c i t . p.47 and fig. 8, p . 100 and p . 109 and fig. 13, p.111. Plates 7, 80, 88, 98,

4.

Ibid.

5.

M a ynard-Smith,

pp.

Op c i t .

pp.

730-734.

47-48. H.

Op c i t .

pp.

112 and 115.

82

McMillan.

fig. 12, 102 and 104.

One other occasional addition to a parish church was the a nchor's cell.^

The anchors continued the t r a d ition of the early

C h r i s tian eremites of the Egyptian desert and perhaps an even earlier one from traditional religion.

The cell was yet another form of

sacred space incorporated within the church building.

T here was a

pontifical service at which the anchorite or a n c h oress was immured into the small single room, their lives.

in which he or she lived out the rest of

The anchor's cell had only two openings.

One was a

small aperture into the church through which the high altar could be viewed.

The other was a barred w i n d o w through wh i c h food could be

passed to the solitary. His,

or her,

The anchorite was wh o l l y given to God.

consecration meant that the person was finally and

utterly cut off from the non-sacred so that no d efilement might take place.

2 O utside of the church was the churchyard.

This,

consecrated and needed ritual reinstatement if defiled.

too, was It was a

3 place of sanctuary,

like the church itself.

It became customary

for parishioners to be buried within its precincts,

early in Christian

4 times.

Churchyard m e morials were a late invention.

N o r m a l l y the

chu r c hyard cross^ dating back to early C h r istian practice was all there would be apart from the lych gate and the s u rrounding hedge or fence.

As we have seen this was a traditional form of sacred space.

1.

Cook,

G. H.

2.

Allcroft, A. H.

Op

3.

Hole,

Op c i t .

4.

Muncey,

5.

Ibid.

C.

Op c i t . pp.

1954.

R. W.

206-207.

c i t . pp.

Op c i t .

206-207,

p . 124.

p . 145.

83

The enclosed, and many

open-air site,

sacred to the gods, was pre-Christian

churchyards in England date back to that time.^

As has already been mentioned the e arliest English pontifical contai ning consecration services which is still available, fusion of G allican with the Roman Use.

2

Davies

3

medieval rite of consecration was both a form of a

'baptism'.^

main tains that the 'requiem mass'

One would agree with this and say that,

c oncerning the latter idea, were a person.

In the N e w Testament,

particularly

C h r istian baptism is said to further,

the C h r i s t i a n ’s

body is said to be a temple where God's spirit dwells,^ 'baptising'

the church and the

relics pertaining to him or her,

The two

'burial' of the saint,

followed by the

or

’requiem m a s s ’ are

m eant to achieve the same ends for the church building. to its old earthly life and,

and

the rites treated the church as if it

be the death and res urrection e xperience^ and,

actions of

shows a

It has died

freed from demonic possession,

rises to

a new and heavenly existence as the place where God dwells with His saints.

This is indeed the N e w Jerusalem.^

1.

Allcroft,

A. H.

Op c i t .

2.

Cage, J. Egbert.

3.

Davies, J. G. 1968. Op c i t . pp. 249-253. (Wordsworth, J. On the Rite of Cons ecrat ion of C h u r c h e s .

Op c i t . Op c i t .

Vol.

2.

passim.

p . 235 ff.

Church Hist orica l Society Publicat ions No. 1899. Says second part is an ordination.)

52,

S.P.C.K.

4.

Maskell, W. M onum e n t s Ritualia Ecclesiae A n g l i c a n a e . 2nd Ed. O.U.P. 1882. p.cccxxxix.

5.

Romans 6: 4-11.

6.

1 Corinthians 6:

7.

The epistle at the medieval consecration mass

19.

84

was Rev elatio n 21: 2 ff,

Absolute uniformity of liturgical use is a post-Reform ation and Counter-R eforma tion phenomenon.

In any case,

pontificals have

always shown more variety than

other books.

were not used by large numbers

of clergy and that the services

infrequent,

was one reason.

The fact that

the books were

Also the idea of the bishop as an

apo stolic successor enabled him to m a in tain more freedom of a ction than other clergy.

The development of the W e stern Pontifical,

therefore of consecration rites, study.

and

can be followed in A n d r i e u ’s^ immense

H aving carefully examined the Roman p ontificals of the twelfth

and thirteenth centuries Andrieu proceeds to explain the emergence of the fully developed Roman rite,

that of Guillaume Durandus

(which

2 he reproduces) as follows, "William ... composed a pontifical in three volumes for his own use which absorbed the essentials of the Curial

Pont ifica l but

answering better,

more developed form,

in its

the needs of a diocesan bishop.

A number of

the Curial prelates adopted it and copies of it poured out rapidly.

As early as the second

half of the 15th century its auth ority was such that Pope Innocent VIII promulgated it in 1485,

hardly changed by Roman ceremonies."

1.

Andrieu, M. Le Pontifical Roma in au M o y e n - A g e . Studi et Testi. 86-88. Va tican 1938-40.

2.

Ibid.

Vol.

3.

p.ix.

avant p r o p o s ,

85

3 Vols.

( a u t h o r ’s translation).

There are thirty five extant manus cripts of E ng l i s h medieval pontificals.^

These date from the tenth to the sixteenth century.

2 Some of these have been published.

The latest medieval English

services for the consecra tion of foundation stones and ch urches are those of Christopher Bainbridge,

A r c hbish op of York,

1508-1514.

This

York pontifical does not contain the service of c onse cratio n for a foundation stone. by Chichele,

Henderson/

however,

has published the rite used

Archbish op of Canterbury in the fifteenth century.

There are other services of consec ratio n in the pontificals. These are either concerned with re-conse cratio n after prof anation or wit h objects such as altars, space.

vessels,

banners,

objects rather than

The rites give us an insight into the Me dieval Christi an

experience and understanding of sacred space.

The rite of b aptism appears to be the core of both Durand's and Chichele's rites for consecrating a foundation stone. Chichele reverses asperging and chrismation. include an i nvocation of the Holy Spirit,

Strangely,

The services both

as in human baptism,

recalls the theophany to Jacob at Bethel as an antetype.

and

The

foundation stone then becomes an o m p h a l o s , the me eting place of heaven and earth,

the gate of heaven and where God's especial presence is to

be found.

Durand's service differs from Chichele's in cl aiming the

1.

See list in Henderson, W. G. (ed.) Liber Pont ifica lis C. Bainbridge Archiepisco pi E b o r a c e n s i s . Surtees Society. Vol. 61. 1875. Preface, ix.

2,

e.g. Doble, G. H. Pontifical L a n a l a t e n s e . Society. Vol. LXXL. 1937. Henderson, W. G. Op cit.

86

Henry B r a d s h a w

site of the future church from the powers of evil and baptisi ng it, as well as the actual consecration of the foundation stone.

The

ere ction of a cross on the site as the first act of cl aiming a space for Christian worship was the A n glo- Saxon practice^ and it is surprisingly absent from the English M e diev al rites.

A comparison of D u r a n d ’s and B a i n b r i d g e ’s rites of c ons ecrati ng a church shows that their basic structure was the same.

This consisted

2 of first the exorcism of church and altar This was followed by the was dedicated.

'burial'

Finally came the

and then their

’baptism'.

of the saint in whose name the church 'requiem' M a s s .

In the details of the

rite, Bainbridge's version is more elaborate at several points.

This

rite provides for the asperging of both interior and exterior walls. In addition to aspe rging the walls, when a person was baptised.

he chrismates them as would happen

Thereafter,

honouring sacred persons and things.

they are censed,

an a c t i o n of

In this respect Bai nb r i d g e ' s

service takes the whole process to a logical conc lusion and, sense,

in this

is more complete than Durand's,

A study of the ceremonies and words used in both rites shows that the church was considered to have become God's house, on earth (or at least the very gate of heaven),

heaven

a house of prayer

and place of blessing for the family of God on earth.

It is not only

the symbolic actions which indicate that the church has become the

1.

Brown, G. B. Op c i t . Vol. 5. (The Ruthwell and Bewca stle Crosses and the Lind isfarne Gospels), p . 155. See also Stevens, W. 0.

2.

Wordsworth,

Op c i t .

C. Op c i t .

p . 14.

87

temple of God and the very court of heaven but the words of the antiphons,

psalms,

prayers,

epistle,

gospel and other variables of

the Mass which reiterate these ideas again and again.

The consecration rite treats the building as a sacred space wit hin which the sacred community will worship God. con secrated building in which, God dwells.

the forces of evil having been expelled,

In this unified building there is housed the altar,

place of G o d ’s especial dwelling and theophany. wit hin the Church, blessings,

The re is a

the

Around the altar,

G o d ’s family are to gather to pray and to receive

spiritual,

mental and physical.

In fact, as we have seen,

the building was divided and one part of the family ga thered in the chancel and another in the nave.

Moreover,

this latter place while

being a house of prayer was many other things besides. place of many communal activities, secular and irreligious today.

It was the

most of whi ch would be consider ed

The use of the nave for these act ivitie s

seems to have been a continuaton of pre-Chr istia n t radition with regard to sacred space.

A l tho ugh many of these activities were vigoro usly

suppressed in the post-Ref ormat ion period, attempts,

by the clergy,

there were continuous

throughout the Medieval Period to curtail them.

Al though the medieval service of consecra tion saw the church as G od's dwelling place and a home for God's people,

its view of the latter

was more restricted than that of the Christ ian body as a whole. only was the church used for the community's worship, indicate,

Not

as the rites

but for the whole range of its corporate life.

The third rite of consecration, con cerned with the churchyard.

whic h is now considered, was

The rubrics found in pontificals

at the beginning of the service,

instruct that it could f o llo w the

con se c r a t i o n of a church or could be separate from it. were erected without churchyards,

for various reasons,

Churches and if any

one of these was given parochial status the need for a churchyard would arise.

The two rites,

even when performed in conjunction,

n ever thele ss treat the church and c hurchyard as separate entities. The o p ening rubric of Durand's rite is particularly intere sting as it asser ts the necessity of consecr ating churchyards and also indicates that there were contempo rary views to the contrary.

Durand's and B a inbrid ge's rites are both parallel to those for the consec ration of churches already examined. a

'baptism'

of the ground proceeded by

by a M a s s which, Mass.

on this occasion,

They both consist of

'exorcism',

this is followed

may more truly be called a Re q u i e m

The services incorporate the two N ew T e stamen t ideas linked to

baptism:

becoming a temple of God's Spirit and of death and

resurrection.

The churchyard,

freed from demonic possession,

dies

to its old life and rises to a new and heavenly one.

Again,

as with the church,

a wider understan ding of the nature

and fu nction of this sacred place is found among the lay community than the clerical. consecration, cemetery,

The latter group,

saw the churchyard,

judging from the services of

literally,

as a sleeping place,

for the faithful until the day of judgement.

89

or

This made the

c h urc hyard a separate entity to the church. back to p re- Chris tian times,

Lay practice,

continued to use it as the

reaching

’c i r i c - g a r t h ’,

Tha t is a sacred space for the gathering of the sacred community for every activity,

religious,

political and social.^

In fact the nave

and the c hurchy ard were treated as one by the laity in the way they wer e used.

The lay expe rience and understanding of the place of

wor s h i p in England,

until the Reformation at least,

seems to have

kept that of the pre-Chris tian Teutonic place of worship described in the previous chapter.

The chancel continued to equate with the

A f h u s , G o d ’s special dwelling place.

The nave and churchyard with

the stallr and c i r i c - g a r t h , the meeting place of the sacred community, It may be noted,

however,

that a Christian tendency to contain

rev el a t i o n w i t h i n christol ogical terms,

noted earlier,

was already

leading towards secular isatio n of non-liturgical ac tivities and the exc lu s i o n of these act ivities from the church.

The official outlook

also tended to em phasise the church as a place of divine dwelling and wo r s h i p at its expense as a sacred space for the sacred community,

1.

Allcroft,

A. H.

Op c i t .

Vol.

2,

90

passim.

CHAPTER TWO

Forms of Sacred Space: The Later Period

The period of the Reformation and Cou nter- Reform ation brought a tide of new religious ideas to this country. e x ist ing religion remained valid.

For others,

new avenues to the sacred were explored.

For many people the where this failed,

Even in this case,

traditional forms often appeared in new guises. in We s t e r n Europe,

including England,

e xpe rience of sacred things.

however,

At this time, many

ceased to share a common

M o dern pluralism and au tonomy in

rel igious matters had begun.^

Before the evidence is surveyed

concern ing the effect of these influences in this country some outline of what happened on the Continent is necessary.

This is because the

seminal figures in the changes were all Continental,

although that is

not to say that there were not outstandin g figures in England who contribu ted to the changes here.

2

It is not proposed that the Counter-

Re f o r m ation be examined in detail as this was primarily a reformation 3 of chur ch morals and discipline rather than a doctrinal change.

The changed understandings c oncerning the divine presence affected how men understood the forms of the sacred. P rot es t a n t and Catholic, word,

sacred space,

a ction and time remained,

varied.

symbol,

For both

community,

person,

but structures and under standing now

In studying this a key issue is the divine presence in

r e lat ion to the bread and wine at the Mas s .

In this debate the

1.

Berger, P. The Social Reality of R e l i g i o n . 1967. Especially pp. 111-112.

2.

Milward, P. Religious Controversi es of the E l izabet han Age: a Survey of Printed S o u r c e s . University of Nebraska Press, 1977.

3.

Janelle, P. The C o u n t e r - R e f o r m a t i o n . Milwaukee. The Bruce Publishing Co. 1963. p . 73.

91

Faber & Faber.

relationsh ip of the spiritual to the physical was worked out, and therefore the way in which the sacred was present to men. debate. Catholic w riters stoutly defended the doctrine, the reality,

of transubstantiation.

In the

and for them

For Cat holics the divine remained

physically present in the sacrament.

Other views of the relationship of the spiritual to the physical emerged at the time of the Re formation beside the Catholic one that the physical can incorporate

the divine.

The Angl ican and Lutheran

that the physical can be a channel of the spiritual. (or Reformed)

The Calvinist

in which the spiritual and physical realms are separate

but parallel so that the actions in one correlate with the actions in the other.

Finally,

the Radical view whi ch sees the physical and

spiritual as unrelated, sign and a witness.

and that the outward and physical is only a

Behind each of these experiences of the relationship

between the physical and the spiritual lay a different un derstanding of the way in which the divine was revealed to man.

The Catholic view

whi ch held that God was present and met with in the Sacraments.

The

A n gli can and Puritan view which held that God was present through the proclaimed Word al though they differed as to how the divine was me diated through the accompanying sacraments.

Finally,

the Radical

vie w which held that God was only present inwardly.

Luther was,

chronologically,

the first to bring about change

al th ough many of the reformers ideas had been years.

In this country the Lollards,

things to come.

'in the air'

in particular,

for many

foreshadowed

One place where L uther's basic view is made very clear

92

is in his commentary on Genesis.^

In -the course of his study of the

text, Luther comments on various passages describing theophanies. These places,

according to Luther,

are sacred because G o d ’s Word is

proclaimed at them and not because of any inherent presence of the

2 divine in the physical environment, "... he built an altar there not on account of sacrifice but on account of the preaching of the Word.

For whenever mention is made of the erection

of an altar and the building of a tabernacle there the establishment of a little church is pointed out -

a church in which people come together

teach

and hear the Word of God

to

..."

and,^ "These are the true altars,

in comparison with

which the sacrifice of bulls and goats are only shadows, preach, The church,

so to say and external signs, to hear the W ord of God

for Luther,

but to

..."

is the gate to heaven only inasmuch as G o d ’s

Word is preached there opening that gate.^

The building is only

G o d ’s Temple in a derivative s e n s e A l s o ,

for Luther,

actions and no

physical

elements were nothing without the proclaimed Word of God,

physical thing could be sacramental of itself,^

1.

Luther, M. W o r k s . (Ed. and trans. 6 vols. Philadelphia. 1915-1932.

2.

Ibid.

Vol.

6.

p.38.

(Gen.

Vol.

6.

p . 233.

(Gen.

3.

Ibid.

4.

Luther, M.

Op

cit.

5.

Ibid.

Vol.

5.

p.248.

6.

Ibid.

Vol.

5.

pp.

Vol.

5.

26:

Spaeth, A. and Jacobs, H. E.). vol. 6, p .38. (Gen. 26; 24-25)

24-25).

35: 3). pp. 246-247.

247 and 250.

93

Barclay^ suggests that there was a gradual development of L u t h e r ’s ideas which can be traced in his writings.

He says,

"Luther started wuth the Scotist idea that the Sacraments are efficacious signs of grace.

But

this was modified by placing them in the most intimate asso ciatio n with faith ... in 1518 and 1519 he taught the distinction between and the

’s a c r a m e n t u m ’

’res s a c r a m e n t u m ’, and regarded the faith

as the means whi c h effect that the Sacraments accomplish,

that which they signify.

In the

writings of 1520 all emphasis is placed upon the word

...

In the third period (1525 onwards),

there is a new development when there is added to the sign and to the Word,

God's command and

precept."

Galvin wrote with great clarity on the necessity of the procla imed Word to accom pany the a dminis tratio n of the Sac rament s

2 in order that they be effective.

He wrote,

"We have in the sacraments another aid to our faith related to the preaching of the gospel.".

1.

Barclay, A, The Protestant Doctrine of the L o r d ’s Supper: A Study of the Eucharist ie Teaching of Luther, Zwingl i and Calvin. Glasgow. Jackson, Wylie & Co. 1927. p . 5. See als o Bainton, R. H. Here 1 Stand: A Life of M a r t i n L u t h e r . Men tor Press. 1973. pp. 107-108.

2.

Calvin, J.

Inst itutes of the C hrist ian R e l i g i o n .

McNeill, trans. 1960. p . 1276.

F. L. Battles).

2 vols.

94

London.

(Ed. J. S.C.M.

T.

and later,^ "You see how the sacrament requires preaching to beget faith

... Indeed it was known even

from the beginning of the world that whenever God gave a sign to the holy patriarchs it was inseparably linked to doctrine, wi thout which our senses would have been stunned looking at the bare sign." Calvin gives us his definition of a sacrament,

2

"A simple and proper definition would be to say that it is an outward sign by which our Lord seals on our consciences the promises of his goodwill towards us in order to sustain the wea kness of our faith," and, "We in our turn

attest our piety towards

in the presence

of the Lord and his angels

him

before men." The outward,

visible,

physical signs,

for Calvin,

remain separate from

3 the inner spiritual reality, "Hence that disti nctio n (if it be duly understood)

often noted by the same Augustine,

between a sacrament and the matter of the

1.

I b i d . p . 1279.

2.

I b i d . p . 1277.

3.

Ibid.

p . 1290.

See also

pp. 1284-5.

95

sacrament.

For the distinction signifies not

only that the figure and the truth are contained in the sacrament but they are not so linked that they cannot be separated." The outward minister whether it was the visible sacrament or audible Word was a witness to, and parallelled by, an inner spiritual activity,^ "In the Supper of the Lord,

the external minister

holds forth the external symbols, the Lor d and the wine of the Lord,

the bread of which are

perceived by the organs of our body, and swallowed. Holy Spirit,

The internal minister,

the

not by external organs of the body,

but by his secret virtue, the faithful,

consumed

feeds the souls of

both truly and efficaciously,

as truly as they k n o w themselves to be nourished for this mortal life by bread and wine." Without

faith and understanding

2

the outward word would be heard and 3

the outward sacrament received,

but inwardly nothing could occur.

This division of physical and spiritual is made even more complete

4 when C a l v i n deals with Church buildings.

He writes.

1.

Calvin, Calvin, Reid).

J. "The Ministry of the Word and the Sacraments" in J. Calvin: T heological T r e a t i s e s , (trans. R. K. S. London. S.C.M. 1954. p . 174.

2.

Calvin,

J.

3.

Calvin, Calvin, Calvin,

4.

1960.

Op c i t .

p . 1292 ff.

J.

1954.

Op c i t .

p . 135 and p . 171 ff.

J.

1960.

Op cit.

p . 1304.

J.

1960.

Op cit.

p.893.

96

See also

"Now as God by His Word ordains common prayers for believers so also ought there to be public temples w herein they may be performed...

If

this is the lawful use of church buildings, as it certainly is, we in turn must guard against either taking them to be God's proper dwelling places

... or feigning for them some

secret holiness or other, which would render prayer more sacred before God." Church buildings are where God's Wor d is to be proclaimed,^ "By this plan He willed of old that holy assemblies be held at the sanctuary in order that the doctrine taught by the mouth of the priest might foster agreement in faith. Temple is called God's sanctuary.

His

'resting place';

'dwelling'.

The the

Glorious titles

they are used solely to bring esteem,

love,

reverence and dignity to the min istry of the heavenly doctrine.

Otherwise,

the appearance

of mortal and despised man would much detract from them.

To make us aware that an inestimable

treasure is given us in ea rthenware vessels, Himself appears in our midst,

and as Author of

His order, would have men recognise H i m as present in His

1.

Ibid.

1960.

God

institution."

p.17.

97

C alvin proceeds to elucidate that God is present through His Word, not only through its being read, human teachers,

chosen by God,

but by its exposition through He continues,^

the prophets were a living image of God, just as Paul asserts that in his preaching the glory of God shines in the face of Christ

... By His Word God alone sanctified

temples to Himself to lawful use." The church building for both Luther and Calvin is a place of divine presence and revelation because God is present through the proclaimed Word.

Concerning the Lord's Supper,

Zwingli wrote,

2

"A sacrament is the sign of a holy thing. Wh en I say,

’The Sacrament of the L o r d ’s

B o d y ’, I am simply referring to that bread which is the symbol of the body of Christ

... No w

the sign and the thing signified cannot be the same.

There fore the sacrament of the body of

Christ cannot be the body itself." 3 In writing of Baptism Zwingli says, "...

the word sacrament means a covenant sign

or pledge

... Bapti sm is a sign which pledges

us to the Lord Jesus Christ.

1.

Ibid.

2.

Bromily, G. W. S.C.M. 1953.

3.

Ibid.

The remembrance

p . 1019. Zwingli and Bullinser:

p . 131.

98

Selected T r a n s l a t i o n s .

shows us that Christ suffered death for our sake.

Of the holy things they are

the signs and pledges.

You will find

ample proof of this if you consider the pledge of circumcision and the thanksgiving of the pascal lamb." Zwingli also emphasised that the proclaimed Wo rd was the channel of divine revelation and salvation.^

Each of the Conti nental Reformers, made,

to whom reference has been

experienced a division between physical and spiritual,

for Luther and greatest for Zwingli.

They each,

however,

least

saw a clear

relationship between the outward and physical and the inward and spiritual.

It was,

was revealed.

nevertheless,

the proclaimed Word in which God

Each of these reformers had a horror of idolatry,

worshipping the creature rather than the Creator. itself,

could ever contain or,

of itself,

Nothing,

in

reveal the divine.

While the reformers who have been briefly reviewed separated outward sign and inward reality,

they never failed to underline the

importance of these signs and their observance, frailty and,

in faith,

both to meet human

to obey the divine command.

Wit hin the movement

for reformation there were also those who so completely emphasised the interior nature of the experience of the divine that they either

1.

Zwingli, U. "Of the Clarity and Certainty of the Power of the Word of God". In Bromily, G. W. Op c i t . pp. 58-95.

99

divorced the outward action from the inward experience or abolished the outward signs altogether.

As Littell^ writes,

"Upon a basis of inner inspiration they spiritualised the Sacraments."

2 One Continental writer of this group,

Franck,

said,

"... as the Spirit of God is alone the teacher of the New Covenant,

so also he alone baptizes

and alone a vails of all things,

namely the

Spirit and the truth." 3 Another Continental writer, Phillips,

wrote,

"These two symbols Christ left behind and subjoined to the gospel because of the unspeakable grace of God and his Covenant to remind us thereof with visible symbols." Yet another writer Swenckfeld felt that,

4

"... it is essential that the divine work of the Lord Christ,

that is,

the feeding and

the inner spiritual eating in faith,

be

properly di stinguished from the external, sacramental eating

... that these two kinds

of bread and drink

... may remain unmingled

1.

Littell, F. H. Spiritual and Anabaptist Writers: Documents illustrative of the Radical R e f o r m a t i o n . London. S.C.M. 1957. p . 7,

2.

"A letter to Joh n Campanus" in Littell, F. H.

3.

"The Church of God" in Littell,

4.

F. H.

Op c i t .

"An answer to L u t h e r ’s Maled iction " in Littell, Op c i t .

p . 167.

100

Op c i t . pp. F. H.

p . 150.

242-243.

with the other:

that the inner,

precede and be contemplated,

spiritual

but external,

sacramental eating follow and be observed in proclaiming the death of the Lord." He continues,^ "Therefore there is no other eating than the one spiritual eating and drinking of the body and blood of Christ w hich is done by faith."

For such men the outward,

physical elements of the sacraments

were merely memorial symbols and witnesses. was inward and spiritual,

through faith.

The reality of things

The sacraments were the

faithful C h r i s t i a n s ’ outward witness to inner realities.

Such was

the view of the General Baptists in England in the s eventeenth century.

2

Fox and the Society of Friends took this view to its entirely logical 3 conclusion and abolished the outward signs.

Having outlined the fundamental changes in the understanding, on the Continent,

of how the divine is revealed to men, we can now

proceed to examine the evidence in England at this period to see whether and to what extent there were changes here.

In this chapter only the

category of sacred space is being considered but a similar investigation

1.

Ibid.

p . 168.

2.

Davies, W. H. Wor ship and T heology in E n g l a n d . Vol. O.U.P. London. 1970.p.490 ff. especially p.492.

3.

I b i d . p .511 ff. See also Nickalls, J. L. (ed.) The Journal of John F o x . Rev. ed. Cambridge. C.U.P. 1952. passim.

101

2.

will be underta ken in subsequent chapters as other phenomenological categori es are surveyed.

This is primarily a ph enomenological study and therefore there is no need to devote a great deal of space to the complicated details of ho w ideas were transmitted from the Continent and were publicised and a d o pt ed here.

However,

it is perhaps important to say that this

happened over a period of time.^

Lollardy,

although persecuted,

was

e s t a b li shed and persistent in England and provided a basis for the popular establ ishme nt of reform ideas.

The presence of Erasmus in

the coun try circa 1511 meant that Rena issance ideas were propagated not only at Cambrid ge Uni versit y where he lectured, e ducated men generally.

but amongst

The introduction of printing certainly

speeded the circu lation of ideas.

There is a vast literature in

E n gli sh from the early sixteenth to the late seventeenth century dealing wi th R eformation and C ounter -Refo rmatio n ideas. intercha nges of personnel.

There were

English scholars visited the Continent

2 and c o rresp onded with leading Co ntinental Reformers.

During M a r y ’s

reign lea ding religious figures were in exile on the Continen t and their re tu r n during the early part of E l i z a b e t h ’s reign had a profound 3 effect.

A l t hough the key ideas were thoroughly public knowledge by

the b e g innin g of Elizabeth's reign,

if not earlier,

the debate continued,

1.

For general reviews see: Dickens, A. G. The English R e f o r m a t i o n . Fontana. 1976. and Cross, C. Churc h and People 1 4 5 0 - 1 6 6 0 . Fontana. 1976.

2.

Scales, D. A. "Henry Bullinger and the Ve stment Controversie s in England". Ph. D. Thesis. Cambridge University. 1979.

3.

Garrett,

C. H.

The M a ria n Exiles.

102

C.U.P.

1938.

Per haps the T ole ratio n Act of 1689 marked the beginning of the acc eptance of a status q u o , whereby it was tacitly acknowledged that there were a variety of tolerated forms of protestant C h r i st ianity in this country.

It was not until the Catholic

E m a n ci pation Act of 1829 that public freedom in religious matters was finally established.

The earliest reforms in the Church in England were undertaken in the mid-1530's by Henry VIII.

These were almost entirely concerned

with the re-orga nisati on of church government and polity. reforms did, however, one.

The Henrician

reduce the types of church building from three to

Only the parish church remained,

together with its diocesan

equivalent,

the Cathedral.

P ilgrimage and m onastic churches were

abolished.

Although the parish church remained fundamentally the same

for the rest of Henry VIII's reign,

change was in the air.

2

The first fully protestant reforms were introduced with the advent 3 of Edward VI.

The Royal Injunctions of 1547 command:

"That they shall take away, and destroy all shrines, trindles,

rolls of wax,

utterly extinct

all tables, pictures,

candlesticks,

paintings,

and

all other mon uments of feigned miracles.

1.

Dickens, A. G.

2.

Frere, W. H. and Kennedy, W. M. (eds.) Visitation Articles and Injunctions of the Period of the R e f o r m a t i o n . 3 vols. Longman, Green. 1910. Archbishop L e e ’s Injunctions for York 1538, S h a x t o n ’s for Salisbury 1538, and the Royal Injunctions for 1538.

3.

Ibid.

pp.

Op cit. chaps. 6 and 7.

123 and 126.

103

pilgrimages,

idolatry and superstition:

so that there remain no memory of the same in walls,

glass windows,

or elsewhere..."

and continues, "Shall read or cause to be read the Epistle and Gospel of the Mass in English, in Latin,

in the pulpit,

and not

or in such convenient

place as the people may hear the same.

And

every Sunday and holy-day they shall plainly and distinctly read,

or cause to be read, one

chapter of the Ne w Testament in English,

in

the said place at Mattins immediately after the lessons and at Evensong after the Magnificat,

one chapter of the Old Testament."

C r a n m e r ’s Articles for the Diocese of Canterbury

1

in 1548 and Ridley's 3

for L ondon in 1550 show the Re formation changes under way. gives instructions that: "2 i t e m , that no minister do counterfeit the popish mass..." "4 item,

that none make a mart of the Holy

Communion by buying or selling the receipt thereof for money..." "5 i t e m , ... we exhort curates,

churchwardens

to erect and set up the L o r d ’s Board after the

1.

Ibid.

p . 176 ff.

2.

Ibid.

p . 241 ff.

3.

Ibid.

p . 241-242.

104

...

Ridley

2

form of an honest table and to take down and abolish all other altars and tables." "10 i t e m , that none maintain purgatory, invocation of saints, bead rolls,

images,

the six articles,

relics,

with invocation of saints, of man by his own works, ashes,

candles,

to the cross,

rubric primers justification

holy bread,

sepulchres pascal,

palms,

creeping

hallowing of fire or altar,

or any suchlike abuses and superstitions."

M a r y ’s reign brought about a reversal of these changes.^

The

beginning of E l i z a b e t h ’s reign in 1559 saw the re-introduc tion of reformed church polity and doctrine once more.

2

There were many

3 forces at work

and it was only towards the end of E l i z a b e t h ’s reign

that the A nglican

’via m e d i a ’ position became clearly established.

Even then, many years elapsed before it became clear that this was to be the permanent basis of the national church. position and its basic assumptions are, Books of Common Prayer in 1549, between them. Prayer,

1552 and

The Angli can Church,

The An glican

nevertheless, 1559,

present in the

despite the differences

as portrayed in the Books of Common

is episcopal and bases its doctrine and practice on the

authority of the Bible and the interpretation of this by the early

1.

Hughes, P. Rome and the Counter Ref ormation in E n g l a n d . Burnes Oates. 1942. chap. 1.

2.

Dickens,

3.

Cross,

C.

A. G.

Op c i t .

Op c i t .

chap.

chap.

12.

6.

105

church as recorded in the fathers of the church. one hand,

This denies,

on the

the Roman view which gives the Church the interpretative

role running con tinuously through history, denies the Reformed view,

and on the other hand

as em anating from Geneva,

alone was the basis of doctrine,

that the Bible

church government and liturgy.

view prevailed despite the plea for

'further reformation'

This

from the time

of the Mar ian Exiles return until the Savoy Conferen ce at the Restoration.

Important to the study of the church building as a sacred space is the Anglican view of the divine presence,^ particularly as exemplified in the understand ing of the divine presence at the Holy Communion. Prayer

2

The words of the C a techi sm in the 1662 Book of Common

shows this:

"Q.

What is the outward part or sign of the Lord's Supper?

A.

Bread and Wine which the Lord hath commanded to be received.

Q.

What is the inward part,

or that signified?

A.

The body and blood of Christ which are verily and indeed taken and received by the faithful in the Lord's Supper."

1.

V i d e . Schorrenburg, J. M. "Early A nglican Architecture. 1558-1662, its theological implications and its relation to the C ontinental background." Ph.D. Thesis. P rinceton University. 1964. Conc lusions and pp. 33-39.

2.

Brightman, Vol.

2.

F. E.

The English R i t e .

p . 789.

106

Rivingtons.

1915.

The Anglic an experience is of a non-corporeal spiritual presence in the Holy Communion,^ Similarly,

This is not, however,

a localised presence.

God is thought to be present in His House,

church building dedicated and made over to Him,

that is the

but not incorporated

or associated with any particular physical element of it or within it.

It is an experience of a general and spiritual presence.

2

The

3 Homilies

also point out that it is the People of God,

community,

the sacred

who are most fully the place where God is present.

The reformers in England inherited a large stock of exi sting church buildings.

It was therefore a case of re- orderi ng and

re-furbishing them to comply with a reformed protestant view.

The

Anglican solution was to make the church a completely two-celled structure.^

As A d d l e s h a w and Etchells put it,^

"The first feature in the Elizabethan arrangement of churches is the continuation of the idea that they are made up of selfcontained c e l l s ..."

1.

I b i d . Vol. 2. p . 636 ff. (for services and rubrics p . 721, and exhortations p.679). See also Hooker, R. Of the Laws of Ecclesiastical P o l i t y . Dent. 1969. Vol. 2. pp. 237, 318-331. Also, The Two Books of H o m i l i e s . O.U.P. 1859. p.439 ff.

2.

The Two Books

3.

Ibid.

p . 273 ff.

Hooker, R. 4.

pp.

154 and 167 ff.

See also

Op c i t .

Vol.

2.

pp. 42-44.

Addleshaw, G. W. 0. and Etchells, F. The Arch itect ural Setting of An glican W o r s h i p . London. Faber & Faber. 1948.

5.

of H o m i l i e s ,

Ibid.

pp.

24-25.

p.30.

107

This was achieved by using the screen,

left after the rood above it

had been dismantled,^ as a dividing wall between nave and chancel. As Addlesh aw and Etchells explain,

2

"The word used in the Royal Order was ’p a r t i t i o n ’ and in the Eliza bethan period and the s eventeenth century the screen was generally called the partition.

The name

is of some importance as it denotes the function which the Elizab ethan authorities meant the screen to play in their re­ arrangement of the churches.

It was intended

to divide the church into two well defined sections,

the chancel and the body or the

nave." 3 A d dle shaw and Etchells

discuss this arrangement in con siderable detail

and give various ground plans of the churches built in the seventeenth century to this pattern. reign.

Very few churches were built during E l i z a b e t h ’s

At least two of them,

however,

St. W i l f r e d ’s, Standish in

Lan cashire and St. M i c h a e l ’s, Wo o d h a m Wa lter in Essex, as two-celled buildings with chancel and nave.

were constructed

The latter is known to

4 have had a service of consecration.

1.

Staley, Press.

2.

Addleshaw,

3.

I b i d . chap. 2. pt. 1. the Chancel S c r e e n ’.

4.

Wickham-Legg,

The two sections into which

V. (ed.) Hierurgi a A n g l i c a n a . 1903. Vol. 1. p . 13. G. W. 0. and Etchells,

J.

Op cit.

F.

3 vols.

Op c i t .

’The P o s t - Refor mation

p.xviii.

108

De La More

p.31. use of

churches were now divided provided distinct areas for the preaching of the Word and the rece ption of the Sacrament.

The ne cessary movement

from one part of the sacred space to the other by members of the congregati on would also serve to define their difference.

During the seventeenth century, after the Restoration, built.

Wren,

especially in the latter half

one celled so called

in particular,

’a u d i t o r y ’ churches were

favoured this pattern.

The one celled

church was planned both as a room where preaching and prayer could be clearly heard and also as a sacrament room where all was clearly visible.

These churches,

to a square,

even when they contained side aisles conformed

or at least .a broad rectangular shape.

Galleries were

added when large numbers needed to be accommodated so that all should be near to the minister to see and hear.

Ad dl e s h a w and Etchells^

a number of ground plans of this type of church and Wh i f f e n

2

give

includes

a number of illustrative plates in his book.

As has already been noted,

the Angl ican Church inherited a large

number of medieval church buildings.

There were no great shifts or

growth of population during Elizabeth's reign, subsequent to it. worship.

Basically,

or in the decades

there was adequate provision of places of

A lthough the r e f o r m e r ’s views as to the nature of the place

of worship varied,

none of them saw it in medieval terms.

1.

Addleshaw, G. W. 0. and Etchells, F. Op c i t . pp. 53, 57, 59, 60, 61, and picture plate p.Ill, and p.65.

2.

Whiffen, M.

Stuart and Georgian Churches:

of the Church of England outside London. B. T. Batsford. 1947.

109

However,

55,

The Archite cture 1603-1837.

none of the main parties felt or saw any need to désacralisé churches. Even the Westminst er Directory was happy to indicate that earlier practices made no difference.^

Some more extreme groups such as the

2 Society of Friends

did,

however,

have object ions to using churches,

but they were a relatively small minority.

The E l izabet han period was one of strong influence, 3 ’P r e c i s i a n s ’.

Church of England for the required for worship,

within the

When new buildings were

such influence would discount the need of any 4

setting aside, are, however,

dedicat ion or co nsecration of a church building.

There

records of instances of c h urch consecrations during

E l i z a b e t h ’s reign, as has already been mentioned.

The Anglican

’via m e d i a ’ view on the nature of the sacrality of

churches began to be formulated during E l i z a b e t h ’s reign.

The Homilies

state,^ "And the same church or temple is by the Script ures called the house and temple of the Lord,

...

for the

peculiar service there done to his M a j esty by his people,

and for the effectuons presence of his holy

grace, w here with he,

by his said holy word,

endueth

his people so there assembled."

1.

Leishmann, T. 1901. p . 78.

The Westminste r D i r e c t o r y .

2.

Nickall,

(ed.)

3.

’P r e c i s i a n s ’ is used to describe those

J. L.

Op c i t .

W. Bla ckwood & Sons,

passim. within the C h urch of

England who held ’Genevan' views on reformation and who cannot properly be called ’p u r i t a n s ’ at this early date. V i d e . Dickens, A. G. Op c i t . pp. 409, 410, 427 and 428. 4.

See Davies, J. G.

Op c i t .

5.

The Two Books of H o m i l i e s .

1968.

pp.

Op c i t .

110

113-116.

p . 275.

^

"Not me aning thereby,

that the Lord

... doth

dwell in the Chu r c h of lime and stone

...

Mor eover the church or temple is counted and called holy,

yet not of itself,

but

because God's people resorting thereunto are holy, and exercise themselves in holy and heavenly things." T o war ds the end of E l i z a b e t h ’s reign. Hooker published his books of E ccle siast ical P o l i t y .^

These perhaps,

establ ished the Angli can

’via m e d i a ’ and gave it a sound intellectual

basis.

more than any other publication,

In book five, where he is dealing with the dedication of

churches,

he says,^

"Nor doth the solemn dedication of churches serve only to make them public,

but farther

also to surrender up that right which otherwise their founders might have in them, and to make God himself their owner," and, "...

that what is fit for the dwelling place

of God he sheweth,

and what for m a n ’s

habitation he sheweth;

he requireth that

Chr istia n men at their own home take common food,

and in the house of the Lord none but

that food which is heavenly

1.

Hooker,

2.

Ibid.

R.

Op c i t .

..."

See pp. 37-54.

pp. 42-43.

Ill

The burden both of The Homilies and of H o o k e r ’s writing is that churches are the place where the people of God should gather and offer orderly and fitting worshi p and that it is the place where God will be spiritually present in their midst.

Accordingly,

should be kept in good repair and decently furnished and, everyday activities should take place elsewhere.

churches

further,

This view differs

both from the Roman view which gives precision to the mode of G o d ’s presence and to the more extreme Pro testa nt view which sees it primarily as a fitting meeting place for G o d ’s people.^

As far as the English provinces of Ca nterbury and York are concerned,

there has never been an a uthorised service for the

consecra tion of a church. A nglican provinces, 1620.

2

The most influential form,

for all

has been that of B ishop Andrewes first used in

A service derived from that of Andrewes was drawn up by 3

Archbi shop Tenniso n

and presented to C o n v o ca tion in 1712 and further

presented in 1714 after revision.

This service,

however,

has never

been promulgated with the necessary ecclesiasti cal and public authority,

M o der n services used in the English provinces have been based on 4 that of B ishop W ordsw o r t h

drawn up in 1898.

J. M.

Op c i t .

Other parts of the

1.

See Schorrenburg,

pp. 33-36,

2.

Wickham-Legg, J. En glish Orders for Conse crati ng C h u r c h e s . Henry Bra d s h a w Society. Vol. XLI. 1901.

3.

Muncey,

R. W.

Op c i t .

4.

Davies,

J. G.

1968.

p.62.

Op cit.

p . 253.

112

37 and 39.

A n gli can Communion have also produced au thor i s e d services.^

The Anglican

'via m e d i a ’ which found its i ntellectual base

in the work of Hooker was worked the seventeenth century,

such

out by leadin g A n glica n divines in

as Andrewes,

L a u d and Cosin.

The

A n gli can orders for the conse cratio n of churc hes during this century

2 sho w this very clearly.

The

should rest on the revela tion ear liest fathers.

Anglican position was that Chu rch order of

the scriptures as understood by the

The consecr ation services are,

in general terms,

3 a

’return to the f a t h e r s ’.

W ickha m-Legg

is con vinced that the

A ngl i c a n Bishops of the seventeenth century were aware of the rule of the early post-Cons tanti nian Church that c hurches were consecrated by the celebration of the Eucharist w ithin them.

He says,

"With this the practice of the bishops of the seventeenth century was in close agreement. A celebration of the Eucharist is noted as part of the conse cratio n of the parish churches and chapels of ease in nearly every case where distinct i nformation is given

... so the

practice continued to the end of the eight e e n t h century at least." He then lists the various instances in the s e v e n t eenth century and shows that it is in the chapels of ease that the Euch arist was omitted,

1.

Irish Order 1666, American Order 1799, See Davies, J. G. 1968. Op c i t . pp.

2.

See Wickham-Legg,

3.

Ibid.

J.

Op c i t .

Sco t t i s h order 234-235.

for texts.

pp. xxvii and xxviii.

113

1940.

He thinks they were aware of Gregory the G r e a t ’s letter to Castor, Bi shop of Rimini directing him to consecrate a private chapel or o r a t o r y ,^ ’Pra edict um orator ium abseque missis publiais solemniter c o n s e c r a b i s ’, He is of the opinion that, "The seventeenth century bishops have interpreted publicae missae as Eucharist,

and thought it

undesirable to lay stress upon its c elebration whi ch they did in the c onsecration of parish churches and chapels of e a s e . "

The other key item in the early Ang lican Services of consecration is the handing over of the church by the founder to the Bishop.

2

3 Wi c k h a m - L e g g

quotes Bishop Words w o r t h to the effect that the delivery

of the keys and documents is a symbol of possession and is equivalent to the earlier Roman Rite of the Alphabet Ceremony.

The se venteenth century Anglican Rite,

therefore,

consisted of

the ceremony of entering into legal possession of the building followed by its use for sacred purposes. earlier chapter,

This is, as has been noted in an

the essence of the earliest Chris tian practice.

This

c ons ecrati on by liturgical use is further illustrated by the fact that

1.

Ibid.

p.xxix.

2.

Ibid.

p.xxi ff.

3.

Ibid.

p.xxiv,

'The surrender of the building',

xxv.

114

the earliest A nglican consecration services included Mor ning Prayer and the Litany.

Thus the normal Sunday and Holy Day services were

performed at the consecration.

There are also records of baptisms,

confirmations and other similar rites and of burials when churchyards were consecrated.^

W i c k h am-Le gg quotes Dr. Lake at the consecration

at W y k e - C h a m p f l e u r , "Seeing we have now dedicated this House unto G o d ’s Service we cannot do better than, while we are here assembled,

to put it to that use."

Bishop Andrewe's service,

2

which has served as the basis for

many Anglican Consecratio n Services commenced with the handing over of the building by the owner.

After Psalm 24 had been sung,

Bishop entered the church and said the consecration prayer, on that of King David,

and blessed the furnishings.

the based

A prayer was

then said for the good use of the buildings and the c ongregation entered.

Morning prayer followed with Psalms 84,

readings were Genesis 28: three special collects.

10-end and John 2:

122 and 132.

The

13-end and there were

There followed the Litany and blessing.

The Bishop

preached a sermon, proceeded

first part

of the sermon churchings

by

Psalm

and baptisms

132. After

the

were performed.

Next came the service of Holy Communion, with a special collect, epistle,

1 Corinthians 3:

16-end,

and gospel, John 10:

22-end.

Solomon's prayer of consecr ation of the J e rus alem Temple was said

1.

Ibid.

p.xxxiii.

2.

Ibid.

p.47 ff.

115

after the creed,

together with the reading of the legal document

setting the church aside for sacred uses. collect was said,

Ther eafter a short

non-commun icants dismissed and the service of

Hol y C ommunion completed.

L o w t h e r - C l a r k e 's^ tables an alysing the modern Irish,

American,

C a nad ian and Scottish services together with those used in the diocese of Oxford and Salisbury illustrates the lasting influence of A n d r e w e ’s rite.

Subsequent services have truncated or omitted his long

re it eratio n of D a v i d ’s and S o l o m o n ’s prayers of dedication and the perambulati on to each object connected with worship. structures,

however,

are seen in each of them.

legal transmission of the building,

The key Ang lican

They each contain the

a prayer of consecration,

the

recital of the daily office and a cel ebration of the Holy Communion.

The structural difference between these services and those of the me dieval period,

studied earlier,

’e x orcis m and baptism'

is quite clear.

of the church building and no interment of

the s a i n t s ’ relics and R e q u i e m M a s s .

The Angli can reformers counted

these as medieval accret ions and corrupt.

As the Preface to the 1549

2 Boo k of Common Prayer says, "Of suche Ceremo nies as be used in the Churche, and have had the beginnyng by the institution of man;

some at the first were of Godly intent

1.

Lowther-Clarke,

2.

Brightman,

F. E.

There is no

W. K.

Op c i t .

Op c i t .

Vol.

pp.

710-712.

1.

pp.

116

39-40.

and purpose devised,

and yet at length turned

to vanitie and supersti.cio’.

Some entered the

Ch ur ch by undiscrete devocion

and such zeale

as was without knowledge,

for because they

and

were winked at in the beginning; dayly to more and more abuses,

they grewe

which not

onely for theyr unprofitableness,

but also

because they have much blynded the people and obscured the glory of God, are worthy to be put awaye, and cleare rejected. be, which although they man:

yet it is

Other there

have been devised by

thought good to reserve

them still, as well for decent ordre in the Chu rche (for which they were first devised) as because they pertayne to edification."

That the building is understood to enclose sacred space is shown clearly in the special psalms,

lections and prayers of consecration.

W i c k h a m - L e g g has listed the psalms,

and lections used

extant services.^

burden of these readings is

The overwhelming

in

the various to

emphasise that hencefor th the building is to be G o d ’s house, a place set aside for His especial presence on earth.

However,

the point is

2 made by the epistle,

used in a large number of instances,

1.Wickham-Legg,

Op c i t . p.xliii.

2.

J.

1 C orin thians 3:16 ff.

117

that it is

the people of God who are the true temple.

It is the location of the

sacred community that defines space as sacred as much as a particular place or building.

One clear difference between the medieval

c o nce ption and that of the reformed Anglican services is the mode of God's presence.

In the medieval church there were physical locations

of the divine presence. of these.

Here God,

wit h His people.

The host in the pyx was the most pre-eminent

in the person of His Son, was corporally present

The relics and,

to a lesser extent,

such dedicated

items as images were also points where the divine was located spe cifica lly in the physical.

The Angli can view of the divine

presence was that of a diffused and indefinite spiritual presence. God was understood

to be especially and spiritually present in His

house and in the elements of Holy Co mmunion and received through partaking of those elements.^

This presence,

however,

was not linked

in a physical and determinate way with the elements or any part of the building.

If the Roman view was that the divine dwelt in the physical, con secra ted to God, and the Reformed view allowed of no connection, the A n g l i c a n via media conceived of the physical as an indirect transmitter of the divine.

To enter an Anglican church was to enter

the dwelli ng place of God on earth but the exact location of the

1.

Vide.

Addleshaw,

G. W. 0. and Etchells,

118

F.

Op c i t .

plate 1.

divine within it was not defined or discernable.

It was a place

for G o d ’s people to gather in His presence for worship and to hear His Word and to receive Christ into themselves through the sacraments.^

The Anglican reformers also retained a service of co nsecration for churchyards,

thus also recognising this as sacred space.

service normally took place,

in the seventeenth century,

This

during

Evensong on the afternoon in which the church itself was consecrated. A n d r e w e ’s form

2

is again,

typical.

After a set psalm

3

the founder,

in the presence of the congregation gives possession of the land to the Bishop.

This action is followed by a prayer for those who will

be buried there. animals,

This prayer emphasises the difference of men from

who may be buried in the fields, and also refers to A b r a h a m ’s

purchase of a burying place. legal document.

Then follows the promulgation of the

The rite is completed by the prayer of consecration

in which it is desired that those buried in the churchyard will attain eternal life.

The congregation return to the church to complete 4

Evensong in which there are special readings.

The two actions of

transmission of the land and the prayer of con secration are normal to early Anglican practice.

Several services reproduced by Wickha m-

Legg set the service w ithin Evensong and include the same special lections.

One or two also commence with a procession or circuit

1.

See opening exhortation to Morning Prayer 1552 et_. s e q . B . C . P . ’s in Brightman, F. E. Op c i t . Vol. 1. p . 131.

2.

Wickham-Legg,

3.

P salm 90.

4.

Genesis 23 and 1 Corinthians

J.

Op c i t .

pp. 72-80.

15.

119

around the churchyard.

This way of marking space as sacred going

back far beyond the Christian.era.

Wickham-Legg^ also reproduces seventee nth century services for laying of a foundation stone.

Again,

a traditional way of

mar king the forthcoming building as sacred. simply of prayers of dedication, collects,

Two of these consist

two have versicles and responses

psalms and a prayer of dedication.

service there is no asperging or chrismation.

Unlike the medieval One of the prayers

of dedication refers to the theophany at Bethel.

The general tenor

of the prayers is to look forward to the completion of the place of worship and to express the idea that it will be a place of G o d ’s presence.

Until

1689, except for the period of the Commonwealth,

all

churches were required to conform to the rules of the established Church in England.

The passing of the T ole ration Act in that year

meant that Protestant dissenters were free to build or adapt their own places of worship.

From this point of time onwards, we can

obtain clear evidence of dissenting P r o t e s t a n t s ’ understanding of the church building.

The history,

prior to 1689, of Puritan church buildings can

be traced through what was done at Genev a under Calvin,

by Puri tan

protest at Anglican provision,

particularly the actions of Archbishop

1.

pp.

Wickham-Legg,

J.

Op c i t .

238,

120

293 and 294.

Laud and,

finally,

through the practice of the C om monwea lth period.

As Wh ite says,^ "In the sixteenth century the most immediate arc hitectural problem facing the reformers was not the design of new churches but the transformation of the medieval churches they had inherited into forms suitable for Protestant worship." The A n glica n solution which has already been described, the church into two rooms, this purpose.

was to divide

using the screen at the chancel arch for

This separated sacrament and preaching,

a point further

e mph asised by Anglicans who left the font at its traditional place by the door of the church.

For Calvin,

2

God revealed Himself through the proclaimed word,

linked to the sacraments,

(to those He had prepared for their inward 3

and spiritual reception).

Davies

describes how this idea was

translated into practice by Calvin at the Cathedral Church of St. Pierre.

The choir and rood-screen were demolished.

were then placed in the nave,

The congregation

transcepts and choir so as to face

inwards towards the centre of the church. the place where the Word was proclaimed,

Here lay the focal point, and the sacraments administered

1.

White, J. F. Protesta nt W orship and Church A r c h i t e c t u r e . N. York. O.U.P. 1964. p.81.

2.

Calvin, J. "Summary of Doctrine concerning the Minis try of the Word and Sacraments", in Reid, J. K. S. 1954. Op c i t . pp. 171-173.

3.

Davies,

J. G.

1968.

Op c i t .

p . 136 and fig.

121

10.

As we

ha ve already seen, Calvi n eschewed any idea that holiness or

divine presence could be writes,

in any way linked to site or building.

He

1

"No w as God by His word ordains common prayers for believers so ought there to be public temples wherein these may be performed

...

we in turn must guard against either taking th em to be G o d ’s proper dwelling places, whence he may more

nearly incline his ear to

us - as they began

to be regarded some

centuries ago - or

feigning for them some

secret holiness or

other, which would render

prayer more sacred

before God.

2 Davies

says that this central plan of C a l v i n ’s was widely followed

by the Reformed Church on the Continent where new buildings were erected following square,

rectangular,

octagonal,

oval and elliptical

3 shapes.

White

reproduces a number of ground plans of Continental

and early North American Reformed Chur ch buildings built to this 4 central plan arranged around the pulpit.

Hay

traces and illustrates

the same pattern in the early Scottish Post -R e f o r m a t i o n churches.

1.

Calvin,

J.

1960.

Op c i t .

2.

Davies, J. G.

3.

White, J. Op c i t . (North America).

4.

Hay, G. The Archi tectur e of Scottish P o s t - R e forma tion C hurches 1560-1843. Oxford. Clarendon Press. 1951.

1968.

p.893.

Op c i t . pp.

p . 137.

89-93 (Continent) and pp.

122

106-110

The Reformed view of the r e-ordering of churches was a dvocated at an early stage of the English R e for matio n by Hooper and Ridley.^ Their view,

shared and advocated by many others sharing the R eformed

understanding in the years that followed, Edwardian,

was not adopted in the

Elizab ethan or Car olingian official settlements.

and endeavours for further reform continued in England. Admoniti on to Parliame nt

2

P rotest

In the

the authors objected to the reading of

services instead of the preaching of the Word and also to the adminis tratio n of the sacraments without the preaching of the Word. To them the An glican practice lacked the vital moment of revelation. The y felt the official settlement still at tached re velation to the physical elements of the place.

Later the reforms of Laud and

3 others were attacked, "Divine reverence to supposed holy places

...

attributing holiness to places and things by their appointments and consecrating

...

attributing special degrees of holiness to several things by special consi derati on to places viz. church more

.,.

to churchyards one degree,

to

... and in each church the navis

or body holy,

the chancel more and the place

of the altar with the altar,

1970.

Op c i t .

holiest of all."

1.

Davies, W. H.

Vol.

2.

Proctor, F. and Frere, W. H. (eds.) S.P.C.K. 1954. pp. 9, 13 and 22.

3.

Staley, V. Op c i t . p . 337. 'Puritan charges against Caroline prelates and clergy 1641'.

123

1.

pp.

362-363,

P uritan M a n i f e s t o e s .

Some of the

' Pr ecisia ns’, unwilling to tarry for the magistrate

formed separatist churches following the Ref ormed pattern. one such person, attacked churches as synagogues.

Barrow,^

He thought they

revived unnecessary forms of idolatrous worship.

The Westminster Directory,

introduced during the C omm onweal th

Period in place of the Book of C ommon Prayer, Presbyteria n and Independent,

provided Puritans,

both

with the opportuni ty to re-order places

of worship as they believed to be right.

In an app endix to the

2 Directory worship",

entitled "An Append ix touching days and places of public it says,

"As no place is capable of any holiness,

under

pretence of whatsoever dedication or consecration; so neither is it subject to such pollution by any superstition formerly used,

and now laid aside,

as may render it unlawful or inconvenient for Christians to meet together therein for the Public Worship of Cod. requisite,

And therefore we hold it

that the places of public assembling

for worship a mong us should be continued and employed to that use."

The a lterations of parish churches during the period of the Commonwe alth were reversed at the Restoration.

1.

Barrow.

2.

Leishmann, T.

Permanent Reformed

A Brief Discoverie of the False C h u r c h . Op c i t .

p . 78.

124

1590.

places of worship finally emerged at the end of the century. Barton^ says,

of these,

"Most chapels of this period,

large and small

are modest and retiring externally having no ecclesiastical features." Continuing,

he describes their interiors,

"Their length is generally twice their width

... The pulpit was the most impressive

feature of these meeting houses and was usually of three tiers." The tradition that revelation was divorced from the physical site and accoutrements continued.

The point of revelation was the

action centred in the pulpit,

linked to that at the ad joining table.

Among dissenting protestants there was another set of views which can be called Radical Protestant Dissent.

The group in England

which exemplified this best was the Society of Friends with wh om it

2 is possible to link the General Baptists.

As Davies

says.

The closest similarity of Baptists and Quakers is found in their earliest meeti ng houses. It is significant that in these scrubbed domestic dwellings a bench for seniors and elders has replaced the Ang lican altar,

and

even the central pulpit and communion table

1.

Barton, D. A. Dis covering Chapels and Meeting H o u s e s . Princes Risborough. Shire Publications. 1975. pp. 11-15 and p.54. See also Bindley, K. Chapels and Me eting H o u s e s . J. Baker. 1969.

2.

Davies, H.

Op cit.

Vol.

2.

p.495.

125

of the Pu ritan meeting place." The se groups were the inheritors of the Continental Radical Reformation, For Friends,

sacred space was

had no need of any connection

1

were unnecessary.

non-physical and internal. with the physical,

In his Journal,

of churches which he called

Fox

2

The divine

even outward signs

was frequently contemptuous

's t e e p l e - h o u s e s ’.

At Sedburgh in 1652

3 in the early years of his ministry,

he wrote,

"I

went into the steeple-house

yard and got up

by

a tree

,.. that the Lord

... There I declared

Jesus Christ was come to teach his people himself ... and to bring them off temples made with hands, that they themselves might know they were the temples of God

... So I

that the ground and the

opened to the people house was no holier than

another place and that the house was not the church but the people which C hrist is the head of ..."

4 To Fox churches were idol-houses.

Despite such views,

necessary for the Friends to have me eting places, they met

in houses or out of doors.

it became

alth ough at first

As Lidbetter says,^

"A Friend's M e e ting House is much more than an ecclesiastical building,

1.

I b i d . pp. 496-497. Vi ew of the C h u r c h .

See also Littell, F, H. The A naba ptist Boston. Starr King Press. 1958.

2.

Nickalls, J. L. (ed.) Op c i t . 109, 110, 125, 126 and 500.

3.

Ibid.

p . 107.

4.

Ibid.

pp.

5.

Lidbetter,

with little or

pp.

20, 24,

39,

74, 87,

89,

39-40. H.

The Ebor Press.

The Friend's M e etin g H o u s e . 1961.

p . 14.

126

York.

1,

no arch it e c t u r a l pretensions;

it makes no

effort to be other than.a meeting place un c o n secrat ed and sanctified only by the purpose for which it was designed and used."

For di sse n t i n g Protestants,

of all kinds,

the separation of the

spiritual from the physical meant that no special setting aside or c ons ecrati on of land,

buildings or furnishings was necessary.

In a

letter a p p e n d e d to the Admonition to Parliament in 1572, Thomas Beza writes,^ "They ought to have considered that the abo li s h i n g of the ceremonies of Moses by little and little,

was not to set them up

aga in in time by another pretence." Fox, as we have seen,

found that even the Puritan use of church

buildings during the Commonwea lth Period was abhorrent.

For the

Protes tant di ssenter all things spiritual were internal and God was present in sacred community word and action,

not in sacred space or

symbol.

The ascen t of Eliza beth I to the throne marked a long penal

2 period for E n g lis h Catholics.

1.

Quoted in Davies,

2.

Bossy,

J.

J. G.

Those who wished to follow the Roman

1968.

Op c i t .

The E n glis h Catholic Community

Dar ton L o n g m a n & Todd.

1975.

127

p . 113. 1570-1851.

obedience lost any access to their parish churches for the practice of their faith.

The only opportunities for corporate worship and

church life was in private chapels^ or in domestic situations around

2 a portable altar.

It was a reversal to a very traditional form of

3 sacred space,

the house.

Despite the penal situation,

Catholic worship was continuous in England.

open public

Foreign embassies were

allowed to have their chapels in London and these were sometimes

4 ava ilable to privileged English people living near enough. in these situations,

Except

Catholic worship was necessarily clandestine.

Services were occasionally celebrated by travelling priests. houses of gentry where priests were retained,

In the

officially as members of

the staff but in fact as chaplains. Ma s s could be celebrated regularly.^ Eve n in the houses of gentry,

however,

not remain as such permanently.

The liturgical materials would have

to be hidden away after each Mass. England,

the rooms used as chapels could

For the Catholic in Post-Refo rmatio n

the place of worship was highly mobile and temporary.

It was

the portable altar where the M a s s sacrifice was performed by the .

priest.

6

1.

Ibid.

p . 126 ff.

2.

Ibid.

p . 121 ff.

3.

Raglan, form.

4.

Horton Davies,

5.

Bossy,

6.

Little, p. 23.

Lord.

J. B.

Op c i t .

W.

Also,

Op c i t .

Op c i t .p . 150

as noted,

Vol.

1.

the earliest Ch ristian

p . 152.

ff.

Catholic Churches Since

128

1623.

R. Hale.

1966.

The complete absence of any place of En glish Catholic worship came to an end with the Stuart era.

A chapel was built at M arlbo rough

Hou se in James I ’s reign for the bride of the future Charles I .^ A l t h o u g h the chapel no longer exists there are still prints illustr ating it.

It was a renaissance building wit h statues of saints

in arc hed niches and an elaborate high altar. alt h o u g h the chapel was royal and private, L o n d o n ’s Catholics were free to attend.

As Little points out,

the socially select among

A second chapel was built for

C h a rl es I's Queen in the 1 6 3 0 ’s at Somerset House. by Inigo Jones.

It,

This was designed

too, was a renai ssance building,

long with two transcepts, during James II's reign, at Wi n d s o r and Whitehall.

containing side altars.

a hundred feet

Later in the century,

further royal Catholic chapels were constructed

2

By the end of the seve nteent h century

Cat h o l i c chapels were being quietly erected,

althoug h still illegally,

3 in centres of staunch Catholicism. built more freely and publicly, subject to mob violence.^

After 1766 modest chapels could be

although they were always likely to be

Lit tle's^ il lustrations show that many of

these were renaissance style buildings although, illustra tions show,

as his later

revived Gothic was soon to prevail.

As has already been indicated,

Engl ish C a th olics did not really

achieve any degree of emancip ation in the matter of public worship

1.

Ibid.

pp.

22-23.

2.

Ibid.

pp. 22-23.

3.

Ibid.

p.25.

4.

Ibid.

pp.

5.

Ibid.

photographs pp. 40,

28-35. 41, 48 and 49.

129

until the late eighteenth century,^

Only in the first half of the

nineteenth century was it possible for any substantial amount of Catholic church building to take place.

2

As a result when one comes

to examine the consecration of Engl ish post Counte r-Refo rmati on churches one is faced with a long gap.

We know,

as a result of

3 Andrieu's

work,

that the Medieval Pontifical of Gu illaume Durand

was substantially that of the Co unter- Refor mation Catholic Church. There was little substantial change in text or ceremony in the service

4 for the consecration of a church.

The C o u n t e r -Refo rmatio n movement

led to the reform of order and control in the church rather than any change in doctrine.^

The Manresa Press has published a number of editions of the "Order of the Dedication,

or Consecration,

of a Church" as used

consecrate English Catholic churches since emancipation. there are detailed differences,

to

Altho ugh

the outline of the service,

its

theology and its intentions are exactly those of its Medieval predecessors. and altar;

Its structure is as follows:

Exorc ism of the C hurch

’B a p t i s m ’ of the C hurch and altar;

s a i n t ’s relics;

R equiem Mass.

Burial of the patron

The forms of sacred space enunciated

here are the same as for its English Medi eval predecessors,

apart

from the churchyard.

1.

Bossy,

J.

2.

Ibid.

chaps.

3.

Andrieu, M.

4.

5.

Op c i t .

p . 295.

13 and

14.

Op c i t .

V i d e . Frere, W. H. Pontifical Services illustrated from Miniatur es of the 15th and 16th C e n t u r i e s . Alcuin Club Collections No. 3. Longmans, Green & Co. 1901. Daniel-Rops. Warrington).

The Ca tholic R e f o r m a t i o n , J. M. Dent. 1962.

130

(trans. J.

Although there are regional differences,^ visits to churches, chapels and m eeting places for worship show,

in most areas,

insights and experiences of the Re formation live on.

that the

For instance,

the roots of the Salva tion A r m y ’s understan ding of the presence of the sacred can be traced back immediately to Pri mitive Methodism, more remotely to Zwingli and also the Radical Reformers.

It can be

argued that this is true also of the quasi-Chri stian groups which have arisen in the last century or so. of revelation lie in protestantism. space persist and continue.

2

The roots of their un derstanding Thus traditional forms of sacred

In recent years this picture has been

somewhat changed in areas of high com monwe alth immigration. present,

however,

At

there is no indication that any large number of

English people are adoptin g these faiths.

The biggest change has

been that of the seculari sation of the English.

However interesting

the problem would be of what experience,

the average secular

person had,

of the sacred,

if any,

it is beyond the scope of a study devoted

to public places of worship.

One movement,

which cuts across den ominational boundaries,

does

however appear to contain within it both change and revival of older forms.

The present century has wit nessed the growth of a widespread

development which has been called the Liturgi cal Movement.

1.

2.

Gay,

J. D.

The Geograp hy of Rel igion in E n g l a n d .

Duckworth.

1971.

Wilson, 1970.

Religious S e c t s .

B.

Wei denfeld & Nicolson.

131

Acc ording

to B o u y e r ,

1

2 Martimort,

and Jungman

3

the m o vem ent had its beginnings

in the proposals of Dom Lambert Beauduin at the Catholic Conferen ce at Malines in 1909.

The movement has now also affected

the life

and liturgy of many P rotestant churches as well.

The roots of this movement can be traced back to the theological and liturgical changes which arose out of ninete enth century romanticism. England,

The search for a 'golden age'

of the past led,

to the T ract arian and Eccles iolog ical movements.

in

Large

numbers of Anglican churches were re-ordered as a result of these two c onvergent movements.

A move towards a more M e diev al doctrine of the

divine presence in the Communion elements and elsewhere led to a number of liturgical and structural changes in many Anglican chur ches.^ influence of this movement in terms of

'gothic'

The

architec ture also

influenced both Non-Conformis t and Cat holics in England as is visible in so many of the Vict orian and early twentieth century churches which still remain.

The search in the last century for a 'golden age'

C hri stiani ty was a search for the past. discover and re-vivify.

of

It was an attempt to re­

The vast amount of research wh ich this

inspired led to new understanding.

The liturgical and theological

res earch eventually went past any m edieval and went right back to its roots.

'golden age'

of Christiani ty

This led to the insights of the

Liturgic al Movement.

1.

Bouyer, L.

Life and L i t u r g y .

Sheed & Ward.

1956.

2.

Martimort, A. G. et. al. The Church at P r a y e r . (Eng. trans. Flannery, A. and Ryan, V.). N. York. Desclee Co. 1968. pp. 52-53.

3.

Jungman, J. Liturgical R e n e w a l . Burms, Oates. 1964. p . 16 ff.

4.

V i d e . Clarke, B. F. L. Church Bui ldings of the Nin eteen th C e n t u r y . Newton Abbott. David & Charles. 1969.

(trans. Howell,

132

p . 58.

C.)

The Liturgical M o vement emphasises God's presence with the sacred community as it acts corporately in worship.^

This can be

seen as regaining a central strand of biblical and early Christian understanding.

As a result of this many churches have been re-ordered

so as to emphasise that God is present when the sacred community renews covenant.

The land,

the building and the objects within it ma y be

consecrated to God but it is primarily the presence of God with the covenant community w hich defines the space as sacred.

As it is a

mov ement which is still developing and has had a fundamentally similar effect on various Chri stian churches,

what follows is a general

survey with illustrations from a variety of sources and traditions. It should,

of course,

be said that this transit ion is still in

progress.

Just as at the Conversion to C hr istia nity of the Englis h

and at the Reformation many held to previous practice,

so it is now.

At the previous periods of change the central political power supported what was happening and, as a result, worship were transformed wholesale.

Today,

public places of

in most cases,

central authority of the religious body is limited.

even the

Accordingly,

pattern of outward and visible change has been more piecemeal.

2 Concerning these changes Hammond writes, "The church building is the house of the Ch urch in the biblical sense of that word;

P. F. chap.

the house

1.

Smith, 1972.

Third Mil lenium C h u r c h e s . 11.

2.

Hammond, P. Liturgy & A r c h i t e c t u r e . Barrie & Rockliff. p.28. See also Smith, P. F. "Symbolism, Liturgy & A rchit ecture with Special Reference to Church Design in Europe". Ph.D. Thesis Manchester. 1962.

133

Gaillard.

the

of the people who are themselves the temple of the living God,

the habi tatio n

of the Spirit,

a spiritual house built of

living stones.

It is first and foremost

a house in which people meet to do certain things

... known collectively as liturgy,

or public service.

This is what a church

is for.

It is a building for corporate

worship;

above all a room for the

eucharistie assembly." He continues,^ "Yet the church building is also a domus d e l . If its primary function is to provide a convenient space for the people of God to celebrate the liturgy, embodiment,

it is also an

a visible manifestation,

of

what the Chu rch is and believes."

The churches which are being built for Chris tian worship, on these principles,

are taking many shapes:

and variations on these. same,

square,

based

oval, circular

Whatever the shape the principle is the

the room is designed to enable the c ongregation to gather

around the liturgical centre.

2

This principle can be seen at work

in a number of situations where Ang lican churches have been

1.

Hammond,

P.

Op c i t .

2.

Smith, P. F. 1962. 78, 80, 83, 85, 88,

p . 29.

Op c i t . Vol. 2. plates 11-16, 89, 110, 111, 112, 114 and 118.

134

75,

77,

re-ordered.^

In these instances the chancel steps or transcept

crossing have frequently been chosen as the liturgical centre. Whether the church is being re-ordered or being newly built the purpose will be to arrive at a structure which is single-celled and which allows the sacred community to gather around a single centre of sacred action.

In connection with this study,

an enquiry was sent to the

liturgical committee of each Anglican diocese in the provinces of Canterbury and York requesting information concerning current practice with regard to consecration and dedication of churches. part,

This was,

to see if the L iturgical Movement had had any influence.

in

There

were 36 replies to the 45 letters sent, a response rate of 80%. Twenty three copies of services were made available from fifteen dioceses.

The services dated from 1957 to 1979.

dated from the nineteen fifties,

Three of the services

eight from the nineteen sixties,

twelve from the nineteen seventies.

and

The chart in the appendix gives

an analysis of the constituent elements of each of the services in the nineteen sixties and seventies.

The chart indicates that there is no consistent pattern. service had some reference,

by psalm, hymn,

scripture,

Every

reading or

prayer to the church building being a place which would be God's dwelling place.

In only one service was there specific reference to

a physical location as the place of divine presence.

In this case an

1.

Mowbray.

Cope, G. 1962.

Making the Building Serve the L i t u r g y .

135

Ambry was consecrated with the words, "...

this ambry as shrine of Thy presence."

In general terms,

the theology of the presence of God enshrined in

these services was that of the Book of Homilies,

Hooker's Ecc lesias tical

Polity and that of the seventeenth century bishops.

None of these

services followed the earliest Anglica n services closely,

although

many borrowed elements from them.

As was discussed earlier,

the bishops of the seven teenth century

understood the primitive practice with regard to the consec ration of churches to be by use.

This they accomplished as has been described,

by the recitation of the. offices of the Book of Common Prayer,

the

celebration of Holy Communion and the performing of the rites of passage.

As can be seen the modern services do not include the

systematic recitation of the offices,

al though ten churches (50%) had

the service of c onsecration in the setting of Holy Communion.

In the

other cases four were in the setting of Morn ing Prayer and one included the Litany.

Two seventeenth century items are maintained.

The handing over

of the building to the bishop and the prayer of consecration. the services examined contained these items. century item occurs with some regularity: of the church such as font,

pulpit,

One other seventeenth

the visiting of key parts

lectern,

136

All of

with prayers at each.

The influence of the T ractarian Move ment is seen by the introduction of items from medieval and Roman Catholic postTridentine practice such as circuits of the church, alphabet ceremony,

asperging,

the

m arking the church with a cross and specific

consecration of the altar,

together with chrismation and vesting.

The introit psalms used in the services are traditional.^ The readings are mainly from the New Testament and only have a

2 limited overlap with those

used

in the seventeenth century.

As

can

be seen from the footnotes

some

of the readings have to do with the

church as the place of God's presence and some with the people of God as the place of His presence,

enjoined with the task of p roclam­

ation.

In general terms the services are traditional and have a certain tendency to be idiosyncratic.

The import of these services is that a

place is being set aside in perpetuity for the worship of God and that it is a special place for God's people to be in His presence. there is not any consistent pattern, traditional forms of sacred space,

Although

the services perpetuate

some more fully than others.

What

is absent is any service reflecting the insights of the Litu rgical M o vem ent with regard to sacred space.

1.

Psalms 15, 24, 43,

48, 84,

121,

122,

2.

1 Kings 8: 20-22, Isaiah 6: 1-8, M a t t h e w 5: 1-12, 7: 24-end, 21: 12-16*, Luke 5: 1-7, 9: 28-36, 24: 44-53, John 2: 13-22*,7: 2-4, 9-14, 1 C orinthians 3: 9-17*, Ephesians 4: 1-16, 1 Peter 2: 1-15, Phillipians 4: 4-8, 1 John 3: 1-3. (Readings marked * were used in seventeenth century co nsecration services).

137

124,

134 and 150.

The Roman Catholic Church, authority,

has been able,

because it has a strong central

far more readily,

to produce an authoris ed

and revised service of church dedication and consecration.^

This

uniformity has also brought with it a clear theological structure. The decree,

2

included at the beginning of the book,

promulgated by

the Sacred Congregati on for the Sacraments and Divine Worsh ip states, "... a church is the place where the C h risti an community is gathered to hear the word of God to offer prayers of intercession and praise to God, and above all to celebrate the holy mysteries and it is the place where the holy sacrament of the eucharist is kept.

Thus it

stands as a special kind of image of the church itself,

which is God's temple built

from living stones.

And the altar of a church,

where the holy people gathers to take part in the L o r d ’s sacrifice and to be the heavenly meal, Christ Himself,

refreshed by

stands as a sign of

who is the priest,

the victim

and the altar of His own sacrifice." The decree goes on to say that the building is which

is in fact the people of God.

an image

of the

temple

This idea is reiterated later 3

in the introductory notes to the service of dedic ating a church.

1.

The Roman P o n t i f i c a l . Revised by Decree of the Second Vati can Ecumenical Council, Published by Authority of Pope Paul VI. "Dedication of a Church and Altar". (Eng. trans.) Catholic Truth Society. London. 1979.

2.

Ibid.

3.

The Roman P o n t i f i c a l .

p.v.

(Decree promulgated Op c i t .

1977). chap.

138

2.

p . 11.

"Through his death and resu rrect ion Christ became the true and perfect temple of the New Covenant and gathered together a people to be His own.

This holy people,

through the unity of the Father, the Holy Spirit,

is the Church,

unified Son and

that is the

temple of God built of living stones,

where

the Father is worshipped in spirit and in truth. name

Rightly then,

from early times the

’c h u r c h ’ has also been given to the

building in which the C hristian community gathers to hear the word of God, together,

to pray

to celebrate the sacraments,

and

to participate in the eucharist."

The new Roman Catholic services provide for the blessing of the site of a new church and, where appropriate,

the blessing and laying

of the foundation stone of the new church building.^

In this service,

emphasis is once again laid on the people as the temple of God.

2 bishop prays, "Lord,

you built an holy church founded

upon the Apostles with Jesus Ch rist its cornerstone.

Grant that your people,

gathered in your name, may fear and love you,

until with you at their head,

they

arrive at last in your heavenly city

1.

Ibid.

p . 3 ff.

2.

Ibid.

p.5.

..."

i

139

The

In this service there is provision for psalms, an homily. "...

scripture reading and

The note on the nature of the homily says,^ the homily is given,

in which the

biblical readings are elucidated and the significance of the rite is explained: Christ is the cornerstone of the Church and the temple that is going to be built by the living Ch urch of the Co mmunity of believers will be at once the house of God and the house of God's people."

In the note regarding the dedication service for a new church several interesting points are made.

The c hurch should have a

titular saint and relics may still be enclosed within the altar. This latter practice,

while still regarded as fitting is no longer

regarded as obligatory.

Co nferences of bishops are given the right

and authority to adapt the rite to local needs but the cele bration of Mass with its proper preface and prayer of dedication may not be omitted.

Other rites,

it is declared,

have a special meanin g and

should not be omitted w ithout very weighty reasons,

a l though wording

may be adapted.

The service is divided into four sections and commences with the Introductory Rite.

Th is consists of the entrance to the church

followed by it being handed over and delivered to the bishop.

1.

Ibid.

p . 7.

140

The church and people are

then asperged,

the Gloria is sung and an

opening prayer said which commences, "Lord fill this place with your presence The second section,

..."

the Liturgy of the Word includes a first^ and

second^ reading from the Bible,

a gradual psalm^ and the Gospel. ^

The third section is the Dedication and An ointing of the Church. Thi s commences with the Li ta n y of the Saints d epo sition of the s a i n t ’s the prayer of dedication, wall crosses anointed.

in the altar. Then follows

in this section,

the altar and

the altar is vested and the altar and

The final section is the Liturgy of the Eucharist.

follows the post-Vatican 2 form. prays,

if any,

the

thereafter the altar is chrismated and the

Finally,

church having been censed, church lit.

relics,

followed by

In the Eucharistie prayer the bishop

that God would continue to build up His living church.

the Eucharist,

This

D uring

the Blessed Sacrament Chapel is inaugurated by the

sacrament being taken in procession and placed in the tabernacle.

The separate service in the Pontifical, a fixed altar follows the same pattern. altar is a simpler,

for the dedication of

The service for a portable

short one of blessing. 4

1.

N e hemi ah 8:

2.

Selected from Genesis 28: 11-18, 1 Kings 8: 22, 23, 27-30, 1 Chroni cles 5: 6-11, 13 ff, Ephesians 2: 19-24, Hebrews 12: 18, 19, 22-24, 1 Peter 2: 4-9.

3.

Selected from one of the following v e r s e s :2 Chronic les 7: 16, Isaiah 66: 1, Ezekiel 37:

4.

1-10.

Selected from M a tt hew 5: 23, 24, Luke 19: 13-22, John 4: 19-24.

141

27.

1-10, John 2:

The new Roman Catholic services ma intain the structure of the medieval and Tridentine services but they are greatly simplified.^ The emphasis of the action is also altered.

While the building is

still seen as a place of G o d ’s especial presence,

and the divine as

being directly present in the reserved elements of the Eucharist,

the

building is also publicly proclaimed as the place where the people of God are to gather as the true Church of God, a symbol.

of which the building is

The influence of the Litur gical Mo vemen t is clearly visible

The forms of sacred space which have existed in connection with the English public place of worship have now been surveyed in broad outline.

In addition,

the means by which they have been recognised

as sacred have been examined.

These forms will be considered further

in the final chapter after the other forms of the sacred,

connected

wit h the English public place of worship have also been reviewed. We turn now to the first of these,

1.

sacred objects.

V i d e . Martimort, A. "Le Nouveau Rite de la Dédicacé des Eglises". M a i s o n - D i e u . No. 70. 1962. pp. 6-31.

142

CHAPTER TH R E E

Symbol and Image: Forms of Sacred Object

Many public places of worship contain images and symbols. P h e n omenologists have indicated, chapter,

as was shown in the i n troductory

that images and symbols reveal the sacred and are exp e r i e n c e d

as having the essence of the sacred w ithin them.

Images are,

m a n-made and are anthropomorphic or theriomorphic in form, combination of both,

If a symbol

too, may have been consecrated.

If,

however,

it is m a n - m a d e it,

A symbol can be very powerful in that

it can reveal many facets and aspects of the sacred. embodied in structures

1

A symbol can be

and also seen in gesture or movement.

on the other hand,

with the sacred.

sacred might

is a natural object it will have been

experienced as revealing the sacred.

A sign,

or a

representing a specific deity or form of deity.

Such objects will have been consecrated in order that the dwell within them.

normally,

2

does not share an identity of essence

It is sometimes an analogy and sometimes an indication,

It is a physical parallel to, or statement about,

the non-physical,

spiritual world but it is in no way connected or intertwined with that world.

The sign is a translation from one realm of e x p e rience to

another,

rather than a revelation.

Symbols and signs are very close

to each other and sometimes the dividing line is narrow. a sacred symbol to one may be a

Images, worship.

1,

cf.

sign to another.

have an important role at

places of

We must now investigate what this has been in c o n n e c t i o n with

Hindu Temples.

Kramrisch, 2.

symbols and signs

What may be

S.

See

Op c i t .

chap.

1.

e.g. Maki n g the sign of the Cross.

143

the English public place of worship and the types and categories which have been found there.

Before investigating the evidence concerning images and symbols at the pre-Christian E n glish place of worship, examine what is known, places of worship.

generally,

Tacitus,

it will be helpful to

about images and symbols at Teutonic

as we have already seen,

gives us the

earliest eye-witness and contemporary account of T e u t o n i c places of worship. ' Apart from the fact that they appear to have been open-air sites with inherent numinous qualities we are told little of their physical appearance and whether they contained images or symbols, and also whether they were symbolically structured.

In chapter two

it was pointed out that by the time of the C h r i stian era the various T e u tonic groups were erecting buildings at their sacred sites in connection with public worship.

Further,

that these structures were

two-celled and that they contained images and symbolic objects. the A f h u s , the g o d h i *s area,

there was an altar for sacrifice,

In a bowl

and aspergillum for sprinkling sacrificial blood, and the priest's armring on which oaths were sworn.

In the m a i n hall,

a r r anged so

that sacrificial feasts could be held there, was the priest's high seat,

the sacred pillars,

w i t h images of the gods.

adorned with rows of nails and sometimes We are

told specifically that the temple

building at Uppsala contained images of Odin, Thor and Fricco (Freyr?) besides those of other deities.

144

Turville-Petre^ notes a number of things found within the temenos at Uppsala,

It is possible to attempt some identif i c a t i o n

with T e u t o n i c mythology.

The ash tree is reminiscent of Yggdrasil

the world tree and also of I r m i n s u l , the cosmic column or tree of the Saxons.

The temple with its golden adornm e n t s recollects the

roof of V a l h H l l . (cf.

The sacred well recalls that of U r &abrunnar

the sacred drownings elsewhere in Teu t o n i c culture).

The universal column or axis m u n d i , appearing here in tree form,

is to be found elsewhere in Teut o n i c places of worship.

2 De la Saussaye

mentions the destruction in 722 A.D.

of the Saxon's

c entral sacred site and of the destru c t i o n of I r m i n s u l , which appears to have been such an object.

The name Thurstable,

an E ssex Hu n d r e d

3 name,

a c cording to Turville-Petre,

refers to such a column.

One

is r eminded of the story of Boniface c u tting down the sacred oak tree at a Saxon shrine in Germany and the later accounts of V ikings ca sting the pillars of Thor overboard to guide them to the right landing place in Iceland.

In add i t i o n to the brief contemp o r a r y a r c h a e o l o g i c a l evidence of Teutonic temples they were like. remains,

There are,

however,

descriptions only remain to tell

the

us wh a t

a variety of iconographie

paintings (mainly on stones),

tapestries,

carvings and cast

1.

T urville-Petre, E. 0. G.

Op c i t .

S u mmary p . 245.

2.

C h a n t e p i e de la Saussaye,

P.

3.

T urville-Petre, E. 0. G. in "Thurstable" in Eng l i s h and M edi e v a l Studies presented to J. R. T o l k e i n . George Allen & Unwin. 1962.

Op c i t .

145

pp.

124-125.

i

1

items whi c h help to fill the gap with regard to some of the images and symbols.^

Man y of these can be identified as depicting kn o w n

myths, many others,

however,

remain a mystery.

An important q u e stion

for this study is the extent to which they were experienced as images and symbols and to what extent signs.

W e r e they the actual loci of

revelation or merely descriptive of the revelatory experience. instance,

when an oath was sworn on the priests arm ring was it

exp e rienced as being replete with divine power, sign.

For

or was it simply a

One indication of how the sacred pillars may have been seen

is given by the Viking chief who threw his pillars overboard to guide him to the correct place in Iceland where he should land and build a temple.

This action seems to indicate that these at least were

endued within divine power in some way.

In terms of pre-Chr i s t i a n

En glish belief and practice in this country, previously,

as has been said

the wider Teutonic culture can only provide a backcloth

and not direct evidence of any kind.

Mo r e particularly as we neither

have a full preserved temple iconography from England nor elsewhere.

It was indicated in chapter two that there is evidence to support the idea that the

A e s i r deities were w orshipped by the

pre-Christian English in this country and that it was likely that the Vanir deities had a following t o o . . The a rchaeological finds related to p re-Christian English religion are relatively few.

1.

Although a

Davidson, H. R. E. Scandinavian M y t h o l o g y . Paul Hamly.n. 1969. Contains a variety of illustrations of the different materials.

146

large number of A nglo-Saxon pre-Christian burial grounds have been excavated and considerable finds made,^ little has been learnt from them directly related to religion.

Although,

of course,

the inclusion

of goods in a burial indicates pre-Christian rather than C h r istian belief.

The Sutton-hoo ship-burial is an exception.

2

A m ongst the

3 finds were shield ornaments,

of which D a v idson says,

"The flying eagle and winged dragon are in keeping with the nature of germanic tradition and are creatures associated with the cult of Odin."

On the helmet there are panels of a man with a horned helmet resembling an Odin "beserk". a man between two beasts.

The purse lid has an eagle on it besides

It is possible that these are duplicates of

Fenrir consuming Odin at R a g n a r B k . a similar problem.

The Benty Grange helmet^ presents

Is the boar crest indicative of the cult of

Freyr?^

The F r a n k ’s casket^ has been another valuable find. on various panels,

1.

Brown, G. B.

2.

Mitford,

the story of Wela n d the Smith,

Op c i t .

R. S. L. B.

Victor Gollanz. and 188-209.

1974.

Vols.

3 and 4.

Aspects of Ang l o - S a x o n A r c h a e o l o g y . Sutton-hoo finds pp.

3.

Davidson, H. R. E.1964.

Op c i t .

p . 59.

4.

Davidson,

Op c i t .

p . 99.

5.

Turville-Petre,

6.

Branston,

B.

the Ado r a t i o n of the

1-72,

.

H. R. E.1969. E.

0. G. 1964.

Op c i t .

It depicts,

pp.

Op c i t .

10-13.

147

p . 168.

141-174

Magi,

the Capture of Jeru s a l e m and the story of Romulus and Remus.

One panel,

says Davidson,

depicts

"A human figure with an animal head,

seen

c onfronting a warrior in an eagle helmet

...

suggests a valkyrie in her terrible aspect mee t i n g one of the warriors of Odin." There is also a panel depicting an arc h e r defending a house. F r a n k ’s casket,

The

like the Sutton-hoo s hip-burial belongs to the

t ransition period,

and both indicate that pre-Christian Saxon s y mbols

and myths persisted into Christian times.

2 The F inglesham man

is an Odin "beserk" figure,

buckle found at Fingle s h a m near Deal.

depicted on a

It is dated to the seventh

century and is supportive evidence for the cult of Odin in A ngloSaxon England.

3 Chaney objects.

has identified another class of materials,

royal cult

M o s t of our knowledge concer n i n g these in England comes

from the post-Conversion era.

They can,

nevertheless,

be linked

to the same objects used elsewhere in T e u t o n i c royal cult and we can make some informed estimation of their cultic use in p r e - C h r i s t i a n England.

Among the objects he lists are animals such as the boar,

1.

Ibid.

p . 42.

(p.60 for illustration).

2.

Hawkes, S., Davidson, H. R. E. and Hawkes, C. F in g l e s h a m Man". A n t i q u i t y . Vol. 39. 1965.

3.

Chaney, W. A.

Op c i t .

148

"The pp. 17-32.

the dragon, crown,

the stag,

helmet,

the raven and in a nimate items such as the throne,

standard,

banner,

sceptre,

staff,

shield,

harp and ring.

Some of these items may have come into the cult from elsewhere and some may not necessarily have religious c o nnotations but taken as a body they point to an origin in Teuton i c religion.

Sacred images and symbols are often a s s o ciated wi t h the sacred word,

especially in the form of myth.

D e spite the fact that we do

not have an intact temple with its iconogr a p h i e scheme,

if we had a

knowledge of the mythological cycle extant among the p r e -Christian E ng l i sh in this country,

to put alongside the symbolic m a terial in

our possession, we could make some rea s onable speculations. Unfortunately,

the literary remains re l ating to pre-Christian

religious belief and practice all come from the Chr i s t i a n era.

There

has been considerable debate as to the degree of Teu t o n i c and C h r istian influence in the material and the certain ground is limited.

Such

epic stories as W e land the Smith, Beowulf, W a ldere^ show that heroic legend was well developed among the early English.

T hese stories

ma t c h the later Scandinavian and Icelandic material in quality. Doubtless the myths of the gods were e q ually well told and known. Their absence is perhaps to be explained in terms of literary censorship by Christian kings and their eccl e s i a s t i c a l advisers.

2

S t e n ton's

3 view that, "So little is known about these gods and the

1.

Vide.

Gordon,

R. K.

Rev. ed. Dent. 2.

Vide.

Bede.

3.

Stenton,

F.

(ed. and trans.)

1954.

Op c i t .

p.86.

A nglo-Saxon E n g l a n d .

C larendon Press.

A n g l o - S a x on P o e t r y .

1971.

3rd

ed.

Oxford.

' i'

149

mythology of English heathenism that there can be no satisfactory comparison between the English and Scandinavian systems", puts the problem in an extreme form.

As Branston^ points out the

brief reference to Weland would be mea n i n g l e s s apart from the fact that the story occurs in the Poetic Edda.

This is at least one piece

of later Scandinavian material which was known in p r e -Christian England.

One cannot go to the other extreme and claim c o n n e ctions

for every piece of tenuous evidence.

T here does, however,

seem to be

some continuity in Teutonic belief and practice and there is no doubt that the myths of later times were known in pre-Chr i s t i a n England. It is not possible to establish which parts of the known corpus were in circulation here and whether there were other myths and legends which are unknown to us.

However,

it is very likely that p r e -Christian

Eng l i sh mythology would have borne a strong family r e semblance to that found in Snorri Sturlusson and the Poetic Edda. a culture over many hundreds of years.

My t h s persist wi t h i n

It is only when the c u lture is

destroyed and overthrown that they disappear.

Such evidence as we do possess confirms a picture of deities m a t c h ing those of late Scandinavian writing. Saturnus

2

The Saxon Salomon and

gives a clear picture of Odin,

1.

Branston,

B.

Op c i t .

p . 12.

2.

Kemble, J. M. The Dialogue of Salomon and S a t u r n u s . Aelfric Society. 1848.

150

"Once there lived a man who was Mercury^ called he was vastly deceitful, and cunning in his deeds he loved well to steal and all lying tricks; the heathen had made him the highest of their gods, and at the cross roads, they offered him booty and to the high hills brought him victims to slay. This god was honoured among all the heathen his name when translated to Danish is Odinn." C ontinuity of Teutonic culture and religion is d e monstrated by one m ethod of divination. m arked twigs; are read.

Tacitus

2

describes the process of s c a t tering

three of them are recovered,

from which the a u s pices

The English Nine Herbs Cha r m speaks of Od i n taking nine

glory twigs and late Scandinavian literature also r efers to the twigs 3 of divination.

This example points up the problem,

links can be shown but the exact local form cannot.

c ontinuity and The e v idence we

1.

M ercury = Mecredi = Wednesday = Odin's day. equated M e rcury and O d i n ) .

2.

Tacitus.

3.

Lokasenna 24 and Saxo Grammaticus. The Nine Books of Danish H i s t o r y , (trans. Oliver Elton). N o rrena Society. 1905.

Op c i t .

chap.

(The Romans

10.

151

possess shows that the iconography of E n g l i s h p r e - C h ristian temples and public places of worship would depict the myths of the T e u t o n i c deities. however,

The exact form of those myths in this Co u n t r y at that time, cannot be discerned and neither can the sym b o l i s m and

iconography of the places of worship.

Even less is it possible to

say what meaning those symbols and images ma y have had to the worshippers.

Before considering the symbols and images a s s o ciated with the Christian place of worship among the English, consider their antecedents.

it is n e c e ssary to

As with sacred space, we commence with

their Jewish origins.

Israelite faith,

as depicted in the Old Testament,

a deep horror of idolatry,

images were anathema.^

reveals

In the view of

the writers of the Old Testament the a s s o c i a t i o n of the creator with the creation led to idolatry which in turn led to immora l i t y and social collapse.

This is not to say that the form and structure of

places of public worship were without significance. was aniconic.

They were statements,

or signs,

wh o l l y other than the physical world.

T heir a rrangement

that the divine was

The Temple,

with its divisions,

said much about the transcendence of God and of the hierarc h i c a l division of the sacred community.

Similarly,

the synagogue's

structure and contents emphasised God's rev e l a t i o n t h rough To r a h and

1.

e.g. Exodus 20: 4, Deuteronomy 4; J eremiah 18:

15 ff,

2 Kings

13:

1 ff,

19, Amos 2: 4.

I \ 'I

152

denied the divine presence in the physical.

Synagogue life and worship

revolves around the constant renewal of Covenant.

The centre point of

every synagogue is the shrine for the T o r a h scrolls.

The earliest Christians continued wi t h their Je w i s h practices of worship,

supplementing this with specific Chr i s t i a n g atherings in

houses to celebrate the Eucharist.

Only slowly did specific public

places for Christian worship emerge.

Th e process being sl o w because

of the illegal nature of Christianity until the days of Constantine. The N e w Testa m e n t shows that the earliest Chr i s t i a n community inherited from its J e wish roots a horror of idolatry.^

It does appear,

however,

that the early Christian community felt that their Lord was present

2 w i t h them at the Eucharist

which was primarily the renewal ceremony

3 of the N e w Covenant. symbols,

If the elements of the Eucharist were not

they were efficacious signs.

Per h a p s the most striking thing

wi t h i n the N e w Testament is the recognition of a person as a symbol. 4 Recent r e search

has shown the community w o rking out its faith, with

regard to Jesus,

over a very short period of time and developing

language w h i c h expressed their experience of the risen Jesus as the place of divine revelation.

This insight is central to Chr i s t i a n

s y m b o l ism and iconography.

1.

e.g. Roma n s 1: 23, 24, 1 Corinthians 6: 9, Acts 7: 41, 1 Jo h n 5: 21, Revelation 9: 20.

2.

Luke 24: 30, 31.

3.

M a r k 14: 24.

4.

Dunn,

J. D. G.

See also Fuller, R. H.

Christology

in the M a k i n g .

New Testament C h r i s t o l o g y .

153

S.C.M. Fontana.

15: 20,

1980. 1969. i

Grabar^ points out that the earliest Chr i s t i a n i c o n o graphy did not use images,

only aniconic signs such as the chi-rho,

symbol and the anchor.

the fish

We are fortunate in having one extant pre2

C o n stantinian house church with its ic o nographie scheme. structure is functional,

rather than symbolic.

T here is a fairly

large room where it is likely that the E u c h arist was held, baptistry and side rooms.

The

a

The scheme that has been preserved in

the baptistry indicates something of the m e aning of Chr i s t i a n baptism.' The paintings include Christ walking on the water, Samaritan woman at the well,

the women at the tomb,

the figure

of the Good Shepherd contrasted with one of A d a m and Eve. are clearly didactic as is the font itself, from a tomb.

the

They

scarcely d i stinguishable

The Christian could not have a clearer picture of

baptism as death and resurrection.

The finds in catacombs and elsewhere help us to gain a fuller picture of what C h ristian symbols were likely to have been found in 3 C h r i stian places of worship at this stage.

The basic structure of

later Christian iconography is already present^ with its central emphasis on Christology and Soteriology.

The actual depiction of

the cross was not to emerge until later but symbols such as the

1.

Grabar,

A.

Christian I c o n o g r a p h y .

2.

Davies, J. G.

3.

Gough, M. The Origins of Christian A r t . T hames & Hudson. 1973. pp. 1-48. Beckwith, J. Early C hristian and B y z a ntine A r t . Penguin. 1970.

4.

Grabar, A.

1965.

Op c i t .

Op c i t .

chaps.

1969.

chap. 1.

p . 150.

1 and 2.

154

,

chi-rho and the fish as well as others were f ulfilling the same purpose. The central motifs were already those of N e w T e s t a m e n t Christology, The themes being derived from the stories in the canonical gospels and the ante-types of these incidents and ideas c o n c erning Jesus Christ in the Old Testament.

As Grabar^ points out,

this imagery developed

from existing pagan art forms. "The Christian sculptors and painters .had only to trace a few new features and details to transform an image of a type common in that period into a Christian image," Nevertheless,

Christian iconography is entirely d i s t i nctive from the

time of the very earliest examples which we possess.

Its purpose is

to show forth the sovereign action of God in Ch r i s t in m a king available the Ne w Covenant.

Any human edifice prevailing

incorporates w i t h i n itself something of the

values and conceptions of life and is,

itself a sign.

therefore, in

In choosing the basilica as the rep l a c e m e n t for the

house the post-Constantinian Church was mak i n g a s i gnificant statement. D e c o ration and furnishing can enhance and modify such a statement. C h r i stian iconography was soon playing such a role.

Fortunately,

both

churches and mosaics remain from this early period of the peace of the Church,

1. 2.

especially at Ravenna.

2

I b i d .p.xlvi, also Introduction and chaps. Gough, M.

Op c i t . p.69.

155

1 and 2.

Grabar says,^ "... any particular image of any period contains its share of motifs common to the society which produced it

... just as a written text or any

verbal expression contains the words and locutions of current usage." H e continues, "Christian image makers of late a n t i quity were the same:

they expressed themselves in the

language - visual or verbal that was around them

...

Almost everything in the work was

dictated by the models they followed." T hus the E m p e r o r ’s image was removed from the basilica and in its place,

in the semi-dome of the apse, Jesus was portrayed enthroned

2 in the midst of the apostles. His court.

Here was the true divine E m peror and

On the other walls were depicted the C hurch Triumphant, 3

prophets, apostles and martyrs. a mic r ocosm of heaven.

Picto r i a l l y the church had become

The altar was also beginning a transformation,

from being a table to being the place of cosmic sacrifice and divine presence.

This imagery is particularly noticeable at the C h urch of 4

the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem.

1.

Grabar,

A.

Op c i t .

2.

Gough, M.

3.

Ibid.

4.

Armstrong, G. T. "Constantine's Churches: Symbol and Structure". Journal of the Society of Archite c t u r a l Historians. Vol. XXXIII No. 1. 3/1974.

Op c i t .

plates 76,

pp. xliii and plates 69, 73,

77,

149,

151 and

156

xlvi. 78,

150

and 153.

156.

Alongside the normal congregational basilica, as we have seen, the martyrium was developing.

Later,

from these,

came the practice

of placing the martyrs relics under the altar in the " c o n f e s s i o " . This further enhanced the idea of the altar,

not only as a sign of

divine presence but a living symbol of it.

The civil basilica was eminently suited for a large communal gathering, and the growing urban congregations could easily be t ransferred from the now inadequate hous e - c h u r c h to the basilica without any apparently drastic changes.

The bishop,

as president,

continued to sit behind the table flanked by the presbyters in the apse.

The laity, men and women,

other side of the altar.

The laity carried on the tradition of

bringing the bread and wine, deacons as before,

remained in separate groups on the

individually,

for the Eucharist.

The

led the l a i t y ’s intercessions and guarded the

doors and later took the elements to the sick.

Outside,

often in

the Narthex,

the penitents,

the Synaxis,

still stayed to hear the rest of the Eu c h a r i s t outside

the doors. significant,

catechumens and others dismissed after

On the surface nothing had changed.

In fact subtle,

but

changes had and were taking place so that a totally

different statement was being enacted and made.

The clergy had

become state officials and the Eucharist was now a public occasion. The various ranks of the clergy were equated with the civil officials, and they adopted the appropriate dress. a cting as public officials, procedures.

In addition,

the clergy,

began to adopt official ma n n e r s and

The Papal Mass at Rome was surrounded by the same ceremony

157

as was used at the Imperial Court.

The clergy,

apse separated from the laity by the cancelli. and nave were present in embryonic form.

also, were no w in the Sanctuary,

chancel

All this further enhanced

the idea of the altar as the place of divine presence,

a symbol of

the sacred.

This threefold division of the ch u r c h building is to be found in the earliest Christian churches of the English, described.

as has a l ready been

This division of the earliest churches in England

corresponded,

as we have seen,

predecessors.

In fact,

to that of their pre-Chr i s t i a n

no alterations we r e needed for these temples

to be consecrated as Christian churches. to alter the iconography.

It was necessary,

however,

R a e d w a l d ’s mi x t u r e of t raditional and

C h r i stian images and symbols was not acc e p t a b l e to the Church.

There is little physical evidence left c o n c erning the ic o n o ­ graphy of the earliest English Christia n churches, to decorations or objects. of the country, Benedict Biscop, "...

either with regard

We do know that, at least in some parts

there was an elaborate i c o n o g r a p h i e scheme. Godfrey^ says,

procuring masons from Gaul to build churches

in the Roman manner and glaziers from Gaul to glaze the windows of his churches and m o n a s teries as well as to teach the skill to the Ang l o - S a x o n s who were ignorant of it; vestments,

1.

his collec t i n g of relics,

chalices and icons

..."

Godfrey, C. J. The Church in A nglo - S a x o n E n g l a n d . C ambridge University Press. 1962. p . 153.

158

Concerning

Chappell^ is of the opinion that w o o d e n con s t r u c t i o n was in common use for Anglo-Saxon altars and that,

despite episcopal action,

this practice persisted for a long period and that ciboria were

2 common.

He suggests that the sacramental elements had a variety 3

of ho u sing in the West,

but that the pyx was the most usual form

both in the West generally,

and also in Angl o - S a x o n Eng l a n d . ^

could be in the shape of a dove, covered with a veil. the roof.

pelican,

cup or palm tree,

This

and was

It was suspended over the altar by cords from

He suggests that apart from the relics and host interred

in or under the altar and the pyx above it, between services.

the altar was cleared

We cannot know how the Angl o - S a x o n s u n d e rstood their

pre-Christian altars but the symbolism of reserved elements and relics is unmistakable.

They were symbols whi c h had the reality of the

sacred within them.

During the Mass the chalice,^ patten,

and M a ss Book would be on the altar.

bread, wine

It had also become the practice

to place the processional cross and lights near the altar during the Mass.^

At the time of the conversion of the English the original

w e s t w a rd position for the bishop, still usual.

or priest a cting on his behalf,

was

It is likely that this pertained in the earliest days of

C h r i s t i a n i t y among the English.^

1.

Chappell,

D. M.

2.

Ibid.

p . 112.

3.

Ibid.

p.31.

4.

Ibid.

pp.

5.

Vide.

Wilson,

6.

Chappell,

7.

Ibid.

Op c i t .

Something of the idea lingered on

p . 109.

121-122.

D. M.

D. M.

Op

Op c i t .

p.89 and figs.

cit.

chap.

p.45.

86-88.

159

5,

that the Mass was an action of the whole congregation.

The external rooms, were now less necessary.

important in the early years of the Church, The disappearance of the d i s m issals meant

that a second, auditory room was no longer needed. g rowth of universal infant baptism, converts were baptised,

Also with the

once the first gen e r a t i o n of adult

the need for a large external baptistry passed,

A font inside the church door,

of modest proportions,

was sufficient.

Th e s e physical alterations were outward signs of changes in the sacred community. nation,

The sacred community,

once v i r t ually a n ation wi t h i n the

had become identical with the nation.

If at birth every infant

became part of the sacred.community there was no need of second chambers for those who were not yet part of the com m u n i t y in a full sense. two cells within the building, division within the community. their role,

however,

The

showed that there was a clear

Some were n o w more sacred,

at least in

and therefore occupied the space nearest to the most holy

things.

There is little direct evidence to indicate how the earliest E n g l i s h Christians decorated their churches.

A limited number of

stone carvings remain^ of which those at Breedon, the eighth century,

are the earliest.

generally dated to

The subject of the earliest

En g l i s h Christian iconography can only be approa c h e d indirectly.

1.

Clapham, A. E. Op c i t . plates 25-28, 59a, 59b, 60b. See also Brown, G. B. Op c i t . Vol. 2. plates 161, 162, 62a, 62b. Taylor, H. M. and J. Op c i t . figs. 33, 128, 157, 194. plates 459,

568,

569,

592,

600,

604,

160

623.

C h urches were painted internally in the later M iddle Ages,

and there

were internal and external carvings wh i c h were also painted.^ material,

together with the stained glass windows,

This

depicted,

2 i c o n o g r a p h i c a l l y , the C hristian H e i l s g e s c h i c h t e . churches,

Other W e s t e r n

including those at Rome, were decorated with an earlier

version of this iconographie scheme at the time of the c o n v ersion 3 of the English.

The Anglo-Saxon carving that remains indicates

that they did decorate their churches.

W e have no reason to doubt,

given also that iconographie artefacts re m a i n from other fields^ and from the fact that they imported c r a f t s m e n and materials,

that

they did indeed decorate their churches with paintings as well as carvings.

It is likely that the iconogr a p h i e scheme would have been

that of Roman churches in the first instance.

Gal l i c an influence

coming later.

It can be speculated that the iconogr a p h i e scheme would include C hrist depicted at the East end of the ch u r c h as P a n t o k r a t o r .

This

wo u l d probably have been associated wi t h the symbols of the evangelists and icons of the apostles.

Mary as theotokos would probably also have

been incorporated into the scheme.

1.

Tristram, E. W. O.U.P. 1950.

2.

Schiller,

G.

The cru c i f i x i o n would certainly

English Medieval W a l l P a i n t i n g .

Iconography of C h ris t i a n A r t .

(trans. J. Seligman).

Lund Humphries,

2 vols.

3 vols.

1971-2.

3.

I b i d . Also Newton, E. and Neil, W. The Chri s t i a n Fa i t h in A r t . Thames & Hudson. 1966. pp. 1-86. Beckwith, J. Op c i t . pp. 1-71. plates 1-135. Krautheimer, R. Op c i t . plates pp. 8, 9, 14, 15, 18 and 56,

4.

V i d e . Wormald, F. The Benedictio n a l of A e t h e l w o l d . Faber & Faber. 1959. Hunt, J. En g l i s h & W e l s h C r u c i f i x e s . 670-1550. S.P.C.K. 1956.

161

| (

have been part of the overall pattern, roods of this period.

as we know from the extant

The whole Easter - Pentecost cycle was possibly

also used as it was then the basis of the liturgical year. of the Church,

the other part of the developing Calendar,

The saints were also

likely to have been depicted.

The carved cross shafts, remain,

of which many early Eng l i s h examples

support the picture given above because they fo l l o w this

pattern and they have close links with such carved m a t erials as have been left in the churches.

What can be discerned in these crosses^

is that the Christian Heilsgeschichte is depicted in terms of the M e d i t e r r a n e a n Christian art forms but placed in a native background. The figures of Christ,

the evangelists and their symbols,

apostles

and others are set against a background of vinescroll work, lacing and animals.

The latter being particularly Teutonic.

inter-

2

Other

m a t erials present one with a similar iconographie and decorative _ 1 3 style.

This placing of the Christian salvation story w i t h i n a Teutonic cultural setting by the early English can also be seen in their 4 literature.

1.

Christ is portrayed as the valiant young chief.

Brown, G. B. Op c i t . Vol. 5. Kendrick, T. D. Op c i t . plates XLVI-LII, LXVII, LXV, LXXVII,

2.

Brown,

G. B.

3.

Vide.

Wilson,

LXXXII-C.

Op c i t . D. M.

Vol.

5.

Op c i t .

Kendrick, T. D. Op c i t . Godfrey, C. J. Op c i t . 4.

Gordon,

R. K.

Op c i t .

162

LXI-LXIV,

The heroic virtues generally are extolled. and Beowulf,

both early pieces,

F r a n k ’s casket^ shows that, legends lived on.

The Dr e a m of the Rood

show this fusion of cultures.

for a time,

The

some of the old myths and

It was Roman Christ i a n practice to a l l o w things

’i n d i f f e r e n t ’ to linger on,

suitably disguised in C h r i s t i a n form.

This practice is illustrated in instructions from G r egory and later popes to E n glish prelates and kings.

2

C h ristian symbolism and iconography therefore replaced the preC hr i s tian forms,

although clearly there was a transitional period.

We cannot be certain of the precise iconographie scenes in either the pre or post-conversion public places of worship.

Both, however,

would have proclaimed the central truths of the respective faiths through my t h and story.

What is difficult to a s c e rtain is whether

any of the symbols and symbolic structures of pre-Chr i s t i a n temples were experienced as having the presence of the sacred w ithin them. T his seems highly likely but we cannot be sure which symbolic objects m ight be involved.

What is clear is that after the conver s i o n it was

the relics in the altar and the reserved elements of the Mass wh i c h were the points of divine presence.

It is difficult,

in the present day,

of a m e dieval church would have appeared.

1.

Kendrick, T. D.

2.

Bede.

Op c i t .

to imagine how the interior On entering,

plates XLIV and XLV.

Op cit.

163

the first thing

to catch o n e ’s eye would have been the iconography.^

The walls of

even the most humble parish church would be plastered and decorated. In some churches,

where the means were available,

more lavish with the addition of sculpture, glass.

the scheme would be

wood carving and stained

2

The two items which would probably a t tract o n e ’s at t e n t i o n first of all would be the

Doom painting above the chancel

on the tympanum within it) and,

below this,

arch (and sometimes

the rood.

The latter was

a carved depiction of Jesus on the Cross wi t h carvings of Ma r y and 3 J o h n on either side. the chancel arch.

The rood was m o u n t e d on a beam placed across

B e l o w this,

between the pillars of the arch,

would

4 be a screen.

The didactic purpose of the arch and its accoutr e m e n t s

was one with the function of the altar and the pyx above it, w hich could be seen through the chancel arch. souls.

It was the redemp t i o n of

The Doom reminded those present that judgement awaited every

ma n at the end of time with its stark alternatives.

The rood recalled

the centrality of C h r i s t ’s death in the C h r i s t i a n scheme of salvation. It was Christ,

true God and perfect man, who alone could offer the

w o r k of supererogation through His death, m erit for others.

which alone could earn

The altar beyond the rood,

E. W.

and the pyx containing

1.

Tristram,

Op c i t .

2.

Anderson, M. D. J. Murray. 1961.

3.

Cook, G. H.

4.

Cox, J. C. English Church Fittings, F u r niture and A c c e s s o r i e s . B. T. Batsford. 1923. chap. 7 and figs. 125-143.

History and Imagery in Br i t i s h especially part 2, chaps. 1-6.

Op c i t .

Churches.

plate 97.

164

the consecrated host,

told out the mes s a g e that the mi r a c l e of

Calvary could be repeated ^

infinitum for the benefit of sinful

men and that the God-man was ever present in the chancel.

The other church wall surfaces,

besides the chancel arch,

would contain iconographie material interspersed with decoration.^

2 The iconographie scheme developed during this period. the Christian faith as conceived at that time.

It delineated

In this it parallels

the Calendar of the Church and the associ a t e d liturgical year.

Both

the Christological Calendar and the Sa n ctoral are represented.

The

church walls,

and where the church was more wealthy,

the stained

glass and carvings depicted the christo l o g i c a l r e d e mption cycle: J e s u s ’ birth,

death,

resurrection and second coming.

the form of the Old Testament, events in antetypes.

Nature,

History,

in

was depicted as foreshadowing these particularly in the form of the bestiary, 3

was thought to reflect the mind of God, here, as well.

and so parallels were found

The Sanctoral was illustrated by the apostles and

saints either with their symbols or engaged in the deeds outlined in 4 the popular legends associated with them.

Mary,

in particular,

theotokos grew in importance in popular and official estimation, the M edieval Period,

Tristram,

This is reflected both icon o g r a p h i c a l l y and

1.

Vide.

E. W.

Op

c i t . (illustrations).

2.

Schiller,

G.

3.

Male, E. Fontana.

The Gothic I m a g e ,(trans. 1961.

4.

Anderson,

M. D.

Op c i t .

1971.

Op

3rd ed.

c i t . chaps.

165

1-9.

D. Nussey).

as during

liturgically.

Coo k writes,^

"After the Doom,

the most common narrative

paintings are those depicting the crucifixion, scenes from the passion and res u r r e c t i o n of Our Lord,

and the Life of the V i r g i n Ma r y

After the thirteenth century ep i sodes in the life of the Virgin Mary become the subjects for mural paintings." He continues,

2

"Except for the Doom above the chancel arch and St. Christopher opposite the Nave Door, there seems to have been no regular system in the allocation and arrangement of other figures and subjects.

The walling above

nave arcades provided a most suitable field but paintings are frequently found on walls in other parts of Parish Churches."

The same schema was also to be found in stained glass. good late example of the christological cycle,

A very

complete w i t h Old

T e s t ament antetypes,

is to be seen in the windows of K i n g ’s College

Chapel at Cambridge,

a wealthy community church.

A third element was present in the scheme besides the C h r i stological Calendar and the Sanctoral,

1.

Cook,

2.

Ibid.

G. H.

Op c i t .

that of morality.

p . 197. I

p . 200.

! In

166

T h i s is seen in the symbols from the m irror of nature as well as in the Sanctoral material but perhaps most clearly seen in the P s y c h o m a c h i a , the depiction of the wars of the virtues and vices.^

Other elements were present, churches,

in misericords

al ready mentioned but,

2

pa r ticularly in the large community

and roof bosses.

in addition,

life sometimes quite humorously.

3

These depict the themes

cover the subjects of everyday

G r o t e s q u e s and gargoyles were also 4

the subjects on m isericords and roof bosses.

She r i d a n and Ross

demonstrate the prevalence of these in the larger m e d i e v a l churches, often in the less accessible parts.

These seem to indicate a

persistence of pre-Christian thought and imagery,

p a rticularly in

the case of the green man or foliate head.

A particular point of iconographie interest is the a p p l i c a t i o n of the words attributed to Jesus by the F o urth Gospel, Wa y " . ^

"I am the

These were applied to the iconographie scheme on the doorways

of the larger community and parochial c h u r ches^ of wh i c h Cha r t r e s ^

1.

Anderson, M. D. 1971. plates 46, 53 and 55.

Op c i t .

p . 146,

part

2, chap 7,

2.

Remnant, G. L. A Catalogue of M i s e r i c o r d s in Great B r i t a i n , Oxford. Clarendon Press. 1969.

3.

Cave,

C. J, P.

Roof Bosses in Med i e v a l C h u r c h e s .

C.U.P.

1948. 4.

Sheridan, R, and Ross, A. Grotesques and G a r g o y l e s . Newton Abbot. David & Charles. 1975.

5.

John 14: 6.

6.

Anderson, M. D.

7.

Burckhardt, T. Books. 1967.

1971. Sacred

Op c i t .

pp. 84-86.

Art in East and W e s t .P e r ennial

167

is one of the most outstanding examples.

The idea can be seen on the

W e s t Front of Wells Cathedral^ and other En g l i s h m e d ieval cathedrals. T h e y clearly convey the message that here is the portal to he a v e n the ga t e way to the other world.

The various elements of the ico nographie scheme were repeated

2 in wall painting;

sculpture in wood and stone,

and in the e m b r oidery

3 of hangings,

banners and vestments.

Al l the walls,

liturgical

f i ttings and even the furniture were likely to be so decorated. T h i s wou l d include rood screens, crucifixes,

benches,

the ultimate,

pulpits,

choir stalls.^

fonts,

reliquaries,

The total effect was to reveal

heavenly reality here on earth,

a microcosm.

The

r e s e r v e d host in the pyx also proclaimed that this was the place of d ivine presence.

This set the chancel apart.

A n d e r s o n says,^

"At Copford the Signs of the Z o d i a c are painted on the soffit of the ar c h thus e x p l a i n i n g its s ymbolism as a division between e a rthly time represented by the nave,

and the splendours of

eternity beyond."

1.

Anderson,

M. D.

1971.

Op c i t .

p. 85.

2.

Ibid.

3.

Rickert, M. Paintings in Britain: The Mi d d l e A g e s . Penguin. 1964. plates pp. 117, 136, 137 and 138.

4. 5.

illustrations.

Anderson, M. D. Ibid.

1971.

Op c i t .

See plates.

p . 86 illustration plate 19.

168

The chancel being the part of the c hurch most concerned with the heavenly and the eternal was the province of the clergy.

The

only lay person who might have a seat there would be the patron of the living.^

The central object in the chancel was the altar.

The main or high altar would be placed lengthwise against the

2 East wall;

at the end of the chancel.

top which was made of a slab of stone,

N o r mally the mensa,

or altar

was marked with five crosses

where it had been anointed by the bishop at its consecration. Wi t h in the slab was placed a small reliquary, of a saint and a consecrated host.

c ontaining the relics

A cl o t h was laid over the mensa

and a frontal cloth was hung down the front of the altar. on either side of the altar,

Above and

ridels were hung from me t a l rods. 3

P rojecting from these rods were prickets for mou n t i n g the candles. Behind the altar there would normally be a carved reredos, r etable or tryptych.

Alternatively,

painted

on occ a s i o n the stained glass

w i n d ow in the East wall was brought down to altar level.

The

iconography at the rear of the altar was linked to the passion of 4 Christ.

Above the altar,

pyx containing the host,

suspended from the roof,

the consecrated bread,

would be the

believed to have

become in physical reality the actual body of Christ,

1.

Cook, J. C.

Op c i t .

pp. 115-116.

2.

Cook, G. H.

Op c i t .

pp. 164-166.

3.

I b i d . p . 165.

4.

I b i d . pp.

165-166,

plate

62.

169

In the South wall of the chancel,

close to the altar,

would be the

piscina for the ablution of the vessels used at the Mass, for the p r i e s t ’s ablutions.

This drained directly into the ground.

Next to the piscina were the sedilia, and his assistants.

and also

or seats,

for the celebrant

On the opposite side of the chancel in the

North wall was the ambry, a small cupboard set into the wall where

2 the vessels for the Mass were kept between services.

One other important object was to be found in the chancel of 3 the medieval church,

the Easter Sepulchre.

This was made of wood

or stone and placed against the North wall of the chancel by the high altar.

The sepulchre was used in the Easter liturgical drama.

On Good Friday the consecrated host was transferred from the pyx, above the high altar,

to the sepulchre where it was entombed and

guarded until Easter Day.

It was then r einstated at the high altar,

Each year the living Christ would overcome death once more, as at the first Easter,

and the miracle was made present before the eyes

of the believer.

In the middle of the chancel was placed a w ooden or metal lectern.

This was moved to the north of the altar for the reading

of the gospel at High Mass.

In the community churches,

including

4 the collegiate parish churches,

1.

Ibid.

plates 63,

2.

Ibid.

p . 169.

3.

Ibid.

p . 120,

4.

Ibid.

pp. 69--71,

64, 65, 66,

the chancel would also contain the

67, and pp.

plates 67-70. 174-175.

170

168-170.

choir stalls.

The opus d e l , the continuous worship of God through the

choir offices, was the duty of all clergy w h ether regular or secular. The ordinary parish church did not need extra seating for this in the way a community church would.

In the late medieval period the wood

c a r v e r ’s art was widely used on the choir stalls, tracerled canopies

1

with elaborate

and carvings on the misericords.

2

The screen with its loft and rood at the entrance to the chancel has already been described.

In Lent its s y m b o l i s m was further 3

e l a b o rated by the rood being covered with the L e n t e n veil. loft was also the musical centre of the church.

The rood

T h e instances of

4 organs in rood lofts is frequent. ma n y medieval churches.

One further item is found in

This was a small unglazed w i n d o w in the

S outh wall of the chancel.

Cook^ discusses various theories as to

its purpose including leper squints,

confess i o n a l openings,

access

to exterior sacring bells but suggests that there is a very m u ndane and simple explanation. burnt in the chancel and ventilation,

and

On occasions large numbers of candles were such an opening provided very necessary

that a bench seat alo n gside would also

serve to

help those who needed a moment or two of fresh air.

1.

Howard, F. E. and Crossley, F. H. E n g l i s h C h u r c h Woodwork: A Study of C r a f tsmanship during the Me d i e v a l Period A.D. 1 2 5 0 - 1 5 5 0 . B. T. Batsford. 1917.

2.

Remant,

3.

Cook, G. H.

4.

Cox, J. C.

5.

Cook, G. H.

G. L.

Op c i t . Op c i t .

Op c i t . Op c i t .

pp. 175-176. p . 147. pp. 176-177,

171

The nave was less elaborately equipped. or more subsidiary chantry altars.

These,

It might c o ntain one

however,

were normally

housed in separate chantry chapels as explained in the previous chapter.^

The font was housed at the We s t end of the nave close to

the c hurch entrance.

2

This was often i c o n o g raphically decorated.

There was no set pattern and the themes used could be found elsewhere One peculiarity of font decoration,

however,

was the depiction of the

3 seven sacraments.

The pulpit was the other significant piece of 4

furniture in the nave. sacred art.

This,

too, was frequently decorated with

The apostles or the four great doctors of the Ch u r c h ^

were popular motifs.

Generally,

the laity stood or knelt during the services,

the custom in the Eastern Orthodox churches today. was made for the elderly and infirm^ and, period,

as is

Some provision

towards the end of the

pews began to be installed in churches.^

Another inn o v a t i o n

at this time was the installation of personal memorials in churches.

1.

Ibid.

plates 88,

102,

103 and

104.

2.

I b i d . pp. 192-194, plate 105 and Cox, J. C. Op c i t . chap. 4, plates 65-75.

3.

Ibid.

4.

I b i d . plates 91, 92, 93 and Cox, J. C. Op c i t . chap. 6, plates 108-116.

5.

Gregory the

Great,

6.

Cox, J. C.

Op c i t .

7.

Cook, G. H.

plate 105.

Ambrose, Augustine of Hippo,

Op c i t .

plates 85 and 88. plate 95.

172

Jerome.

These were the prerogative of the wealthy and the famous.

The

iconography and furnishing of the nave would appear to indicate that this was solely a liturgical area for the laity.

This was

far from being the case, many activities took place there which today would be seen as secular and not normally und e r t a k e n in any place of Christian worship.

More will be said about this in the

chapter concerned with the sacred community.

It is very difficult,

if not impossible,

to k n o w what precise

experience of the sacred the average medieval w o r s hipper had via this rich iconography and symbolism.

It is clear that God was truly

present in Christ at the altar for the o v erwhelming majority.

Although

the Lollard movement shows that it was not only the intellectual s tratum of society which questioned such things on the eve of the Reformation. salvation,

Visually the whole schema mapped out the way of

and the path to heaven.

W h ether all of it was experienced

as symbol or part as symbol and part as sign it is impossible to say. Probably there was variety of experience and as the R e f o r mation period approached there was a growing number who r epudiated the idea that the iconography of the church was a vehicle of the presence of the sacred.^

In the previous chapter the experience of a changed r e l ationship between the spiritual and the physical at the time of the R e formation was examined.

1.

This,

it was shown,

changed many p e o p l e s ’ u n d erstanding

Dickens, A. G. Op c i t . pp. 1-30, 113-121. Cross, C. Op c i t . chaps. 1 and 2.

| I Iit

173

of the nature of the public place of worship.

It was argued that the

m e d ieval consecration rites defined the space,

and the structures,

containing and revealing the sacred.

as

W i t h i n the Roman C a tholic

co m m unity this remained the way that things were experi e n c e d but within the Protestant communities a variety of u n d e rstandings arose, as has been explained.

Images and symbols as well as symbolic

structures and arrangements are also m a t erial objects and, the way they were understood and viewed changed. the P r otestants was idolatry. principle'.

accordingly,

The great fear of

Tillich has called this the

'Protestant

Nothing contingent could be directly ass o c i a t e d w i t h the

absolute lest there be a luciferian confusion.^

As we have seen in the previous chapter the Royal Injunc t i o n s of 1547, wit h their orders that pictures and paintings were to be removed from walls and windows, churches.

quickly affected the i c o n o graphy of

Other injunctions at the same time abolished many other

symbols such as holy bread,

palms,

ashes,

candles,

Easter sepulchres,

images and relics.

In the previous chapter it was explained that the An g l i c a n R e f o r m a t i o n retained the two cell structure of the churches.

These

w ere no longer associated in a hierarchy related to the sacred but w ere separate a n d , in some senses, liturgical purposes.

The chancel was used for the celebr a t i o n of

the Lord's Supper or Communion. Prayer,

1.

equal rooms used for differing

The nave for M o r n i n g and E v e n i n g

the Litany and occasional offices.

Tillich, P. Systematic T h e o l o g y . p . 252 a n d vol. 3, p . 135.

174

Nisbet.

Vol.

1,

The major symbolic change in the chancel was the dismantling of the medieval stone altars and their r e placement with w o o d e n com m u n i o n

1 tables covered by a cloth. laid

over the table.

At communion time a linen cl o t h was also

The table, unlike the

not only was the table moved but their pews to gather round it.

altar,

the people

could be m oved and

were expected to leave

As the exhort a t i o n says,

2

"Ye that do truly and earnestly repent you of your sins and are in love and charity with your neighbours and intend

to lead a new life

following the commandments

of God and

from henceforth in his holy ways,

walking

draw near

with faith ..." 3 The 1552 Book of Common Prayer states in the rubric, "The table havynge at the Commun i o n tyme a fayre white lynnen clothe upon it shall stande in the body of the Churche, chauncell,

or in the

where Mor n i n g and Evening prayer

be appoynted to bee sayde." and continues, "And the Priest standing at the north-syde of the table shall saye

..."

4 The 1559 Bo o k of Common Prayer repeated this rubric

1.

Addleshaw,

G. W. 0. and Etchells,

F.

Op c i t . pp.

• Frere, H. and Kennedy, W. H. Op c i t . Royal Injunctions of Queen Elizabeth. 2.

Brightman,

3.

Ibid.

4.

Addleshaw,

F. E.

Vol.

2.

Op c i t .

Vol.

2.

as does that of

Vol.

3.pp.

108

ff and

17-18

p. 681.

pp. 639-640. !

G. W. 0. and Etchells,

F.

175

Op c i t .

p. 31.

1

1611.

1

Elizabeth's

"...

2

Royal Injunctions of 1559 orders that,

the holy table in every ch u r c h shall be

decently made, and set in place wh e r e the altar stood and there commonly covered,

as

there belongeth,

and as shall be a p p ointed

by the visitors,

and so stand,

s aving when

the Communion of the Sacrament is to be distributed;

at which time the same shall

so be placed in good sort within the chancel

... and after the Commu n i o n done,

from time to time the same holy table to be placed where it stood before." An engraving of 1584 showing an E l i z a b e t h a n Com m un i o n Service which 3 illustrates this Injunction is reproduced by A d d l e s h a w and Etchells.

During the reign of Charles I there was a further development of the Anglican altar,

which was the o c c asion of considerable

controversy which centred on Archbish o p Laud.

The details of this 4

controversy are reported by Addle s h a w and Etchells read in contemporary publications.^

1.

Brightman,

2.

Frere, W. H. and Kennedy, W. M.

3.

Addleshaw,

F. E.

Ibid.

pp.

5.

e.g. Mede,

T h e L a udian party sought to have

Vol. 2.

pp.

Op

G. W. 0. and Etchells,

also see pp. 4.

Op c i t .

and can also be

639-640.

c i t .Vol. F.

3.

Op c i t .

p . 27. plate p . 112

108 ff.

120-147. J.

Remaines of

Some Pas s a g e s ...

J. Clark.

Mede, J. The Name Altar ... J. Clark. 1637. Poklington, J. Altare C h r i s t i a n u m . 1637. Heylyn, P. Cyprianus A n g l i c u s . 1660.

176

1650. i

j

the table placed altarwise permanently a g ainst the East wall of the church and also to have a rail across the chancel from the N o r t h to the South walls. P rayer rubric,

1

This pattern,

despite the 1662 B o o k of C ommon

formed the basis of post - R e s t o r a t i o n practice.

2

Besides being re-sited and re-built the post-Re f o r m a t i o n Anglican altar was re-furnished and the surrou n d i n g a c c o u t r e m e n t s altered.

The draft Visitation Articles for 1549 (used by Bishops 3

Hooper and Ridley)

state,

"That all parsons,

vicars and c u rates omit in

the reading of the injunctions all such as make mention of the popish mass, candles upon the altar, and continue,

of chantries,

of

or any such thing."

4

"... no minister do counterfeit the popish mass, ringing of sacring bells;

or s e tting any

light upon the Lord's board at any time." Thus apart from its covering cloth the post - R e f o r m a t i o n Ang l i c a n altar was bare outside of service times. the bread and wine,

chalice and patten.

D uring the service time B o o k of C ommon Prayer and

1.

The rubric required the Table at C o m m u n i o n "stand in the body of the Church, or in the Chancel, where M o r n i n g and Evening Prayer are appointed to be said". The priest is required to stand on the North side.

2.

Addlewshaw, G. W. 0. and Etchells, plates pp. 32, 144, 160 and 178.

3.

Frere, W. H. and Kennedy, W. M.

4.

Ibid.

pp.

192-193,

F.

Op

Op c i t .

241-242, and 276.

177

cit.

Vol.

2.

p . 190.

the c ushion would be placed on it, once it had been furthered covered with a linen cloth. time also,

Sometimes a candle or candles were used at that

for lighting rather than ritual purposes.^

The rest of the apparatus and decoration of the chancel was dismantled.

The Easter Sepulchre and the pyx were removed.

ambry and piscina, taken down,

if not filled-in,

were ignored.

The

The rood was

images dismantled and iconography whitewashed.

2

Some

decoration was allowed in place of that which was taken away. were the tables of the ten commandments, images had stood,

These

where the R e redos and its

and the Royal Coat of Arms, w here the rood had

been, above the chancel arch.

The Lord's Prayer was also to be

seen and sometimes scripture sentences were put on the walls in place of the medieval paintings. destruction in Elizabeth's day, w ealth period.

Mu c h stained glass escaped only to be destroyed in the C o m m o n ­

In the post-Restoratio n era,

those following the

L a udian tradition introduced an element of iconographie decoration 3 once more, with paintings of biblical scenes.

The Laudian tradition also had slightly more elaborate altar 4 decoration.

Occasionally,

the IHS e m b l e m would be e mblazoned on 5

the front of the altar cloth.

1.

Addleshaw, and VI.

2.

Ibid.

G. W. 0. and Etchells,

Ibid.

4.

Staley,

F.

Op c i t .

plates 1

p . 158 ff and plate V.

Frere, W. H. and Kennedy, 3.

In post-Re s t o r a t i o n times candle-

pp.

W. M.

Op c i t .

p . 277.

157-161. I

V.

Op c i t .

Vol.

1.

p.69 ff.

i ' !'

5.

Ibid.

p. 167,

i’ '

178

sticks,

cushions and a Book of Common Prayer or Bible would be left

per m a nently on the altar.

1

.

W i c k h am-Leg g

2

reproduces,

in his book,

an i n teresting contemporary ground plan of Bi s h o p L a ncelot A n d r e w e ’s chapel,

an early example of Laudian arrange m e n t s which includes a 3

credence table.

The chalice and patten were also altered in the post-Re f o r m a t i o n period as it was intended that all should c o mmunicate and partake of both elements.

They were larger than their m e d ieval counter p a r t s 4

and without significant decoration.

The second cell of the post-Refo r m a t i o n An g l i c a n church,

the

nave, also underwent considerable change which was symboli c a l l y significant. l i s t ening

This became the place for he a r i n g common prayer and to homily or sermon and so it became,

of co mmunion services,

the centre

due to the infrequency

of A n g l i c a n worship.. The

learning

and teaching emphasis is already present in Edward V l t h ’s Royal Inj u n ctions of 1547,^ "That every holy-day throughout the year, they have no sermon,

they shall

when

... openly

and

plainly recite to their parishioners in

the

pulpit the Pater Noster the Credo and the

ten commandments in English."

1.

Ibid.

plates VIII,

2.

Wickham-Legg,

3.

Ibid.

4.

Cox,

5.

Frere, W. F. and Kennedy, W. M.

J.

IXX, also pp.

1901.

165-173.

Op c i t .

plan facing LXIX.

plan facing LXIX.

J. C.

Op c i t .

plates and figs.

239,

Op c i t .

179

240 and 240b. Vol. 2.

|

pp.llé-117.

and, "They shall leave their^ cure well learned expert curate,

... to an honest that can by his

ability teach the rude and unlearned of their pure wholesome doctrine." and, "They shall discourage no man

... from reading

any part of the Bible." Th i s emphasis continued. "...

Elizabeth's I njunctions for 1559^ enjoin,

keep their holy day ... in the hearing of

the Word of God read and taught." and that, "The Churchwardens

... shall provide a comely

and honest pulpit,

to be set in a convenient

place with the same,

and to be there seemly

kept for the preaching of God's Word." and also, "...

because through lack of preachers in

m a n y places of the Queen's realms and dominions, the people continue in ignorance and blindness, all parsons,

vicars and curates shall read in

their Churches every Sunday one of the Homilies." T h e i mportance of the auditory principle in the r e - o r dering of churches is c learly seen in the rubric of the 1552 Book of C o m m o n Prayer^ which

1.

Brightman,

F. E.

Op c i t .

Vol.

1.

p . 127.

\''

180

States that, "The morning and evening prayer,

shall be

used in such place of the Churche, or chauncell,

chappell,

and the minister shall so turn

him, as ye people maye best heare. there be any controversie therein,

And if the matter

shall be referred to the ordenarie." The 1661 rubric reads,^ "The Morning and Evening Prayer shall be used in the accustomed place in the Church, Chappel or Chauncel:

except it be otherwise

determined by the ordinarie of the place and the Chancells shall remain as they have done in the past." D u r i ng Elizabeth's reign the

'accustomed place'

had tended to become

2 a m i nister's reading desk outside the chancel screen, the two celled principle.

The Sunday morning,

post-Reformation Anglican churches,

thus c onfirming

and Ho ly Day rite in

was M o r n i n g Prayer, Li t a n y and

either the Holy C ommunion or A nte-Com m u n i o n (sometimes called the 3 altar prayers).

All three tended to be conducted from the desk

unless there was a celebration of Hol y Communion,

1.

Ibid.

p . 127.

2.

Addleshaw,

G. W. 0. and Etchells,

pp. 31, 32, 68, 3.

Ibid.

F.

71 and 72.

pp. 68-74.

181

Op c i t .

a l t h o u g h some

clergy went to the altar for Ante-Communion,

This led in time to

the development of the

consis t i n g of clerk's

'three-decker'

pulpit,

pew, reading desk for the clergyman and pulpit combined into one piece of furniture.^

Even when the pulpit was separate the clerk's

2 and clergyman's desk were frequently combined.

The other very necessary item in the post- R e f o r m a t i o n A n g lican nave was the pews.

Instead of gazing upon the distant m y stery of the 3

altar, while engaged in private devotions, to give their undivided attention,

corporately,

service and the preaching of the W o rd . ^ churches with pews.

the laity were now required to the reading of the

This led to the e q u i pping of

Although not symbols in themselves,

they indicated

w here the experience of the revelation of the sacred was to be found, in the proclaimed Word.

The laity had various proprietary rights in the nave of the church for centuries.^

This continued after the intr o d u c t i o n of pews,

in the form of family rights as to ow n e rship or renting of seating in the church.

Many gentry equipped themselves with very fine

a c c o mmodation.^

One special pew was e r ected in some churches.

1.

I b i d . See plans 15, 43, 44, 45 and 48.

2.

Ibid.

3.

Frere, W. F. and Kennedy, W. M. Op c i t . Ed w a r d Vi's Injunctions 1547, item 2, p . 115. Ridley's I njunctions item 10, p . 244. Elizabeth's Injunctions, item 3, p.9, item 23, p . 16.

4.

16,

20,

21,

22,

23,

25,

28, 31,

39,

40,

plans 17, 18 and 42.

1550,

I b i d . Vol. 2. Edward Vi's Injunctions 1547, item 4, p . 116. Elizabeth's Injunctions, item 3, p . 9, item 24, p . 16. !

5.

Addy, S. 0. Church and M a n o r . pp. 425-428.

6.

Addleshaw,

G. Allen & Co.

G. W. 0. and Etchells,

F.

182

Op c i t .

1913.

pp.

90-96..':

1

the so called

'c h u r c h i n g ’ pew, a l thou g h there was no special rubric

or i njunction to this end.^ when she was

'churched'

It was the pew in wh i c h a wo m a n knelt

after the birth of a child.

2

A n other special area of a ccommo d a t i o n was that of the choir. Frequently,

the choir, and any instrumentalists,

were housed in a

loft at the West end of the Church or in special pews in that position or to one side of the church.

Some churches,

however,

continued the

me d i eval practice and kept the choir in the loft above the chancel 3 screen in what had once been the rood loft. once again,

This restructuring,

emphasised the changes that had taken place in the un d e r ­

standing of the presence of the sacred for the worshippers.

The redecoration of the nave followed the same pattern as that of the chancel.

M e d i e v a l paintings were whi t e w a s h e d and scripture

sentences were the only allowable r ep l a c e m e n t s . ^

Th e Royal Arms

replaced the rood on the tympanum or above the chancel arch. times,

alth o u g h in strict terms this was incorrect,

Lord's Prayer were placed there as well.

So m e ­

the Creed and

Sometimes the IHS m o n o g r a m

was used and sometimes decorative bac kgrounds.^

1.

Ibid.

pp. 84-86.

2.

Brightman,

F. E.Op c i t .

3.

Addleshaw,

G. W. 0. and Etchells,

4.

In accord a n c e with Canon LXXXII of 1604.

5.

Addleshaw,

pp. 880-885 (for Service).

G. W. 0. and Etchells,

F.

F.

183

Op c i t .

Op c i t .

pp.

86-100.

pp.

101-107.

One other essential liturgical object to be found in every nave, was the font.

Canon LXXXI of 1604 ordered,

"That there shall be a font of stone in every church and chapel where baptism is to be administered:

the same to be set up in

the ancient usual places." The E l izabethan Puritans desired the font to have a more central place in the nave.^

Medieval fonts which remained in situ sometimes suffered

from iconoclasts.

Other things were to be found in p o s t - R eformation naves, although not of liturgical significance. erected,

Memo r i a l m o n uments continued to be

particularly from the late sev e n t e e n t h century onwards,

which

2 visits to churches of the period will illustrate.

Alms boxes,

chests

3 and bread cupboards were to be found in mnay churches.

Churchyard

me m orials also became more common.^

One further item remains to be mentioned, w i t h symbolism,

wh i c h has much to do

that is the ornaments of the minister.

The various

orders of clergy were reduced to three in the An g l i c a n Church at the

1.

Ibid.

pp. 64-65.

2.

Cox, J. C.

3.

Ibid.

chap. XVIII.

4.

Ibid.

chap.

Op c i t .

chap.

11.

1.

184

Reformation,^ Bishops, abolished. the dress,

Priests and Deacons,

the minor o rders being

The 1549 Bo o k of Common Prayer lays down in two rubrics or ornaments,

of these ministers.

2

"... for the administration of the Holy Communion,

the priest that shall execute

the holy ministry,

shall put down on hym

the vesture appoincted for that ministacion, that is to saye:

a white Albe plain, with

a vestment or Cope.

And where there be

many Priestes or Deacons,

there shall be

ready to helpe the Priest in the ministracion, as shall be requisite: them lykewyse,

and shall have on

the vestures app o i n t e d for

their ministry,

that is to saye,

Albes with

tunacles." "In the saying or singing of Ma t e n s and Evensonge,

Baptizyng and Burying,

the

minister in paryshe churches and chapels annexed in the same shall vse a Surples. And in all Cathedrall churches and Colledges t h a r c h d e a c o n s , Deans,

Prowestes, Maisters,

Prebendaryes and fellows being Graduates, may vse in the quiere beside their Surplesses such hoodes a pertaineth to their severall

1.

Brightman, F. E. Op c i t . Preface to Ordinals.

2.

Ibid.

Vol.

2.

Vol.

2.

pp. 638 and 926.

185

p. 931

degrees

...

But in all other places every

minister shall be at libertie to vse any Surples or no.

It is also seemly that

Graduates when they do preache whould use such hoodes as pertaineth to thyr severall degrees." "And wheresouer the Bishop shall celebrate the holye communion in the churche,

or

execute any other public minystra c y o n he shall have vpon hym besyde his rochette a surples or Albe and a cope or vestments and also hys pastorall staffe."

The 1552 Book of Common Prayer reduced these to a surplice for priests and deacons and a rochet for Bishops.^

El i z a b e t h ordered

that such ornaments as were in use in the second year of the reign of

2 Edward Vlth (1549) should be retained.

It is not clear whether this

refers to the ornaments of the Prayer Bo o k of that year or what 3 preceded it.

However,

the latter seems an unlikely supposition.

2 Th i s instruction is repeated in the 1662 Book of C ommon Prayer. "... such ornaments of the Church and the Ministers thereof at all times of their ministration shall be retained and be in

1.

Ibid.

Vol.

1.

p . 127.

2.

Proctor, F. and Frere, W. H. The Bo o k of C ommon P r a y e r . Macmillan. 1951. pp. 362-363.

3.

I b i d . p.360 ff and Lowther, Clark, W. K.

, j

Op c i t .

186

vse as were in this Church of Eng l a n d by the authoritie of Parliament in the second year of the reigne of King Edward VI." In the event;

the surplice for the priest and deacon and the rochet

for the bishop became the normal Anglic a n dress.

Parker's a d v e r t i s e ­

ments^ of 1566 say, "...

that every minister saying public

prayers or m i nistering the sacraments or other rites of the church shall wear a comely surplice with sleeves

..."

This standard of clerical dress is sought in other articles, even the surplice was strongly rejected by those seeking,

2

a l though

as they put

3 it,

'further reform'.

Although in themselves insignificant,

this m e aning attached to

clerical dress was closely associated w i t h the central issues of the divine presence,

particularly as to ho w the divine was present in

connection with the elements of bread and wine at the Holy Communion. Th e dress was highly significant.

Pur itans objected strongly to any

clerical dress which could be associated,

in any way, wi t h the idea

that the Lord's Supper could be understood as akin to the M a s s . Ang l i c an clerical dress reflected a

'via media'

1.

Proctor,

Op c i t .

2.

I b i d . pp. 61, 255, 311, 332 (item 6), 333 and 377. See also T i n d a l l - H a r t , A. The M a n in the P e w 1 5 5 8 - 1 6 6 0 . J. Baker. 1966.

3.

F. and Kennedy, W. M.

p . 105.

Proctor,

position.

Vol.

(1604 Canons).

F. and Frere, W. H.

Op c i t .

187

p . 363.

3.

p . 175.

As was indicated in the previous chapter Non-conf o r m i s t places of public worship did not emerge until after the T o l e r a t i o n Act of 1689, a l t h o u g h the principles behind them can be traced back to C alvin at Geneva and to the Anabaptists on the Continent. as we have seen,

For Calvin,

the proclaimed Word was the point of God's revelation.

The s acramental elements were only outward signs,

nevertheless effective

inasmuch as they were the outward witness to the inward mi n i s t r y of the H o l y Spirit,

whereby union with Christ is effected.

1

Ca l v i n says,

2

"It remains for all this to be applied to us.

That is done through the gospel but

more clearly through the Sacred Supper." 3 T h e sign,

however,

cannot become effective without the Word.

"This very well confirms what I said elsewhere that the right administ e r i n g of the sacrament cannot stand apart from the Word.

For whatever benefit may come to us

from the Supper requires the Word Equally,

..."

C a lvin also held that baptism is only effective when linked 4

to the proclaimed Word.

The architectural and liturgical demands of those seeking further r e f o r mation in England from 1559 until the C o m m o n w e a l t h P eriod and

1.

Calvin,

J.

1960.

Op c i t .

Calvin, J. in Reid, J. K. S. Treatises. S.C.M. 1954. 2.

Ibid.

p . 1364.

3.

Ibid.

p . 1416.

4.

Ibid.

p . 1304.

p . 1361 and Calvin's T h e o l ogical

188

beyond can be clearly understood once their espousal of C a l v i n ’s theology is realised.

This theology e mphasised the centra l i t y of

the proclaimed Word as the channel of divine revelation. must,

according to Calvin,

proc l amation of the Word. p r e aching service.

The sacraments

be administ e r e d in c onnection with the Accordingly this must h appen during a

Also the font,

or basin, and communion table must

be close to the pulpit and a single celled a u d i t o r i u m is the required l i t u rgical building. and spiritually,

The presence of the sacred is m e d iated inwardly

to those prepared by God to receive it,

c o n j o ined to the outward signs, Accordingly,

it

place of seeing

bread,

but this is

wine and proclamation.

was essential that the public

place of w o rship was

a

and hearing.

Alth o u g h the sacraments and preaching were only outward signs and C a l v i n denied any divine presence or revela t i o n through the physical building, T h e r e was to be revelation.

he,

nevertheless,

sa w churches as necessary buildings,

no luciferian confusion over the locus

Here,

in parallel to the outward

of divine

Wo r d and sacrament, God

w o u l d be revealed to those chosen and prepared.

To associate this

s acred activity with anything else endangered men's souls.

1 B a rton

describes the interiors of many Non - c o n f o r m i s t places

of w o r s h i p in the hundred years after p h o t o graphic illustrations.

1.

Barton,

D. A.

Op c i t .

toleration and provides

1

p . 32 ff.

189

plates

1-8.

The typical P resbyterian or Independent chapel was s ingle­ celled and without decoration.

It had pews grouped round the room

facing the pulpit which was placed on one of the long walls. of the pulpit stood the communion table. plain glass windows. painted white.

In front

The room was lit through

The walls would be without d ecoration and

The whole building was aniconic.

link of the physical wi t h the sacred.

It denied any direct

The furnishing in the centre of

the room directed p e o p l e s ’ attention to the one true mode of r evelation

In the previous chapter it was pointed out that the buildings erected for public worship by those following the path of Radical Protestant Dissent differed again both from P u ritan and A n glican churches and chapels.

They reflected the different und e r s t a n d i n g of

the divine revelation held by these groups. Dissenters,

For Radical Protes t a n t

the physical could not be a s s ociated with the spiritual,

either as symbol or sign.

Nevertheless,

it was n e c e ssary for the

Society of Friends to have places in wh i c h to meet, a l t h o u g h at first they met in houses if it was not possible to meet out of doors. Quaker m e eting places have remained,

basically,

features of a F r i e n d s ’ Meeting House were,

domestic.^

and are,

The key

pews or seats

grouped round the sides of the room facing inwards and a raised area called the Stand,

for ministers,

elders and overseers.

Stand is om i t t e d in modern meeting houses.

2

E v e n the

For the occasions when

there were separate meetings of men and w o m e n a second chamber was

1.

Lidbetter,

2.

Ibid.

H.

Op c i t .

p . 14.

p . 16. ! I

190

provided,

or, on occasion,

a folding partition screen.

The Quaker

me e t i n g place,

like P resbyterian and Independent chapels,

is, aniconic.

In addition,

chapels,

it lacked a focus.

the l o cation of revelation. spiritual.

was,

and

unlike Presbyt e r i a n and Independent There was nothing outward wh i c h indicated Revelation was inward,

personal and

The building emphasised this by its seating arrangements.

The cong r egation gathered in such a way that whoever had a revelation of the divine which they wished to share,

it was possible to do so,

al t h o u g h revelation was not confined to any particular place,

time

or context.

As was explained in the last chapter,

a l t hough one or two Royal

Chapels were erected for Catholic Queens it was only at the end of the s e v e n teenth century that any other Catholic chapels could be quietly and unobtrusively erected.

Once buildings were erected they

showed the effect of the Counter-Reformation. plain,

T heir exteriors were

wh ich is perhaps explicable in terms of the penal situation,

but their interiors were similar. filled with plain glass.

The walls were plain and the windows

There were statues and sometimes paintings

but the elaborate medieval iconographie scheme has gone.^

Also

2 absent were the rood screen and rood loft.

The centrepiece was the 3

High Altar,

elaborately furnished in contrast to m e d ieval times.

1.

O ’Connell, J. C h urch Building and Furnishing: Way. Burns & Oates. 1955. p.95.

2.

Ibid.

3.

Chappell,

p.79. D. M.

Op cit.

p . 186 ff.

191

The C h u r c h ’s

The r e served sacrament was now kept in the tabernacle on the altar, not in a suspended pyx.^

The whole structure was designed to enable

the congregation to see the miracle of the mass and to adore C h rist

2 present in the sacrament both then and at other times.

Thi s pattern of Catholic iconography lasted into this century. O ’C o nnell makes it abundantly clear that the altar and the s a c r ament 3 upon it are the centre of the church.

He says,

"The altar is the holy place by; (1)

Its solemn c onsecration it is, as it were,

... w h ereby

baptised,

confirmed

and hallowed for that purpose; (2)

Its use as a stone of sacrifice and of reservation of the Blessed Sacrament and the table of Divine Banquet;

(3)

Its symbolic meaning as a figure of Christ

... Accordingly,

the Chu r c h

honours the high altar as the sacred place in the church." E l s e w h e r e he says,^ ’’The church is, as it were,

built upon its

high altar."

1.

O ’Connell,

J.

Op c i t .

2.

Little, B. Op c i t . illustrations 128, 129, 136, 137, 144, 145, 160,

3.

O ’Connell, J.

4.

Ibid.

Op c i t .

chap.

IX. 72, 73, 104, 105, 112, 113, 161, 184, 185,192 and 193.

p . 161.

p . 23.

I 192

!;

O ’Connell^ lists the elaborate provisions to be made for the furnishing of the altar.

It should have a canopy,

a frontal in the liturgical

colours of the season and have three linen cloths; corporal and pall,

A tabernacle must be provided wh i c h is fire and

b u r g l a r p r o o f , together with its veil and conopaeum. have a crucifix, candlesticks.

altar cloth,

Every altar must

unless one is painted behind on a reredos,

A cushion should be provided for the missal.

c onnec tion with the altar,

and six In

a credence and piscina are to be provided,

together with altar cruets,

sacring bells,

thurible and incense,

a

paxbrede and a faldstool.

Turning to the rest of the church,

a part from the altar,

2 O ’Connell least,

states that Canon L a w instructs that the following,

should be provided,

preliminaries),

an ample chancel,

at least one side chapel,

an organ and a place for singers,

at

a narthex (for baptismal

a mo r t u a r y chapel,

a pulpit,

c o n f e s s i o n a l ( s ) , two sacris t i e s and

a d j o i n ing rooms for secular activities.

3 Post Counter-Re f o r m a t i o n development of devotion

produced the

4 Stations of the Cross on side walls

and the enclosed confessional.

P e r h a p s the biggest development was the fusion of the whole building into a mass centre.

Although the l a i t y ’s place was still in the

1.

Ibid.

chaps.

IX and XI.

2.

Ibid.

p . 23.

3.

Daniel-Rops,

4.

O ’Connell, J.Op c i t .

H.

Op c i t . p . 109. i U'

193

t

chancel there was no longer a screen between them and the altar.

The

church was the place where the clergy offer the M a s s with the laity present to support them through their silent devotions and attention to the action at critical moments.^

The Catholic church in post Coun t e r - R e f o r m a t i o n times was still a place of divine presence and the symbolism of the building underlined

2 this,

O ’Connell quotes Cardinal Constantine, "A church must be, and must appear to be, the House of God and the palace of heaven, the dwelling of God and the ladder to heaven." 3

O ’Connell continues elsewhere, "A church is sacred intrinsically,

and not

merely because sacred acts take place within it, or because it houses the Blessed Sacrament

..."

and later, "... apart from the sacramental presence of our Lord,

the Church is a holy place filled

with the Divine presence

... The Church

.,.

has something of the eternal embodied in it."

1.

Howell,

C.

Jones, C. S.P.C.K.

"From Trent to Vatican II" in e^. 1978.

2.

O ’Connell,

J.

3.

Ibid.

7-8.

pp.

(eds.). The Study of L i t u r g y . especially p . 244. Op c i t .

p.44.

194

It was said in the previous chapter that the insights of the R e f o r m ation live on in the buildings still being used for public w or s h i p in this country.

It is equally true of their internal

arr a n g ements and decoration. towards a more

It was also mentioned that a move back

’C a t h o l i c ’ doctrine of the divine presence had

p a r t i c u l a r y affected Anglican church buildings and, N o n - c o nformist chapels.

in part, many

Some Anglican churches simply duplicated

Ro m a n Catholic church practice and many were partially re-ordered along these lines.

Surpliced choirs were introduced and they were

placed in the chancel beyond the screen and the clergy joined them. This meant that apart from the excursion to the pulpit for the sermon all worship was conducted from somewhere w ithin the chancel.

Now

that the choir were in the chancel the l a i t y ’s only incursion was to come to the altar rails at the time of Holy Communion.

These changes to churches were,

nevertheless,

all within

R e f o r m a t i o n and Counter-Reformation understandings of divine revelation, As was indicated in the last chapter,

a fundamental n e w understanding

is e m erging with the Liturgical Movemen t w hich crosses denominational boundaries.

The exact ordering of a liturgical centre,

these insights still varies to some degree,

adapted to

dependant upon d e n o m i n ­

ational tradition.

1 The modern Roman Catholic directives, the L i turgical Movement,

1.

.

w hich adopt the ideas of

both indicate the Church is a place of

Documents for Sacred Architecture:

T h e Bishops of Germany

Directives for Building of a C h u r c h . D i ocesan Church Building D i r e c t i v e s .

195

1947 and Winsconsin.

1951.

corporate life and a liturgical centre.

It is

"A place where the people of God assemble and that for several purposes."^ and, "The primary purpose of the church is to

2 serve the sacred liturgy." In both sets of directives, sacred space.

the church building is seen as enclosing

The divine presence is still linked with the physical.

The Directives state that one purpose of ass e m b l i n g in church is, "To render homage and a doration to the presence of our Lord in the eucharistie bread.

In modern Catholic churches the altar is the liturgical centre, still made of stone symbolising its function as an altar,

but free of

many additional furnishings such as gradines and altar cards. normally a simple,

It is

clean undecorated edifice with candles upon it and

a crucifix of due proportion above or behind it. front of, or in the midst of,

the congregation.

It is placed in the It is,

in any case,

away from the East wall to a l low the celebrant to stand on the West side facing the

congregation. The reserved

in a tabernacle

on a small side altar.

sacrament is usually The chief act i v i t y

1.

D i r e c t i v e s . 1947.

2.

D i r e c t i v e s . 1951.

3.

The same wording in both sets of Directives.

196

of the

kept

gathered Catholic community in the ro o m is to re-present the e u c h a r i s t i e sacrifice as a corporate body.

1

As J u n g m a n

2

puts it,

"Modern church architecture lays stress above all on the community of the faithful.

Hence

one single well lit space for the people: an altar which is clearly a table of sacrifice situated near to the people so that it attracts to itself the attent i o n of every one;

side altars are relegated to the back­

ground;

the church is a building orientated to

a single centre so that the community of the faithful constitute a single choir able to celebrate the liturgy together in unity."

Something of the traditional denominational emphases are also still evident among Protestant churches involved in the L i t u r g i c a l Movement.

These originate in the experience of the divine being

revealed through the proclaimed Word,

As W hite says, mo d e r n P r o t e s t a n t 3

churches share concern for activity at the liturgical centre. "Our concern has been with how the buildings work in providing the setting for common worship in the belief that this is the most

1.

Shepherd, Todd.

L.

1970.

2.

Jungman, J.

3.

White, J. F.

(ed.).

The New L i t u r g y .

Introduction. Op c i t . 1964.

Op c i t .

197

Darton,

Lo n g m a n &

important area of concern.

Unles s the

liturgical factors are given first priority it is impossible to erect an adequate building." Bieler^ has outlined the Reformed Protestant emphasis, "...

the community gathered by the Lord

Jesus around the holy table to hear His Word." and, "This is surely the congregation called together by the Word of its Lord,

gathered

round the table where He communicates with each of His members." This view is endorsed by Barth.

2

Brug g i n k and Droppers

3

have studied

Reformed Protestant architecture as influenced by the Lit u r g i c a l M o v ement in Europe and North America and provide illustrations of liturgical centres which embody the Reformed view of revelation through W o r d and 4 sacrament.

Bieler

gives a number of ground plans of P r o t estant churches

where the congregation is gathered around such a liturgical centre.

1.

Bieler, 1965.

A. pp.

Architecture and W o r s h i p . 77-79»

Oliver and Boyd,

see also ground plan p.81.

2.

Barth, K. "The Architectural Problems of Pro t e s t a n t Places of Worship" in Bieler, A. Op c i t .

3.

Bruggink, J. and Droppers, C. H. W i lliam Eerdmans. Grand Rapids.

4.

Bieler, A.

Op c i t .

figs.

C hrist and A r c h i t e c t u r e . Michigan. 1965.

36-48.

198

As he says,^ "The new type of church sanctuary is meant harmoniously to enclose the community grouped convergently around that wh i c h gathers it

-

visible sign,

the Word of God and its the sacrament of the

Eucharist."

Recently constructed churches, of the Liturgical Movement,

or those r e-ordered in the spirit

have sought to signify that which they are

d e s igned to contain. "It is the place in which the Church, body of Christ,

the

is

formed, and

in wh i c h it

g rows and it is in

consequence

a symbol of

2 that body." T h e s e churches are generally straightforward in design wi t h a m i n i m u m of d e coration internal or external. as an

Th e main w o rship area is created

open space so that the gathered community can relate

to the liturgical centre

and to each

m a d e at the liturgical centre either, Churches,

other.

Pr o v i s i o n for

in the case of the R e f ormed

by a portable bowl being brought to the table or,

case of A n glican and Roman Catholic churches,

1.

Ibid.

2.

Directives. Hammond, P.

as a body

p.81. 1947. in Op c i t . p.248.

199

in the

by the font being

b a ptism is

located near the altar.

In many churches the occasions of private,

or semi-private devotion,

are provided for by separate chapels.

In

R oman Catholic churches this is the location for the reserved sacrament.

The sacred images,

symbols and symbolic arrange m e n t s w hich have

appeared in the E n glish public place of worship have now been described in outline.

As with other sacred forms further consideration

will be given to them in the final chapter. community which, place of worship,

in its various forms,

We turn no w to the sacred

has been associ a t e d with the

before looking at the c o m m u n i t y ’s actions there.

I 'I

200

CHAPTER FOUR

Community and Individual: Social and Personal Sacred Forms

In the introductory chapter to this study,

it was a r gued that

the sacred community was a covenant society in terms of its relationship to the divine.

It was also suggested that the public place of worship

was particular to the sacred community and not available to those outside it.

This being so, the sacred community is therefore the

gateway to the realm of the sacred. is,

in every way,

To be excluded from the community

to be a non-being.

introductory chapter,

It was also indicated,

in the

that within the sacred community there are people

who are particular channels of the sacred.

Wach,

as was described,

gives evidence to suggest that the degree to which different categories of such persons reveal the sacred varies.

In this chapter,

will be examined in relation to the English.

First,

these ideas

the sacred

community will be studied with reference to entering it as well as life within it.

Secondly,

to different types,

the categories of sacred persons,

will be outlined.

with reference

These two forms of the sacred,

like those of sacred word and action are closely linked. embraces all;

the various categories of sacred person have particular

roles within that whole. serially,

The community

Accordingly,

these two forms will be examined

first community and then the sacred person.

As with other forms of the sacred which have been investigated it is difficult to be precise about the pre-Christian English.

The

pre-Christian English sacred community clearly did have similarities to that within the wider Teutonic society but, once again, evidence is lacking.

detailed

The pre-Christian English sacred community

201

a p pears to have been based on birth and kinship. is the case with religions in the Roman World, from other races and cultures.

W e do not hear, as

of converts coming

The En g l i s h do not seem to have

a t t e mpted to convert the Celtic peoples to their religion or even coalesced with them in any way. member of the sacred community,

Physical birth does not make one a it only creates the possibility.^

There is always some form of initiation ceremony, which there will be the giving of a name. sacred community one becomes a person.

connected with

In becoming a part of the

Gr ^ n b e c h gives us some

indications of the i n d i v i d u a l ’s initiation into the clan in Teutonic society generally but we are bereft of clues as to whether this app l i ed to England.

2

We do know that Teutonic society led a vigorous life around the sacred place and this included muc h beyond formal sacred actions and worship.

We kn o w from Bede that the p r e -Christian E n g l i s h had

festivities linked to the festivals of the gods at wh i c h substantial animal sacrifices were made.^

We may also surmise from G r ^ n b e c h ^

and from what ha ppened in the church and churchyards at a later date^ that such activities could well have included ball-games and wrestling.

1.

Eliade, M.

2.

Gr^nbech,

3.

Bede.

4.

Gr^nbech,

5.

Addy,

1959. V.

Op c i t .

Op c i t . V.

S. 0.

Op c i t . pt. 1.

chap.

p.86. Op c i t .

Op c i t .

pp. 189-190. chap.

16.

202

11.

L aw-making was also an activity of the sacred community und e r t a k e n at the public place of worship.

In Iceland the law-thing was consecrated

by the priest and all the participants'

holiness was a u g m ented as the

m e eting depended on the highest f r i t h .

The earliest C h ristian community was a minority group within the larger Jewish sacred community. the only evidence as to its nature, played within it. in e c c l e s i a ’. rapidly,

The Acts of the Apo s t l e s provides acti vities and the roles people

The picture which we are given is of an

*ecclesiola

This community grew away from its Je w i s h roots very

not least as a result of Paul's insights and m i s s ionary

activity.^

In this process the Christia n sacred community came to view

itself as a continuation and a replacement of the Je w i s h ecclesia as the people

of God.

It became the New Israel,

and taking

up its role

as the instrument of God's purposes

Initiation into this community, baptism.

continuous with

from the very beginning,

the old in the world,

was by water

At first this was by the route of becoming a m ember of the

Jewish community but Paul's teaching led to any a cceptable person being able to enter the community directly through baptism. roots in Jewish religious practice and was,

B a p t i s m had its

in N e w T e s t a m e n t times,

connected with the ideas of repentance and cleansing in anti c i p a t i o n of the dawn of the M e ssianic Age and the Reign of God.

1.

See especially P a u l ’s letter to the Galatians.

2,

Jones,

C.

e t . a l . Op c i t .

p.80 ff.

203

2

C h r i s t i a n baptism

seems to have grown out the practice of John the Baptist and his disciples.^

Although there are many statements in the N e w T e s tament

literature concerning baptism the rite itself.

2

we lack any detailed d e s c r iption of

Fr o m the evidence of the N e w T e s t ament we gather

the following information.

There was little formal p r eparation or

3 instruction.

It was performed by one of the appointed persons within 4

the community.

There was repentance and confession of faith on the

part of the person to be initiated.^ least on occasion,

B a p t i s m was in water.

This,

at

was performed in the water of a river or spring.^

The initiation was in the name of Jesus.^

It is not clear whether the

g T r i n i tarian formula was used from the very beginning.

On occasions, 9

at least,

this was accompanied by the laying on of hands.

The N e w

T e s t a ment interprets this act as a burial and resurre c t i o n whereby the person dies as a son of Adam and rises to share the new life of C h r i s t . I n

this process of being united with Christ the person is

1.

Ibid.

2.

See Romans 6:

3.

Acts 8: 36-38.

4.

I b i d . and 1 Corinthians

5.

Acts 2: 37 ff.

6.

Acts 8: 37.

7.

Acts

8.

Ibid.

9.

Acts 8:

10.

1-11, Galations 3; 27,

1: 14.

10: 48. cf.

M a t t h e w 28:

19.

17.

Romans 6: 3 ff.

204

1 Peter 3: 21.

grafted into His body the Church, a

’seal'

the N e w Israel.^

B a p t i s m was also

of ownership by God marking the covenant r e lationship which

is entered into and a sign of receiving the Spirit.

2

Luke

3

and

P a u l ’s^ writings reveal that it was possible to be excluded subsequently from the Christian community and therefore from divine benefits and blessings as a result of serious breaches of the ethical code.

In the period prior to the peace of C o nstantine the rite was gradually elaborated and formalised.

By the third century H yppolytus^

gives us an account of the rite at Rome w hich was quite complicated. The candidates underwent instruction over a period of three years which was accompanied by exorcisms and prayers.

On the Thu r s d a y before

Easter they bathed and then fasted on Fri d a y and Saturday.

Saturday

night was spent in vigil which included the reading of scripture. rite of baptism proper began at cockcrow. had been blessed,

After the baptismal water

the candidates removed their clothes and having

renounced Satan were anointed with the oil of exorcism. then descended into the water; baptised.

The candidates

following the i n t e rrogations they were

On ascending from the water they were anointed with the oil

1.

1 Corinthians 12:

2.

2 Corinthians 1: 22 and 3:

3.

Acts 5:

4.

1 Corinthians 5: 5.

5.

The

13, cf. Romans 9-11. 1 ff.

1 ff and 1 Corinthians 5:

5.

Botte, B. The Treatise on the Apo s tolic Tra d i t i o n of St. Hyppolytus of R o m e . (E. T. and Int r o d u c t i o n G. Dix., 2nd rev. ed. H. Chadwick). S.P.C.K. 1968.

I I

205

of thanksgiving and the bishop laid his hands upon them.

Finally,

c o nsecrated oil was poured over the c a n d i d a t e s ’ heads and the bishop exchanged the kiss of peace with each of them.

Al t h o u g h T e r t u llian^

says that it does not matter in which location b a ptism takes place, specific baptistries were being built in the third century.

E xclusion from the sacred community became a pressing p r o b l e m at this time due to the many lapses of Chr i s t i a n s during the periods of w idespread persecution.

Previously it had m e r e l y been the problems

of the heresy or grave moral lapse of a few.

The d ifficulty was whether

those who had denied their faith under the threat of torture and death could be re-admitted to the sacred community.

T h i s process was further

complicated when those who had been baptised into a breakaway group holding a very rigorous view asked to be admitted into the main body of the church.

The Roman Church decided that their original baptismal

rite was valid but that they should undergo the second half of the rite, the laying on of hands by the bishop before they were ad m i t t e d as full c hurch members.

E xcommunication was very real in the early c hurch and

sometimes years of penance were needed before m e m b e r s h i p of the c ommunity was available once more.

2

The baptismal rite developed further in Rome in the postC o n s t a ntinian period. ceremony,

1.

2.

The additional items included the effeta

or opening of the ears,

Tertullian.

De B a p t i s m o .

the placing of salt on the tongue

chap.

2. quoted

Davies,

J. G.

1965.

Op c i t .

p . 148.

Davies,

J. G.

1965.

Op c i t .

p . 154.

! I I

206

and the traditio and reditio of the symbol (Creed).

Th i s latter action

was undertaken during the final Lenten period of the cate c h u m e n a t e when the gospels were also read and expounded to the candidates.^

Su c h was

the rite of entrance to the Christian com m u n i t y w hich St. Augustine brought to the English.

The r e is not a great deal of evidence available a bout the C h r i stian c o m m u n i t y ’s daily life outside of the liturgy after the early commune in Jerusalem.

2

We do read of the Corinthi a n Christians'

ag a p e in conjunction with the Eucharist. were acquired,

Gradually,

as c h urch buildings

provision was made for the life of the c o m m unity outside

of the liturgy. agape)

3

gathering for the

Davies mentions eating and drinking (including the

synods and elections,

legal proceedings (including the publishing 4

of notices) storage and, was me ntioned above,

finally,

teaching and library facilities.

As

a number of these act i v i t i e s took place in the

E n g l i s h pre-Christian temples and no doubt there was an easy transition to these happening under Christian guise.

Two further moments were marked in the passage of life through the C h ri s t i a n community.

These were mar r i a g e and death.

1.

Hardman, 0. The History of Christi a n W o r s h i p . H o dder & Stoughton. 1948. p.53.

2.

Acts 4: 32 ff.

3.

1 Corinthians 11:

4.

Davies, J. G.

17 ff.

Op c i t .

chap.

1.

207

2nd.

The earliest

ed.

Chr i s tian marriages,

if they were between J e w i s h couples,

been according to the Jewish rites.

would have

It would seem that gentile

couples followed the normal Roman practice,

inasmuch as the later

Wes t e rn marriage services all follow the pre-Chr i s t i a n R oman pattern. Even the wedding cake seems to go back to the offering made to the gods.

The rite was,

however,

’c h r i s t i a n i s e d ’ and the vows previously

m ade before the gods and sealed with s a c r ifice became vows made before the Christian altar and sealed w i t h the cel e b r a t i o n of the Eucharist.

The celebration of the Euc h a r i s t also became ass o c i a t e d

with the death of Christians.

We have a l r e a d y seen that the Eucharist,

together with a communal meal, was part of the

’w a k e ’ ceremo n i e s at

m a r t y r s ’ graves.

Just as the pre-Christian temples and festivals were ada p t e d to Ch r i s tian use a similar pattern of t ra n s f o r m a t i o n will have o b t ained in part,

in England,

for initiation into the C h r i s t i a n com m u n i t y and

the passage of life through it.

The Teu t o n i c c ustom of the father

giving a family name to the new child w ould be changed to r e c e iving the name of a C h ristian saint and doubtless it was thought that the ’l u c k ’ of the saint and the i nherited.^ centuries

2

’s o u l ’ of the C h r i s t i a n clan was thereby

Marriage ales and funeral ales continued for many and doubtless many other pr e - C h ristian practices continued,

tolerated by the Church authorities as not being entirely i n c ompatible 3 w i t h Christianity.

1.

Gr^nbech, W.

2.

Addy,

3.

Davies,

S. 0.

Op c i t . Op c i t .

pp.

287 and 290.

chapter on c hurch ales. i

J. G.

1968.

Op c i t .

pp.

208

162-165.

i

The entry into, and passage through,

the C h r i stian community

in the M e d i e v a l P e r i o d is mapped out for us in the many medieval service books which are still available. in the m a nuals and pontificals.

The information is contained

The Roman rites of entry into the

sacred community remained intact when the t ransition came from adult to infant baptism.

The only difference was that the reality of the

cate c humenate disappeared while the ceremonies remained.

In the period

leading up to the R eformation the leading Use in England was that of Sarum.

Alt h o u g h in practice the others such as York and Winche s t e r

varied little.

The baptism service^ started with the arrival of the

baby at the church door,

brought by parents and godparents on the

eighth day after birth.

The service consisted of three parts,

m aking of a catechumen,

the

the blessing of the font and the b a ptism proper.

The order for making a catechumen was carried out at the church door. It commenced with the midwife being asked whether the child was a boy or girl and prayers were said accordingly.

The priest then placed his

right hand on the c h i l d ’s head and said three collects.

T here followed

the e xo r c i s m in which salt was blessed and placed on the child's tongue. After a further prayer came the adjuration, exorcism.

ex o r c i s m and prayer of

The child was then signed with the cross on the forehead

wh i c h was a ccompanied by a prayer for illumination. prayer came the effeta ceremony. completed by the Hail Mary,

After a further

The ma k i n g of a cat e c h u m e n was

Apostles'

Creed,

L o r d ’s P rayer and m aking

the sign of the cross on the right hand.

1.

Collins,

A. J.

Sarisburiensis.

Manuale ad usum percelebris Ecclesiae Henry B r adshaw Society.

209

XCIX.

1960.

The next section,

the blessing of the font,

commenced w i t h the

charge to the parents and godparents f o l lowed by the litany. a prayer and preface,

After

a prayer of blessing was said over the water,

during which the priest divided the water wi t h his hand m a king the sign of the cross. Trinity,

He then blessed

the water in the name of the

making further crosses and

cas t i n g the water in four directions.

T h e n he breathed three times in the

form of a cross on the water.

Next

he dropped wax from a candle in the

form of a cross into the water

and

divided the water in the form of a cross w i t h the candle.

D uring the

Easter and Lent seasons oil and chrism we r e also infused.

The last section, Satan.

the baptism,

s t arted w i t h the r e n u n c i a t i o n of

The c h i l d ’s breast and back (between the shoulders) were

anointed and after the parents and god p arents had responded to the interogatory creed,

the child was baptised.

immersion in the name of the Trinity. with chrism on the forehead,

This was by threefold

Fin a l l y the child was anointed

robed in a ch r i s o m and given a lighted

candle.

The early Roman Use had been that those baptised were immediately confirmed and went straightway to their first Hass. i n struction was that, f ollow immediately,

if the bishop was present,

The Sarum

con f i r m a t i o n was to

if not, as soon as the bishop was w i t h i n seven miles,

Al t h o ugh the delay in confirmation became normal, was baptised and confirmed as an infant.

210

He n r y V I I ’s son Arthur

W o m e n were excluded from church, from the sacred community.

•

Pater Noster,

and therefore

A simple re-a d m i s s i o n service is to be

found among the S a rum services. Kyries,

after childbirth,

1

This consisted of Psalm,

Gloria,

and a collect followed by the priest asperging

the w o man and then leading her by the hand into the church.

Augustine would have brought the Roman Burial Ma s s w i t h him. The evidence shows that beliefs regarding death changed somewhat with the advent of C hristianity among the English,

The S u t t on-hoo ship-

burial is thought to have been the result of a transitional arrangement. A C h r i s t i a n king, Chr i s tian manner.

possibly Raedwald,

was first to be buried in the

It is thought that later,

some of his more

con s e rvative followers enacted a traditional burial but wit h o u t the body.

The change in belief is also indicated by the change in burial

customs.

Earlier E n g lish burials have grave goods;

Chr i s tian period do not.

those from the

2

o The medieval office for the dead was in four parts, of the soul, office for the dead. Ma s s and burial. place at the dead p e r s o n ’s house.

Th e first part took

It included psalms,

vespers being said while the body was prepared.

collects and

The body was then taken

to the chur c h in procession as psalms were said.

At the church the

1.

Maskell, W. Monu m e n t a Ritualia E c c lesiae A n g l i c a n a e . Oxford. Clarendon. 3 vols. 1882. p.46 ff.

2.

Brown,

3.

Maskell, W.Op c i t .

G. B.

Op c i t . See illustrations. Vol.

1.

p . 142 ff.

also

Swete, H. B. Church Services and S e rvice Books before the Reformation. S.P.C.K. p . 124 ff.

211

c o mmendation

office for the dead, was said. if it was late, in procession,

Then followed,

the M.ass for the dead.

or on the next day

The body was then taken,

to the grave as psalms were recited.

F u rther psalms

were recited as the body was buried and as the funeral party processed back to the church.

We have seen that the early church not only guarded entrance to the sacred community but kept discipline within it by imposing penance and,

on occasion,

excommunication on those breaking its regulations.

T h e earliest known records of formal fixed ceremonies of e x c o m munication go back to the ninth century. of excommunication,

The med ieval E n glish Use^ has four levels

from communion,

from the prayer of the faithful,

from prayers for penitents and catechumens and from all entrance to the church.

This latter was a powerful wea p o n because it could mean

co m plete social ostracism.

In the reign of King John Rome put the

w h o l e of England under interdict and to retrieve the si t u a t i o n John had to receive the kingdom back from the Pope,

Not only could the

laity be excommunicated but the clergy could be degraded and offices we r e provided for this.

Besides these official moments of passage and t ransition within the sacred community there was a vigorous life in and a round the public place of worship in England during the m e d ieval times.

1.

Ibid.

Vol.

2.

p.CLXXI.

11'

212

Church buildings, and the churchyard, were put to agreatvariety of uses.

Even in the monastic churches,

which

were erected

primarily

for the performance of the opus d e i , a wide range of a ctivities were to be found in and around the precincts.^

P a r i s h churches and

cathedrals were the scenes of multifarious activities.

Allcroft

^ 2 suggests, "Among the oddest facts in ecclesi o l o g y is the variety of alien uses to which have been

put

the parish church and churchyard in the Br itish Isles." He goes on to note that some of these uses have survived into the twentieth century.

2

3 We have seen,

in an earlier chapter,

that Be d e

recalls that

Gregory advised Mellitus to convert pagan festivals into Chr i s t i a n ones and to all o w moderate activities at such a time. liturgical uses to which the nave of the church,

The non-

and the churchyard,

were put during the M i ddle Ages can be summarised under four headings: habitation,

recreation,

trade and community activities.

These had

all o ccurred at the pre-Christian places of public worship.

1.

Cranage,

2.

Allcroft,

3.

Bede,

D. H. S. A. H.

Venerable.

Op c i t . Op c i t . Op c i t .

pp. 71-72.

p.333 ff. p.86.

213

The church was not a place in whi c h people lived regularly. There were, however, allowed to eat,

certain categories who,

on occasions,

sleep and live in the church.^

the dwelling place of God, special dress was worn.

2

would be

As they were entering

there were rites to set them apart and The most permanent inhabitants were the

3 anchorites.

In addition,

inhabitants.

there were various c ategories of temporary

Perhaps the most important of these were those seeking 4

sanctuary.

Hole

gives a very detailed account of sanctuary during

the medieval period.

The sanctuary area not only included the church

but the churchyard which was also consecrated ground. the area of sanctuary was extended beyond this, Beverley Minster in Yorkshire.

In c e rtain cases

as in the case of

In the case of these extended sanctuary

areas people could live within them permanently. sanctuary at various times was quite substan t i a l . ^

The number seeking Another group

given temporary accommodation in churches was travellers, pilgrims.^

Churches were also used to house the sick.

that, "Even at St. Thomas's Hospital it was the church rather than the ward that was the place of cure."

1.

Addy, S.

0.

Op c i t .

2.

Hole, C.

3.

Cook, G.

4.

Hole, C.

5.

Davies, J. G.

6.

Ibid.

pp. 44-45.

7.

Ibid.

p.41.

pp. 65-66.

1954. Op c i t . H.

Op c i t .

pp. 88 and 205.

1954. Op c i t . 1968.

especially chap.

chap.

Op c i t .

2. pp. 41-42.

214

2

especially

Davies^ states

O t hers who were,

on occasion,

included guardians,

to be found living in the church

sacristans and clergy.^

while not living in the church,

A n other group,

who,

spent their whole life living within

sacred precincts were the monks.

Like anc h o r i t e s and those seeking

sanctuary there were special rites by wh i c h they e n tered this state. These will be examined when the various c ategories of sacred person w i t h i n the community are investigated later in this chapter.

The nave of the church and the churchyard were used by the sacred community for a wide variety of activities. brewing both had a close connection,

physically,

Ba k i n g and

w i t h the church

2 building.

In the form of the

'holy loaf',

the primitive Chr i s t i a n

a gape continued throughout the Middle Ages.

Th i s was d i s t r ibuted

3 a fter High M a s s and at weddings,

funerals and at baptisms.

Food

4 was also distributed to the poor in church.

C h u r c h ales were often

held to raise funds and on these occasions food was also c o n s umed.^ On festive occasions there was music, games and sports.^

dancing,

dramatic activities,

M u c h of this, as has been indicated,

was of pre-

C h r i s t i a n origin.

1.

Ibid.

2.

Addy,

3.

Davies, J. G.

4.

Ibid.

5.

Addy,

6.

pp. 44-45. S. 0.

Op c i t . chap. 1968.

13.

Op c i t .

p.47.

p.47. S. 0.

Op c i t . chap.

14.

Chambers, E. K. The Medieval S t a g e . 2 vols. 1903. Vol. 1. chaps. 5-17. Vol. 2. chaps.

O.U.P. 18-23.

I

215

Trade was a regular occurrence.

In nave and churchyard, fairs

and markets were held on s a i n t s ’ days,^ on occasion,

tradesmen.

Addy

2

The churchwardens were also,

cites ma n y examples of churchwardens 3

selling goods and property. stored in churches,

Addy

also gives examples of goods

often for safe keeping.

The nave of the church was the location for many of the sacred c o m m u n i t y ’s legal activities.

Many types of legal transactions

4 were undertaken there. place at the altar,

Transactions of land and m o r tgages took

as did oaths of compurgation.

F i n a ncial trans­

actions took place in the nave as well as the exchange of contracts. Rents and tithes were also paid in church. various types were also held there.

Elections and courts of

Other types of local government

t ransaction also took place there such as the publishing of notices.

The church was also a place of education. had libraries.

A number of churches

These included parochial churches,

and collegiate.

as well as monastic

Naves were also used as schoolrooms.^

Cambridge degrees were conferred during Mass in church.

1.

Davies, J. G. S. 0.

1968. Op c i t .

2.

Addy,

3.

Ibid.

4.

Davies, J. G.

5.

e.g. at W e a t hersfield in Essex.

6.

Davies, J. G.

chap.

Op c i t .

chap.

p.55.

15.

16. 1968.

1968.

Op c i t .

Op c i t .

pp.

57-73,

p.95.

216

At O xford and D a vies^

provides us with an excellent summary, "There can be no doubt that in the Middle Ages the Church was an all purpose building. It is difficult to think of any secular activity that had no connection with it

...

In all there was no conscious irreverence. The Church was home from home, where people could sleep, and meet.

live,

eat,

drink,

play, act

It was part and parcel of

everyday life

...

We are bound to

conclude therefore that a knowledge of liturgy alone is insufficient to describe the use of medieval churches."

Swaan^ indicates that medieval cathedrals were used in similar ways.

u

He says,

2

"Even the cathedral square, (from the French for

the parvis

’paradise') was small,

and with the centuries came accretions to the structure,

not only oratories,

sacristies etc.,

but shops,

booths,

chapels, even

dwellings." 3 He continues, "In the medieval town the Cathedral was the

1.

Swaan,

W.

The Gothic C a t h e d r a l .

2.

Ibid.

p . 30.

3.

Ibid.

pp. 30-31.

P. Elek.

1969.

p. 30

ff.

I !

217

focal point of civic aspirations.

Here the

citizens would gather for

the great festivals

of the Chur c h

its walls people

...

W i thin

strolled and chatted openly, to bring their pet dogs, falcons

...

not hesita t i n g

parakeets and

At goals of pilgrimage,

even ate and slept in Cathedrals.

people

Civic

meetings were regularly held in Cat h e d r a l s

...

The Cathedral was sometimes the scene of lawsuits,

disputations and university

graduation ceremonies and even of everyday business." F r o m the foregoing it will be clear c o m m u n i t y ’s life centred around

that a great deal

of the

the public place of w o rship

sacred

in

m edieval England.

As we have s e e n,in an earlier chapter,

the transformations

which led to the Protestant Reformation arose from n e w understandings of nature of the revelation of the sacred. the interior, the divine.

The new emphasis was on

personal and spiritual nature of the a p p r e h e n s i o n of Previously,

the Church had provided the outward and visible

channels through which the sacred came to man and he to the sacred. For those following the path of reform these were either no longer n ecessary or, at best,

secondary.

L u t h e r ’s doctrine of justification

218

by faith meant that every man was a priest^ in the sense of being a mediator of the divine and having access to the divine.

The sacred

community no longer provided the vehicles for m aking the journey but provided travelling companions. who had entered the sacred realm.

It became a fellowship of those This is revealed not only in the

rites of passage and the community's a ctivities but also in the way certain categories of people within the community were regarded.

The rites of entrance to the community were greatly simplified.

2

The service of Ba p t i s m in the 1549 Boo k of Co m m o n Prayer is less complicated than that of the Sarum Use. the parents, having given prior notice,

It is to be communal in that are to be at the church door

by the last canticle of M o rning or Eve n i n g Prayer on a Sunday. prayer,

in which Old Testament prototypes are mentioned

A fter

(Noah,

Crossing the Red Sea and the River J o r d a n ) , there is a collect followed by signing wit h the cross and exorcism. suffrages,

Th e n follow

a passage from Mark's Gospel with an exhortation,

Lord's Prayer,

Apostles Creed and a collect.

the

The service proceeds

with an exhortat ion to the godparents followed by the renunciations, interogatory creed and baptism in the name of the Trinity.

Thereafter

the child was an ointed with chrism and the white Ch r i s o m robe was put on.

The service was completed by the saying of the L ord's Prayer and

the godparents being exhorted to see the child,

R. H.

Op c i t .

in due time,

came to

1.

Bainton,

p . 106.

2.

Fisher, J. D. C. Christian Initiation: The R e f o r mation P e r i o d . A lcuin Club Collection 51. S.P.C.K. 1970. gives details of rites. i

I I

I 'I

219

confirmation.

The book goes on to say that before ch i l d r e n can be

confirmed they must be able to recite the Articles of Faith,

kn o w

the Lord's Prayer,

and Ten Commandments and be able to answer questions

on the Catechism.

The C onfirmation Se rvice remained simple.

After

opening suffrages and collect the Bish o p makes the sign of the cross on the candidate and lays on hands. and a blessing.

The rite concludes with a collect

This rite was the gateway to full m e m b e r s h i p of the

sacred community. being confirmed or,

None were to be adm i t t e d to Holy Co m m u n i o n without in special circumstances,

of desiring to be

confirmed.

These services were further simpli f i e d in the later books of common prayer.

The exor c i s m at the church door together with the

anointing with chrism and robing in the Chr i s o m were omitted.

The

actual b a p tism was simplified to a single immersion and the signing with the cross was moved to after the act of baptism.

In the C o n f i r m a t i o n

Services the signing with the cross was omitted.

The M a r r i a g e Service was little al t e r e d from its medieval predecessors. was in English,

The vows were somewhat s implified and the whole service not just the vows.

The rubric suggested that the

couple should receive communion at the service or as soon after as possible rather than the rite being wi t h i n the setting of mass.

In

1549 the tokens of spousage were retained but from 1552 onwards only the exchange of a ring was kept.

220

The Service of Purification of Wo m e n after Chi l d b i r t h was also kept but its title was changed in 1552 to T h a n k s g i v i n g after Childbirth, As was said earlier the service was a rite of re-admission. M i d d l e Ages it would have occurred just prior to the Mass.

In the The

service in the books of common prayer was little changed except for the omission of the asperging.

The final rubric enjoins that if there

is a C o mmunion that she should receive it.

The Burial Service was simplified into a two-part rite.

The

first commenced at the churchyard entrance and continued in the procession to the graveside or in the church. scripture sentences,

This consisted of

a psalm and N e w T e s t a m e n t reading.

at the graveside consisted of collects, earth into the grave.

The committal

together with the casting of

The 1662 Book of C ommon Prayer emphas i s e d that

this was a rite of the sacred community.

It did this by inserting a

rubric to the effect that the unbaptized and e x c o m m unicate were not to be buried with the rite.

Those wishing for further reform of the E n g l i s h C h u r c h desired even simpler services. baptism,

They disliked the signing wi t h the cross at

the exchange of a ring at weddings and other matters.^

Their

views on these matters eventually found public exp r e s s i o n in the

2 D i r e c tory of Public W o rship

used during the C o m m o n w e a l t h Period.

1.

Frere, W. H. and Kennedy, S.P.C.K. 1907.

2.

W est m i n s t e r D i r e c t o r y .

W. M.

(eds.).

Grove Books.

221

Pu r i t a n M a n i f e s t o e s .

1980

(facsimile reprint)

The h istory of the practice enjoined in this book can be traced to that of Calvin in Geneva via the W a lde g r a v e and M i d d l e b u r g h service books.^

The Directory instructs that baptism is to take place at

P ublic Worship and is to be performed by the minister. is ordered to give instruction as to the end of the sacrament' must explain.

nature,

use and

and is given an outline of the matters w h i c h he

He is also to instruct the parents to bring the child

up as a Christian.

There is no set form of words for the service.

The minister is to pray, child.

'institution,

Th e m i n i s t e r

invoking the blessing of baptism for the

He is then to baptise the child in the name of the T r i n i t y

pouring or sprinkling water on him but without any other ceremony. In conclusion,

he must say a prayer of thanksgiving,

r equesting that

God's grace may continue in the child.

There is no formal service for marriage. advice for the minister.

However,

there is

The instructions lay down that m a r r i a g e is

to be outside the prohibited relationships and that the couple are to be of years of discretion.

Due notice is to be given publicly on the

Sunday.

Those following the radical path of re f o r m believed that one joined the sacred community by inward, outward rite.

Zwingli,

spiritual change and not by

writing on B a p t i s m

2

says,

"Therefore no external thing can make us pure and righteous."

1.

2.

Hall, P. Op cit. Reliquiae L i t u r g i c a e . Bath. Binns & Goodwin. 1847.

5 vols.

Zwingli, U, "On Baptism" in Bromily, G. W. Bullinger; Selected T r a n s l a t i o n s . S.C.M.

2 22

I Zwingli and 1953.

i

He goes on to argue that everything outward and ceremonial should be abolished.

He allows that Baptism and the L o r d ’s Supper are enjoined

in the N e w Testament but that it is the inward enlightenment, ba p t i sm of the Spirit w h ich is essential.

the

L i ttell wri t i n g of the

A n a b a ptist tradition^ suggests that it is the inner new birth which is essential.

The New Testament knows nothing of infant baptism or

dangers from not so doing.

The Anabaptist view, he says,

is that

C h r i s t ’s death saves infants from inherited sin until the age of discretion. Churches,

Both the Roman Catholic and the other P r o t e s t a n t Reformed

in slightly varying ways,

saw the C h r i s t i a n C o m m u n i t y and

the political society as in some way co-terminous.

The Ana b a p t i s t s

2 saw the sacred community as separate and gathered.

In E n gland the

sacred communities following radical reform were the Ge n e r a l Baptists and S ociety of Friends. dominical signs.

They,

The General Baptists kept the outward however,

kept baptisms for adults only.

The

So c i e ty of Friends did away with all outward form.

There was a decline of the c o m m u n i t y ’s use of the public place of wo rship outside of its liturgical life in the post - R e f o r m a t i o n 3 period but,

despite episcopal pressure to the contrary,

p ersisted tenaciously.

F. H.

Sanctuary continued,

1.

Littell,

2.

Chadwick,

3.

Frere, W. H. and Kennedy, W. M. item 61, p.383 item 43.

0.

Op c i t .

many a ctivities

in an a t t e nuated form,

p.83 ff.

The R e f o r m a t i o n .

Penguin. Op c i t .

223

1981. Vol.

p . 189 ff. 3.

p . 271

until 1723^ when all such rights were abolished. exceptionally, emergencies.

Occasionally,

people still slept in c h urch buildings,

2

Incubation,

for healing purposes,

m ainly in

died out.

2

H e n r y VIII

3 had f orbidden eating and drinking in church Canon 88 of 1604^ forbade feasting,

and

4 and a Canon of 1571

banquets,

suppers,

public entertainment in churches and c h u r c h y a r d s . ^

and

c hurch ales and

S t ubbs^ c o m p l a i n e d

of church ales in 1581 and Staley^ gives numerous examples of the persistence of this activity,

and also of games and acting.

The

bishops were engaged in a prolonged struggle to suppress these act i v i t i e s t hroughout Elizabeth's reign and the sevent e e n t h cen t u r y . ^ goods on church premises declined,

The sale of

alt h o u g h the demise of this a c t i v i t y

appears to have been the result of natural social factors rather than pressure from authority.

1.

Hole,

2.

Davies,

3.

Addy,

4.

Ibid.

p . 32.

5.

Ibid.

p . 332.

6.

T i n dall Hart, A.

7.

Quoted Addy, S. 0.

8.

Staley,

V.

9.

Davies,

J. G.

10. Ibid.

C.

Op c i t . J. G.

S. 0.

pp.

1954.

Op c i t . Op c i t .

chap. 1968.

1968.

p . 158.

p . 331.

Op c i t .

Op c i t .

2.

pp.

Op c i t . Vol.

72-74.

p.332.

3.

Op c i t .

p . 125. pp.

171-172.

224

163,

168,

196-202.

In matters of public affairs,

rather than community activities,

church buildings continued to be used.

Civic elections,

courts,

publishing of notices and financial transactions continued,

as did

the housing of libraries and the use of the c hurch building for teaching purposes,^

Until 1689 P r otestants who dissented from e s t a b lished religion were not in a position to have public m e eting places. were open'to them,

Two alternatives

to meet in the countryside or within domestic

2 buildings.

The principal activity at such gatherings was the preaching of the Word.

However,

food was frequently taken by those at t e n d i n g and 3

a meal shared together.

As long as dissenters saw themselves as in

some way connected to the parish church,

the non- l i t u r g i c a l a ctivities

taking place at the parish church both governmental, were seen as supplying their needs as well.

legal,

and social,

Alt h o u g h many of the

social activities taking place on Sunday after services,

and at other

4 times, were frequently abhorrent to them. made for his rather extreme outlook,

1.

Ibid.

pp.

172-185,

Stubbes,

if all o w a n c e is

does reflect the u n d e rlying views

188-193.

2.

Watts, M. R. The D i s s e n t e r s . ■ Oxford. Clarendon. pp. 21, 23, 24, 36, 69, 70, 71, 78, 228 and 231.

1978.

3.

Ibid.

4.

Stubbes, P. The Anatomy of A b u s e s . 1583.quoted in Whittaker, W. B. Sunday in Tudor and Stuart Times. Houghton. 1933.

p.36.

225

of P u ritans and Radicals, "The Sabbath day of some is well sanctified, namely in hearing the word of God read,

preached,

and interpreted in private and public prayers, in singing of Godly psalms,

in cele b r a t i n g

the

sacraments and in collecting for the poor

and

indigent which are the true uses and ends for

whereunto the Sabbath was ordained." So far he has described the Protestant n o n - A n g l i c a n practice and view fairly accurately.

He continues,

"But other some spend the Sabbat h day (for the most part) in frequenting of bawdy sta g e - p l a y s and interludes, M i s rule

...

and wakes, fighting,

in m aintaining Lords of

M a y Games, in piping,

hawking,

Church-ales,

feasts

in bear-baiting,

cock-

hunting and suchlike,

in

k eeping fairs and markets on the Sabbath, k eeping courts and leets,

in football

playing and suchlike devilish pastimes." In general terms, and

such activities would be disowned by all

dissenters

would find no place in the church life of d i s s e n t i n g congregations.^

Wh i t t a k e r ^ suggests that it was Bond's book that set the right obs e r v ­ at i o n of the Sabbath as the Mosaic law.

1.

Whittaker, W. B.

2.

Ibid. Bond.

Op c i t .

He quotes Bond as saying.

passim.

p.60-61. quoting The True Doctrine of the Sabbath,

(

226

I,

"Upon the L o r d ’s Day we ought to rest from all honest recreations and lawful delights

...

be occupied in the hearing of the word and such other parts of G o d ’s holy wor s h i p and

He also quotes Baxter^ as supporting this view.

D u ring the C o m m o n w e a l t h

Period the views outlined above were incorpo r a t e d into legislation.

2

Dissenters remained part of the larger community so that g overn­ mental and legal activities remained outside of their church community. In time,

social and community activities did find their way into non­

c onformist church life, and educational act i v i t i e s have always paid a prominent part.

The tendency has been for these a c t i vities to be held

in rooms adjacent to the church,

keeping the latter for the preaching

3 of the Word. games,

Young

concerts,

records that during the n i n e t e e n t h century,

evening classes and c h a r itable dis t r i b u t i o n all took

place in Non-Conformist chapels and that libraries and schools, day and evening,

were also held there.

were firmly banned,

Some activities,

such as dancing and cardplaying.

had its place at this time.

nevertheless,

Adult education

4

Ibid.

p . 130.

2.

Ibid.

p . 147.

3.

Young,

K.

4.

Ibid.

p . 132.

C h a p e l .Eyre/Methuen. see

both

A programme of 1875 for Ac o c k s Green,

Congregational Church, Birmingham,

1.

eating,

reads as follows:

1972.

also p . 133.

227

pp. 27-50,

99-101.

Lecture

5 October

-

Epitaphs

12 October

Elocution

18 October

Electric light (with experiments)

26 October

Debate (That the character of N a poleon Bonaparte is w orthy of admiration)

2 November

Elocution

9 November

Sharp Practice

(s i c .)

16 November

Lecture (particulars to follow)

23 November

Debate (Ought there to be a r e ­ distribution of political power?) Elocution

30 November

Annual Entertainment

7 December

We also learn that a chess club also met on a l t e r native Thursdays,

English

Catholics

had even more d i fficulties

for worship than Non-Conformists. c o m m u n i t y ’s traditions.

There

in me e t i n g publicly

was therefore

a

break in the

Bossy^ indicates that there was a strong

continuation of the pre-Reformation traditions in Catholic households. H o w this would have been affected by the C o u n t e r - R e f o r m a t i o n if Catholics had been allowed to have public places of gathering and

2 worship it is difficult to say.

Chappell

suggests that the Jesuit II

Gesu church in Rome became the model for countless Count e r - R e f o r m a t i o n

1.

Bossy,

J.

Op c i t .

2.

Chappell, D. M.

p . 110 ff.

Op c i t .

p . 118.

228

churches.

This was a single-celled,

austere building designed so

that all could hear the preacher and w i tness the Mass. its successors were clerical edifices,

II Gesu and

rather than buildings controlled

and used by the total Christian community.

Emancipation came for Catholics during the first half of the nin e t eenth century.

Catholics adopted the pattern wh i c h we have

already seen with Non-Conformists and wh i c h was also followed by Anglicans of erecting additional buildings a l o n gside the church to a c commodate what were now considered the secular activi t i e s of the sacred community.

Perhaps the most central insight of the L i t u rgical M o v e m e n t is the understanding it has of the sacred community.

Bouyer^ points out

that it was when Israel gathered to ren e w C o v enant and the Wo r d was proclaimed that God was present. buildings,

The r e - o r dering of liturgy and

which the Liturgical M o veme n t has engendered,

has been in

order to make the public gathering for w o rship of the sacred community con f o rm to this understanding. focal point of revelation.

2

The gathered community is seen as the

The central point of that gathering is

covenant renewal after the proclamation of the Word.

Thus entrance

to,

passage through and exit from the sacred community are to take

1.

Bouyer,

L.

Op c i t .

2.

Hammond,

P.

Op c i t .

chap.

1.

229

place in the context of the Eucharist,

This emphasis is ap p a r e n t in

the n e w services being used by major d e n ominations in England at the present time.

The rubric concerning baptism in the Alt e r n a t i v e Service Book of the Anglican Church says,^ "Holy Baptism is normally adminis t e r e d by the parish priest in the course of public worship on Sunday." A l t h o u g h elaborated in detail and writ t e n in m odern E n g l i s h the service is the same,

structurally,

as that of the 1662 Book of C o mmon Prayer.

This point holds good for the other services concerned w i t h rites of passage.

Provision is made in the cases of confirmation,

marriage

and funerals for them to take place wit h i n the context of a special service of Holy Communion.

Except for the options of giving a candle

to the newly baptized person,

anointing of the candidate by the bishop

at c o nfirmation and both parties exchanging rings in the M a r r i a g e S e rvice the sacred actions remain the same.

In the case of the

Fu n e r al Service there is the re-introd u c t i o n of the O ffice of the Dead.

This can be said the day before,

in church, wh e n the body is

brought there or at the house before the beginning of the funeral procession.

1.

The Alternative Service Book.

S.P.C.K.

230

1980.

p . 241.

The United Reformed C h u r c h ’s B o o k of S e r v i c e s also enjoins that the baptism of infants should normally be a d m i n i s t e r e d in the presence of the congregation and that b e l i e v e r ’s b a ptism and confirm a t i o n should similar be performed c o n g r e g a t i o n a l l y ,^ and preferably in connection wi t h the Communion Service. Book,

The modern U n ited Reformed C h u r c h Service

unlike its distant predecessor,

the W e s t m i n s t e r Directory,

provides the forms of prayers and not just general directions c oncerning the services. duction,

The Service of Baptism consists of a h o r tatory i ntro­

followed by the parents and godparents ac c e p t i n g the Tri n i t a r i a n

faith and promising to raise the child in the C h r i s t i a n faith. comes a prayer for the child and baptism.

Then

The rite concludes with the

presentation of the child to the congreg a t i o n and prayer.

A service for

believing adults is also provided and this is linked with the rite of confirmation.

This latter consists of the m i n ister laying hands on the

candidate and then reception by the cong r e g a t i o n and c o n cludes with prayer.

The Mar r i a g e Se r v i c e has the same structure as the A n g lican

Alternative Service Book,

although there are v ariations in wording.

The Funeral Service follows a similar pattern to the A n g l i c a n Service w i t h Bible readings,

sentences,

psalms and prayers followed by the

committal.

2 The n e w Methodist Service Book An g l i c a n and United Reformed Church,

follows a similar pattern to the being slightly closer to the

1.

The United Reformed C h u r c h of England and Wales. pp. 44, 50 and 57.

2.

The M e thodist Conference.

Op c i t .

Op cit.

231

i'

A n g lican in precise form,

for instance the sign of the cross and

donation of the candle are used at baptism. are to be performed c o n g r e g a t i o n a l l y . the fact that the book starts,

Th e rites of passage

Of particular interest is

perhaps logically,

concerned w i t h entry to the sacred community.

with the rites

One unique service

is included in the book which is of significance to the idea of sacred community.

This is the service of Renewal of Covenant.

This was first instituted in 1747 by John W e s l e y and stems from his preaching of personal experience and conversion.

Th e service

is a c o r porate expression of the renewal of the c o m m itment inherent in that experience.

The R o man Catholic C h urch has always set the great transitions of the i ndividuals life within the sacred c o m munity in the context of the Mass.

As we have seen,

since the Second V a t i c a n Council and the

subsequent liturgical reforms, action.

this has become a m u c h more corporate

The m o d e r n Roman Catholic initiation services are contained

in the P o n t i fical.

This,

it is stated,

is to show that they are the

Bishop's prerogative even though he may delegate them to priests. This re-emphasises the view held in the early church from the second century onwards,

that the bishop was the key to the Chr i s t i a n community.'

The Roman C a tholic Church's liturgy has to be valid for many different c u l tural and pastoral situations. are, in essence,

1.

Davies, J. G.

Accordingly,

the i n i t iation services

rites for adults which may be mo d i f i e d so as to be used

1965.

Op c i t .

p.91 ff.

232

with children.

The modern rite of b a p t i s m has the same basic structure

as that of the early Roman Chur c h as exe m p l i f i e d in Hyppoly t u s . ^ is a definite catechumenate.

The service for the e n r o lment of names

takes place at the beginning of Lent. to take place at Easter. are presented, follows.

There

The baptismal service is ideally

After the L i t u r g y of the W o r d the candidates

the c ongregation are invited to pray and a litany

Then comes the blessing of the w ater and after this the

candidates,

or in the case of infants the sponsors, make their r enunc­

iations.

The candidates are then anointed with the oil of catechumens

and they,

or their sponsors,

then baptised by immersion,

make their p r o f ession of faith. or aspersion,

They are

and a n o inted wi t h chrism,

c lothed in a white garment and presented w i t h a lighted candle.

The

essence of confirmation is affirmed as the a n o i n t i n g of the forehead wi t h consecrated oil accompanied by the a p p r o p r i a t e formula,

2

"Be sealed with the gift of the Holy Spirit." The laying on of hands is acceptable but s u p p l e m e n t a r y to this central action.

The marriage and funeral services are str u c t u r a l l y the same

as their protestant counterparts and are to take place w ithin the setting of the Mass.

Sacramental confession and penance has long held the dual role in the Rom a n Catholic Church of support for s p i r itual growth and a means of discipline.

One particular d e velopment within R oman C a t holic

practice has been an office of corporate penitence and confession.

1.

Dix, G. The T r eatise on the Apostolic T r a d i t i o n of St. Hyppolytus of R o m e , (revised H. Chadwick). S.C.P.K. 1968.

2.

Roman P o n t i f i c a l .

Op c i t .

p . 66.

I

j I

( II

233

A very recent development has been liturgical p r o v ision for matters only partially occurring with i n the C h r i s t i a n community. The United Reformed and Methodist Churches both provide a service of blessing on a marriage which has taken place by civil ceremony.

The

Ang l i c an Thanksgiving for the Birth of a Ch i l d n o w takes place within public worship.

Although the rubric^ states that it is to be explained

to the parents that this is not a baptismal service,

some clergy are

offering and using it as an alternative to ba p t i s m to parents w h o are not c hurch members.

The changed understanding with regard to the sacred community, w hich has resulted from the Liturgical M o v e m e n t ’s influence,

has also

affected c o n g r e g a t i o n s ’ activities with i n the public place of worship outside of their liturgical life.

M o d e r n churches built in conformity

with the Liturgical M o v e m e n t ’s ideas, these lines,

or older churches re-ord e r e d on

are constructed to serve the c o m m u n i t y ’s corporate life.

2 The G erman B i s h o p s ’ Directives say that, ’’The several parochial buildings not

... should

... be erected apart from each other in

several localities.

The ideal w h i c h should

be desired is a juxtaposition of these second units so as to form one

'domus e c c l e s i a e ’, a

parish centre where the close int errelation of temple and priesthood,

1.

A l ternative Service B o o k .

2.

Directives.

1947.

of Eucharist and

Op c i t .

Op c i t .

234

p . 212.

charity,

of sacraments and education would

be visibly expressed." N u m e r o u s examples to be found in this country are reported in the R e s e a r c h Bulletins of the Institute for the Study of W o r s h i p and R e l i g i o u s Architecture.

Professor Davies'

book on the secular use

of churches^ is also a manifestation of this movement.

It is becoming

a c c e p t e d that the worship area may be used for other activi t i e s and K. W h i t e and Partners,

2

a London firm of architects,

a n umber of churches to this end.

have re-ordered

A frequent a r r a n gement used by them

has been for the rear of the nave to be screened off into a 'narthex', bet w e en the outside and the worship area. people to meet socially, meeting.

This area is then used for

having refreshments or any sort of group

T h e screen is low and made of glass so that the two areas

can be continuous when required.

Some churches are purpose built 3

so that liturgical and other activities can use o v e r l apping space. C h e l m s f o r d Cathedral has been re-ordered so that a wide variety of a c t i v i t i e s can take place in the worship area.

T o d a y the sacred community in England, beginning,

once more,

in many instances,

is

to live out a mu c h greater part of its life

w i t h i n the confines of the public place of worship.

As with liturgical

rites of a d mission there is blurring of the boundaries.

Sometimes it

m a y be an entirely secular group using the place of w o rship or a group

1. 2.

Davies,

J. G.

K. White,

1968.

A.R.I.B.A.

Op c i t . and Partners,

45, Q ueen Anne Street,

London, W.l. 3.

e.g. The General Baptist Church, Mansfield, Notts., C hri s t Church (Anglican and U.R.C.), Colchester, Essex.

| 1 I 'I

235

consisting of those within and those w i thout the sacred community. In the past the exact relationship of any one i ndividual to the sacred community would have been clearly marked ritually. so, the boundaries are becoming more indefinite.

This is no longer Just as the boundary

is not clearly marked for those outside so it is not so c l early marked for those inside.

In the past the individual only had being within

the sacred community.

In modern weste r n society,

as it is in England,

even those within a sacred community live much of their meanin g f u l life outside of that community. since the Reformation Period.^

This process has been in progress Another way in wh i c h this is seen is

in the matter of church discipline.

Th e 1662 B o o k of C o m m o n Prayer

specifically instructs the parochial c l e r gyman to ban individuals from the Communion Table in certain specific c i r c u m stances of w r o n g ­ doing and thereafter to notify the ordinary.

The latter was so that

the normal Canon L a w procedures could be put into operation.

The church

2 courts continued to be very powerful in the P o s t - R e f o r m a t i o n Period. Th e y could and did impose public penance and penalties for moral disorder,

disobedience and heresy.

Ex c o m m u n i c a t i o n was not unknown and

the secular power would uphold this.

It made the o f f e nder's social and

economic life, as well as his religious life,

v i r t ually impossible

unless there was local covert support for his cause.

The recusant and

dissenting communities imposed their own disciplines.

A l t h o u g h the

3 church courts still exist,

in practice little inc u r s i o n is made into

the private life styles of church members.

1.

Luckmann, T.

The Invisible R e l i g i o n .

2.

Dickens, A. G. 1976. 141-144 and 363-364.

3.

The Canons of the Church of E n g l a n d .

Op c i t .

pp.

236

Macmillan.

51-55,

118,

C.I.O.

1967.

119,

126,

Setion G.

p . 69 127,

I

!

ff

Wach,^ in his analysis of the social exp r e s s i o n of religious experience,

suggests that there is first an exp r e s s i o n of religion

through the natural group. Teutonic religion. emerges,

This we can see in E n g l i s h pre-Christian

He then suggests another form of sacred society

the founded religious community,

w h i c h can in time come to

equate with the natural or political society. in the case of Christianity in England.

We can see this process

C h r i s t i a n i t y starting as a

small brotherhood grew into a large interna t i o n a l ecc l e s i a s t i c a l body. W h e n the English were converted the political body, wh i c h was also the natural grouping,

became co-terminous w i t h the n e w sacred society.

U nlike the previous situation the new sacred com m u n i t y was not indigenous nor restricted to the natural society of ki n s h i p and culture.

In time the sacred community can become o s s ified and Wa c h suggests that there is reaction to this in protest. movements,

arising from a renewed expe rience of the sacred,

one of two types of sacred community, the successionist group,

the ecc l e s i o l a in ecclesia and

in their various forms,

The monks while remaining part of the major

sacred community tended,

after entering their narrower community,

be confined to private places of worship.

Wach,

have existed in

The prime pre-Reformation example of the former were the

monastic communities.

1.

result in

the sect.

Both of these types, England.

He suggests that these

J.

1967.

Op c i t .

T here was,

especially chaps.

237

however,

4 and 5.

to

what

W a c h calls a Collegium Pietatis in the form of the med i e v a l guild.^ Th e s e guilds tended to be occupational c o mmunities and were the major founders of chantry chapels in the public places of worship.

There have

been many movements of protest which have set up i n d e p endent groups, many of which have become independent communities. perhaps,

the most notable late Medieval group.

what W a c h calls a fraternitas although, of the m a i n sacred community.

Th e Lol l a r d s were,

They were basically

as such,

they a c t e d outside

The R e f o r m a t i o n Period was one of general

protest and many denominations which now provide the public places of worship for the English had their origins as protest m o v e m e n t s during this period.

One such is the United Re f o r m e d Ch u r c h and a later example

of the same tendency is the M ethodist Church. plicity of sacred communities. En glish Protestantism,

T oday there are a m u l t i ­

Some are indigenous bif u r c a t i o n s within

others are the result of migration.

T h e r e are

also a multi p l i c i t y of.inner groups w i t h i n the major r e l igious communities, Perhaps the most widespread modern move m e n t arising from the experience of the sacred is the charismatic movement.

2

At the beginning of this chapter it was stated that w i t h i n the sacred community there were particular c ategories of sacred person. We turn n o w to an analysis of the categories of sacred p erson wh i c h have existed in the various forms of sacred community wh i c h we have outlined above.

1.

Anderson, M. D.

2.

Massey,

R. D.

Op c i t .

pp. 73, 83,

134-5,

162,

208 and 211.

"British Pent e c o s t a l i s m in the T w e n t i e t h Century:

An Histor i c a l Introduction and Phen o m e n o l o g i c a l Study". M.A. Thesis.

Leicester University.

1976.

I 'I

238

We know that the Teutonic places of worship had their priests and that this was also true of the pre -Christian E n g l i s h public place of worship.^

In some ways they appear to have been more like

chaplains to the chief of the group wh o s e place of wor s h i p they cared for and whose sacrifices they offered.

On the Con t i n e n t and in

S c andinavia there were priestesses but no records of such exist for the pre-Christian English. animal sacrifices,

The duties of priests included offering

w itnessing oaths and cons e c r a t i n g the

’l a w - t h i n g ’ .

Another key sacred person in the pre-Chr i s t i a n E n g l i s h sacred

2 community was the King. evidence.

Chaney's

study gives us mu c h detailed

He shows that the pre-Christian E n g l i s h Kings traced their

ancestry to the gods and that on their sacred power depended the peace and plenty of the people.

It was this power w h i c h ensured victory,

3 peace

from the enemy and plentiful flocks and crops.

A king whose

4 power failed would be in danger of his life. offered in sacrifice.

Hi s life would be

Equally his divine power dispensed justice and

was the source of internal peace in the realm and of s a n c t u a r y . ^ king could also, at times, act as a priest and offer s a c r i fice.^

1.

Bede.

Op c i t .

p . 125.

Turville-Petre,

See also

E. 0. G.

2.

Chaney, W. A.

3.

Ibid.

pp. 88 ff and 109

4.

Ibid.

p . 113 ff.

5.

Ibid.

pp.

6.

Ibid.

chap.

Op c i t .

p . 260,

Op c i t . ff.

177 and 107 ff. 11.

I

i I 'I

239

The

A further sacred figure in the Teu t o n i c world was the Odin 'beserk’. The Odin

This figure is known in pre -Christian England as well.^ ’b e s e r k ’ was a warrior dedicated to the god Odin, who went

into battle naked apart from a belt for his sword and a helmet.

Another,

rather different,

sacrificial victim.

class of sacred person was the

This phenomenon is r e c orded in T e u t o n i c r e l igion

by Tacitus, Jordanes, Procopius,

Ibn R ustah and Adam of B r e m e n and

2 witnessed to in the Sagas and by archaeo l o g i c a l finds. were frequently slaves and prisoners of war. were non-persons,

As,

The victims

in some sense,

they

they were made sacred by being sacrificed and thereby

made one with the sacred.

We have no record of such in England but the

Sutton-hoo burial is similar to ship burials in T e u tonic societies elsewhere in which there was such a sacrificial victim.

T here was no

sacrifice in the case of Sutton-hoo but its existence is evidence of such burials in this country.

3 A final category of sacred person was the hero. life showed the presence and power of the sacred.

His deeds and

We k n o w from

4 Beowulf and the D r eam of the Rood

that his category of sacred person

existed among the pre-Christian English and that they were transl a t e d into the Christian environment.

1.

Hawkes,

S. C . , Ellis Davidson,

2.

Turville-Petre,

3.

Ibid.

4.

Gordon,

chap. R. K.

E. 0. G.

H. R. and Hawkes,

Op c i t .

10. Op c i t .

240

p . 252 ff.

C.

Op cit

We know that the Roman mission had a deliberate policy of adoption and a daption of pre-Christian things wh erever possible and practicable. It is easy to see how the categories of pre-Christian sacred persons in the community could be translated into C h r i s t i a n parallels. became the clergy, prince,

the

the King became,

through coronation,

' b eserks’ the Crusaders,

The priests

the Christian

the heroes and s acrificial victims

the saints and martyrs.

From the evidence supplied by the N e w T e s t ament the key figures in the earliest church community were the Apostles. first instance,

T h e y appear,

in the

to have been the inner core of J e s u s ’ disciples and to

have been commissioned by him to proclaim the advent of the K i n g d o m of God.

Subsequently, Matthias and Paul were added to their ranks according

to the N e w Testament record^ but we hear of no others.

The next group to

2 be given authority in the Church appear to be deacons.

Th e i r original

c ommission was administrative in order that the Apostles could devote their whole energies to preaching.

We learn,

however,

that they too were

soon engaged in evangelism and preaching.

The exact nature of the other special categories of people within the early Christian Community, is unclear.

as recorded in the N e w T e s t a m e n t documents,

There appear to have been two other c ategories a p p o inted to 3

lead the churches,

1.

Acts 1; 26,

2.

Acts 6:

3.

presbyters (pre s b u t e r o i )

1 Corinthians 15:

and bishops (e p i s k o p o i ) .

8-11.

1 ff.

Acts 20: 17 and 28, 1 Timothy 5: Acts 11: 30, Acts 14: 23.

17,1 Peter

241

5:

2,

It is not clear from the relevant passages whether these were distinct offices.

It may be that largely Gentile churches used the term bishop

or overseer and the largely Jewish churches that of presbyter or elder.

Whatever the original situation a clear,

emerges in the second century of bishop,

threefold ministry

presbyters and deacons.^

At the same time P a u l ’s correspondence with the c hurch at Corinth gives evidence of what may be called a ’’c h a r i s m a t i c ” ministry. Rather than being selected by the church and its leaders, to prayer,

2

subsequent

and appointed by the laying on of hands the people to whom

Paul refers appear to have acquired the status of sacred persons in the community by the exercise of gifts which were seen to be divine in origin.

The gifts Paul mentions include healing,

prophesy,

divination and ecstatic utterance.

m i racle working,

These categories of sacred

person seem to have been short lived in the history of the early church, although the Didache does mention rules about h o s p i tality for prophets and there was some revival in the Montanist movement of the second century.

3

There is little mention of women being set apart in the C h r istian A C ommunity in the N e w Testament.

In Romans

a woman called Phebe is

described as diakonon tes ekklesias and in 1 Timothy^ we read of the enrolment of widows.

1. 2.

Davies,

J.

G.

1 Corinthians

3.

Davies, J.

G.

4.

Romans

1.

5.

16;

1965. 12;

Op c i t .

pp. 91-93,

1 ff.

1965.

Op c i t .

pp. 89-90.

1 T i mothy 5: 9-10.

242

The clear pattern of those who were principally engaged in sacred things in the church emerged as bishops,

presbyters and deacons.^

This is the pattern to be seen at Rome in the period prior to Augustine's m i s s i o n to England.

The charismatic ministries seem to have been

reg u l a r ised into the minor orders which appear to have been eventually accepted in Rome via the G a llican Church.

2

Similarly,

deaconesses were

3 slow to emerge at Rome and were never prominent.

We get a clear picture of Roman practice in the third century from 4 the A p o stolic Tradition of Hippolytus.

C oncerning the o r d i nation of

B i shops it states that the Bishop is to be proposed to the people. Once he is accepted,

neighbouring bishops,

the local presbyters and

laity are to gather on the L o r d ’s Day and all the bishops are to lay hands on the candidate with the presbytery gathered around. silent prayer for the gift of the Holy Spirit.

T here is

The senior bishop then

r ecites the ordination prayer as he continues to lay his hands on the head of the candidate.

The ordination prayer which includes a request

for the gift of the Holy Spirit,

expresses the hope that he will feed

the holy flock and be a high priest for them, countenance,

and that he will also offer the gifts of the Holy Church.

1.

Davies,

2.

Ibid.

p . 132.

3.

Ibid.

pp.

4.

Dix,

G.

propitiating the divine

J. G.

1965.Op c i t .

p.91 ff.

133-134.

1968. Op cit.

I !'

243

In the case of presbyters,

the candidate is ordained by the

bishop assisted by the college of presbyters.

The o r d i nation prayer

depicts him as an elder sharing in the government of the church. Deacons are chosen and appointed in the same manner as the other orders.

However,

in this case,

the bishop alone lays on hands.

It

is stated that he is not ordained to the priesthood but for the service of the bishop.

The service indicates that he does not share in the

same spirit as the presbyterate but in those things entrusted to him by the bishop.

The deacon was the bishop's servant c o m municating

between him and the congregation. brought the peoples'

He looked after c hurch property,

gifts to the Bishop at the Eucharist,

visited

Christians who were sick or imprisoned for their faith.

The Apostolic Tradition of Hippolytus indicates that the charismatic ministries of the New Testa m e n t were in process of being regularised into what later became the minor orders. are publicly appointed.^

Subdeacons are named,

book, widows have their names enrolled,

Ce r t a i n orders

readers are handed a

confessors are recognised as

are virgins undertaking the role by personal choice.

Gifts of healing

are seen as self-authenticating and not requiring public recognition.

The Ordo Romanus Primus

2

gives us a picture of the sacred personnel

of the Roman Church at the period of the Conversion of the English.

1.

Ibid.

p . 18 ff.

2.

Atchley,

E. G. C. F.

Ordo Romanus P r i m u s .

244

De La More.

1905,

This is what would have been instituted in E n g l a n d by A u g u stine and his immediate successors.

Ordinations of p resbyters and deacons take

place at the solemn Stational Mass on an E m b e r t i d e Sunday.

O n the

preceeding W e d n e s d a y and Friday the congre g a t i o n are asked,

at the

Stational Mass,

about their suitability.

The ord i n a t i o n consists of

the laying on of hands by the Pope, with prayer and vesting in dalmatic or planet.

A similar pattern is followed for a bishop.

The Ordo presents us with a fully developed pattern of minor orders, They,

subdeacons,

acolytes,

exorcists,

readers and doorkeepers.

too, were appointed to their offices during the Ma s s .

However,

in their case the Mass was a private one in the Schola C a n t o r u m . were not ordained by the laying on of hands,

as with the major orders,

but by being

handed their instrument of office such as a book of

exorcisms or

a copy of the scriptures.

In the

third century a new group

the Church.

They

of sacred persons emerged within

A group of men who sought a more sanctified life of

communion with God by living ascetic lives as hermits in the deserts of Egypt.

In time these men came to share the Sunday M a s s and,

later,

to join together in a coenobitic life of a s c e t i c i s m and prayer,^ M o n a s t i c i sm spread in both East and West and became a very important part of the life of the Church.

Rules were drawn up for ordering the

lives of these communities.

In the West,

1.

chap.

Whitham,

A. R.

Op c i t .

that of St. B e n edict was

24.

I

245

adopted generally.

St. Augustine of Canterbury,

mission to the English,

who led the Roman

was a monk who lived by this rule as did

his f ellow missionaries.^

T he Christian community which A u g u s t i n e e stablished among the E n glish had,

therefore,

three groups of sacred persons w i t h i n it who

were distinguished from the normal members.

There were the major

orders ordained and thereby having power and authority.

Th e r e were

the minor orders given authority to undertake certain tasks within and for the community.

Lastly,

those who had dedicated themselves

to an ascetic and devout life either in community or as solitaries.

The Roman Church had shown its a b i l i t y to regularise and to absorb within its system those who spontan e o u s l y arose as sacred persons within the community.

This is shown by the transfo r m a t i o n

of the N e w Testament charismatic minis t r i e s into the minor orders and its a bility to integrate the monks and nuns within the organis a t i o n of the sacred community.

From the ranks of these three categories

was drawn a further order, community,

here and now,

the saints.

The sense of the sacred

in this world being in union wi t h the sacred

community in the world beyond has always been strong in the C h r i stian 2 tradition.

The martyrs and confessors had interceded for their

1.

R. H.

2.

Moorman,

A History of the C h u r c h in

A. & C. Black.

3rd ed.

Lowther Clarke,

W. K.

1980. Op c i t .

England.

p . 12 ff. p.211 ff.

246

!•

weaker brethren,

who had recanted their faith,

with the church

authorities.

Gradually,

their prayers were asked for in the litany

at the Mass.

As their names were included in the Ca n o n so they

achieved, after their death, a special status wit h i n the sacred community. as saints,

Although lay persons could and have become recognised the vast m a jority have been drawn from those who were

w i t h i n one of the special categories of sacred person during their lifetime.

Bede's^ account of the early days of the R oman mission, the subsequent life of the C h urch in England,

shows that these various

categories of sacred person existed in the E n glish church. of the Roman mission,

with regard to saints,

and

Th e effect

can be seen in the

persistence of Roman saints in English church d edications and in the Calendar.

The liturgical rites performed,

in c onnection with a person

e n tering one of the categories of sacred person became very complex in the Medieval Period.

Despite this comple x i t y they shared a common

2

and relatively simple

u nderlying structure.

set aside in some way

with i n the church community would

into his or her office at a Hi g h Mass.

1.

Bede,

Op c i t .

2.

Frere. W, H.

1901.

Op c i t .

247

A person who

was to

be

be instituted

This would occur,

depending

on the office, at the collect,

after the epistle or after the gospel.

The candidate would be publicly presented to the bishop who would be enthroned.

After examination as to the persons'

s u itability and their

public acceptance of the office and its responsibilities, s y mbolically instituted into their office.

they were

In the case of the minor

orders this was by tonsure and the handing over (t r a d i t i o ) of the instrument of office.

In the case of the ma j o r orders this process

was m o r e complicated.

The congregation's a ssent was r e q uired first.^

Then followed the laying on of hands wi t h a con s e c r a t i o n prayer, handing over of the instruments of office, the case of the bishop enthronement.

anointing,

tonsure,

2

contains all the elements,

the king.

The

except the

which are found in the ordination rites for the major orders.

It occurs during the Mass. There are interrogations, veni c r e a t o r , anointing of hands, of head,

vesting and in

D u ring this period a ne w category

of sacred person arose within the Chris t i a n Community, med i e val Coronation Service

the

vesting and t r a d i t i o .

the litany and

a c o n s e c r a t i o n prayer and anointing

If we compare the underl y i n g structure

of these rites for various categories of sacred person it is the same as that of baptism,

the initiation rite of the sacred community.

The entrance to monastic life followed similar rites at the same 3 • point in the Mass.

In the case of the mo n k he too would be tonsured.

1.

T h e y would already be tonsured, minor orders.

2.

Maxwell, W.

3.

Frere, W. H.

Op c i t . 1901.

having proceeded through the

for full service. Op cit.

Vol.

248

1.

p. 56 ff.

His acceptance of the responsibilities of the new role was by way of reading the document setting out the rules of m o nastic life, it and placing it on the altar.

signing

After prayer and the veni c r e a t o r ,

he was vested with the cowl and then installed with the other monks in the choir stalls.

In the case of nuns there was a similar

interrogation then the signing of the document setting out the rules of the monastic life.

This was followed by prayer and the veni

creator after which they were vested w i t h the veil and a ring was placed on the fourth finger of the left hand.

Where the order continued in the W e s t the deaconess was simply inducted by a blessing.^

(The episcopal act which concluded all

induction to special offices in the Church.)

There was also a

2 service for the immuring of anchorites. however,

These men and w omen would,

already be within the category of those who had entered a 3

consecrated life anchorite cell.

or would do so before the actual sealing in the Where widows were enrolled,

During the.medieval period, p ermanently to a sacred life,

besides those who were set aside

there were categories of person

temporarily set aside in this way.

They would be protected by the

peace of the church during this period,

Vol.

1.

this was done privately

1.

Ibid.

2.

Maxwell, W.

3.

Frere, W. H. 1901. Op c i t . P rofession of Virgins.

just as the clergy and

p.86.

Op c i t .

for full service. Vol.

249

1.

p . 92.

r e l i gious were.

There was a parallel wi t h the frith given to

participants in the pre-Christian sacred gathering. aside in this way were pilgrims, seekers.

Th o s e set

warriors on crusade and sanctuary

Like those entering permanently sacred roles they would

be inducted into their new role during Ma s s and would be vested and blessed.^

It has already been suggested that the n e w u n d e rstandings of the Reformation and Counter-Reforma t i o n brought change.

Not only

was there change but now there was variety rather than unity.

These

things were also true of sacred persons wi t h i n the C h r i s t i a n Community.

2 The Anglican Ordinal of 1550 sp e cially set aside to three. priests and deacons.

reduced the c ategories of persons

These were the major order of bishops,

Within the rites for these orders certain

i m p o rtant changes were made.

The candidates no w had to swear

a l l e g iance to the sovereign before their examination.

W i t h i n the

symbolic acts of ordination the vesting and ano i n t i n g were omitted. In the later books of common prayer the h a nding over of the instruments of office was reduced to a Bible for priests, being omitted.

the chalice and paten

Similarly the bishop instead of having the Bible

placed on his bowed neck and being handed the pastoral staff was, from 1552 onwards,

1.

Ibid.

2.

Brightman,

simply handed a Bible.

Th e r e was a slight note of

p.92 ff. F. E.

Op c i t .

I "

250

vesting reintroduced in the case of the bishop in 1662 when the rubric was inserted before the veni creator that the bishop should put on the rest of his episcopal habit.

M a n y aspects of the medieval o r di n a t i o n rites were retained in the books of common prayer and it is reasonable to assume that behind this lay a view of sacred persons withi n the reformed ch u r c h as in some ways being similar to their predecessors. changed.

Ma n y things were

Only two sacraments remained for Anglicans,

communion.

baptism and

For Anglicans the c l e r g y m a n ’s role in penance,

matrimony and marriage was not the same. seen as a sacrament.

The clergyman,

Also,

viaticum,

orders were no longer

while still (by c anon law)

w earing distinctive dress and having di stinctive activi t i e s w ithin the community

2

which were his prerogative and responsibility,

so separated from the laity as his m e di e v a l predecessor. degraded,

through the church courts action,

was not

He could be

as his predecessor but he

was no longer immune from the secular aut h o r i t i e s as his brother 3 cleric of earlier centuries. was permanently of a new order.

The A n gl i c a n view was that the person This is indicated by the consecr a t i o n

prayer for priests in the various English books of common prayer. not only uses the term priest but goes on to say that the power of

1.

See C a t e c h i s m in Books of Common Prayer.

2.

See Canons of 1604.

3.

Dickens,

A. G.

1976.

Op cit.

p . 135 ff.

251

It

r e m i ssion of sins as well as the disp e n s a t i o n of the Wo r d of God and the sacraments is theirs as a result of the gift of the H o l y Spirit.

If the Anglicans did away with m inor orders and the religious orders,

those wishing further reform comple t e l y o verturned the old

order.

In Luther

1

and C a l v i n ’s

2

views every member of the Chr i s t i a n

C o m m unity was a priest and needed no other personal int e r m e d i a r y with God.

Perhaps the most thoroughgoing re f o r m was that of C a l v i n in 3

Geneva.

Calvin,

who possibly derived his views from B u c e r ’s arguments

c o n c erning the N e w Testament,

instituted four orders of ministry, 4

n amely pastors,

teachers,

elders and deacons.

The first two had the

r e s p onsibility for the spiritual care and teaching of the community, the latter two the pastoral care and discipline.

The first three

o rders were chosen by the pastors in c o n j u n c t i o n with the mag i s t r a t e s and approved by the people.

The pastors,

particularly,

were to meet

once a week for devotional study and once in three months for mutual admonition.

C a l v i n ’s view as to ordi n a t i o n was that the mi n i s t e r

should be exhorted as to the duties and resp o n s i b i l i t i e s of the office and prayer should be offered for him but that there was no need for any symbolic action such as the laying on of h a nds.^

1.

Bainton,

R. H.Op c i t .

2.

Calvin,

J.

Op

3.

Wendel,

F.

Calvin,

cit.

pp. Vol.

C a l v i n ’s views

118-119. 1.

p . 502.

(trans. Mairet,

P.).

Collins.

1980.

p.69 ff. 4. 5.

Ibid.

p.75.

Ainslie, J. L. The Doctrines of M i n i s t e r i a l Order of the Sixteenth and S e v e n teenth C e n t u r i e s . Edinburgh. T. & T. Clark. 1960. p . 160.

I

252

were espoused by those in England,

during the E l i z a b e t h a n and Stuart

period, who sought a Presbyterian reform.

T hose holding an I n dependent

u n d e r s t a n d i n g of reform had very similar views.

T h o s e wishing to see further ref o r m in the A n g l i c a n C h u r c h held to the vi e w of the priesthood of all believers.^ e p i s c o p a c y abolished,

They w i s h e d to see

which in fact was a c hieved during the Com m o n -

2 w e a l t h P e r i o d from 1643 onwards.

The Presbyt e r i a n s at t e m p t e d to

i nt r o duce the classis system during the C o m m o n w e a l t h Period.

This

wa s not supported by the Independents and was only partially s uccessful.

Where they were established the local ministers,

as at

D e d h a m in Essex, met for devotional study of scripture and m utual 3 a d m o n i t i o n on the G e nevan pattern.

The pattern of ordination established by the W e s t m i n s t e r A s s e m b l y was of admission to a specific min i s t r y and not to the 4 m i n i s t r y generally.

The call was first tested,

e s p e cially as to

the c andi d a t e s knowledge of appropriate languages. examination,

After the

there was an exhortation as to the duties and

r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of the office.

This was followed by either the

l aying on of hands by ministers present or their offering the right

1.

Ibid.

p . 8.

2.

Ibid.

p . 8.

3.

Cross, C. 1976.

4.

Church

and People 1 4 5 0 - 1 6 6 0 .

p . 149.

Ainslie,

J. L.

Op c i t .

p . 145.

253

Fontana/Collins.

h and of fellowship,^

The laying on of hands was not c onsidered

2 o b l i g a t ory by the W e s t m i n s t e r Assembly.

A l t h o u g h the A n g l i c a n church had omitted vesting in its prayer book o r dinal there was insistence on cle r g y m e n w e aring the surplice. 3 T h i s was objected to strongly in E l i z a b e t h ’s reign. ref o r m e d m i n i s t e r s was black gown and white ruff,

The order for

the best dress of

4 the better classes.

The greatest dissent between the P r e s b y t e r i a ns and Independents d uring the C o m m o n w e a l t h Peri o d was over the power of ordination. P r e s b y t e r i a n s held that this lay with the presbytery.

The

The Independents

c l a i m e d that the s m allest church congreg a t i o n could indepen d e n t l y call and o rdain minis t e r s and appoint offici a l s . ^ o r d i n a t i o n does not confer an order.

Both were agreed that

T h e call neverth e l e s s was for

life and deser t i o n from the ministry could m e a n excom m u n i c a t i o n . ^

The I n d e p e n d e n t or Reformed Minister, part preached the Word, w e d d i n g s and burials, counterpart,

like his An g l i c a n c o u n t e r ­

administered the sacrament,

catechised and visited.

Un l i k e his A n g l i c a n

a l t h o u g h he undertook sacred functions,

not changed.

1.

Ibid.

p . 156.

2.

Ibid.

p . 180.

3.

Frere,

W. H. and Douglas,

4.

Ainslie,

5.

Ibid.

p . 188.

6.

Ibid.

p . 196.

J, L.

Op c i t .

C.

pp.

E.

1907.

36-37.

254

o fficiated at

Op c i t .

his status was

Among those adhering to Radical Dis s e n t the G e neral Baptists followed I n d e p e n d e n t s ’ views. c hurch and ordained by them. procedure was repeated.^

The minister was called by the particular On moving to a new c o ngregation the

His role was functional and temporary.

T h e S o ciety of Friends have never had min i s t e r s as such,

only elders

who have the responsibility for discipline w ithin the Society. inner revelation may be shared by any m e mber with the others.

The G o d ’s

grace is experienced as inward and so no outward minister is necessary.

That part of the W e stern Church w h i c h remained loyal to Rome ma i n t a i n e d the old order of sacred persons w i thin the community.

The

P o n t i fical of Durandus became with some minor m o d i f i c a t i o n the Po n t i f i c a l of Tridentine Rome.

A major development of the C o u nter-

R e f o r m a t i o n was the development of new m o nastic orders.

The monastic

orders had been subject to reform at various points throughout the m e d i e v a l period. m o n a s tic life.

2

The Counter-Reformat i o n saw a r e birth of the These orders were not like the original orders,

con c e rned to live out an enclosed and s anctified life, m e n d i c a n t s to be just travelling preachers.

nor like the

Each of them set great

store on personal sanctity while being a ctive in the Chr i s t i a n life w i t h i n the wider Christian Community.

T h e y put much emphasis on

c aring for the poor and outcast as well as teaching.

1.

Jones,

C.

e^.

2.

Dickens, A. G. The Counter R e f o r m a t i o n . 1968. chaps. V & VI.

3.

Ibid.

chaps.

Op c i t .

3

Their

p.341 ff.

V & VI.

255

T hames & Hudson.

underlying status remained the same as their predecessors. the same vows of poverty,

obedience and chastity at the same services

as m e dieval monks and nuns. unenclosed,

Th e y took

Their life was different in that it was

except for certain of the women's orders.

The life of the Catholic Recusants in England was very restricted,^ not least with regard to the sacred persons of the C a t holic Community. H e n r y 's suppression of monastic life was permanent apart from a very slight and short lived revival under Mary. archpriests, century,

Although,

after a period of

episcopacy was restored to the Catholics in the s e venteenth

it was the middle of the nine t e e n t h century before a diocesan

system was introduced.

2

The main body of sacred persons in the English

C a t holic Community were the secular priests. R e f o r mation orders,

however,

One of the C o u nter-

was present from the reign of Elizabeth

3 onwards,

the Jesuits.

The English Cat h o l i c C o m munity also had its

own saints, particularly those executed during E l izabeth's reign.^ It is equally true that, alth o u g h not c anonically e s t a b lished as such, thanks to Fox^ in particular,

the Prot estant Chr i s t i a n communities

had their saints as well.

1.

Bossy,

J.

Op c i t .

2.

Ibid.

chap.

3.

Ibid.

pp.

4.

Cross, C.

5.

Ibid.

passim.

14.

19-20. Op c i t .

p . 145.

p . 113.

256

The Tractarian Movement within the A n g lican Ch u r c h during the latter half of the nineteenth century led, church,

at least some w ithin that

to a more Catholic view of the sacred person w i thin the

C h r i s t i a n community. clerical dress,

The outward signs of this were changes in

especially when conduc t i n g services in church,

the

robing of laymen to fulfil the roles in choir and sanctuary once performed by the minor orders and monks and the réin t r o d u c t i o n of m o n a s ticism.^

No provision was made liturgi c a l l y for this change of

view within a section of the Anglican Church.

The only o rdination

services remained those of the 1662 Bo o k of C ommon Prayer. official provision was

made for the taking of mo n a s t i c vows.

the present century the offices officially reintroduced,

of reader and deaconess

No During

have been

although neither count as a m inor order.

2

The Liturgical Movement of the present century has been described and its results discussed in previous chapters.

It has also had its

effects wi t h regard to the sacred persons within the various Chr i s t i a n communities.

As with the other phenomena connected with the sacred

there is a coming together of the different C h r i stian communities.

The influences described in the previous two paragraphs are apparent in the Alternative Services B o o k of the An g l i c a n Church. The basic services of ordination are in accordance wi t h the principles

1.

Moorman,

2.

Jones,

C.

J. R. H.

Op c i t . pp. 352-353.

e^.^.

Op c i t . pp. 346-347.

257

of the Joint Liturgical Commission but the variables and peripherals reveal the influence of the Tract a r i a n Mov e m e n t wi t h i n the Church.

The Ordinal in the Alternative Services B o o k contains, the books of common prayer, for deacons,

three services of ordination.

priests and bishops.^

as their predecessors. Gospel in eac h case.

as did

These are

The y have the same basic structure

The Communion S e rvice proceeds as far as the Each rite commences with the p r esentation of

the c a ndidates by the Archdeacon.

This is followed by the candidates'

dec l a r ation of belief and commitment. dec l a r ation of assent is also made.

In the case of the bishop a Th e r e follows the invocation

of the Holy Spirit in the words of the Veni Cre a t o r followed by the litany.

A f ter this comes the ordinatio n proper.

In the case of

deacons the bishop stretches his hands towards them saying a preface, then lays his hands upon them individually i n voking the Holy Spirit upon them as he does so.

He then prays for the newly ordained deacons

and hands them a N e w Testament. same pattern, are different, hands.

The or d i nation of a priest follows the

but the wording of the preface and post - o r d i n a t i o n prayer and the priests in attendance join in the laying on of

A Bible,

rather than a N e w Testament is given.

same pattern is followed for bishops,

Exactly the

again wi t h app r o p r i a t e wording.

The la ying on of hands is by the Archbishop together with the other bishops in attendance and a Bible is given. concluded,

The o r d i n ations are

as were their prayer book predecessors,

by the c ompletion

of the service of Holy Communion.

1.

A l te r n a t i v e Services B o o k , M inistry".

p . 338 rubric one.

258

"The T h r e efold ,

The effects of the T r actarian Mov e m e n t can be seen in rubrics four,

seven and eight.

Rubric four allows for local tradition and

custom to be followed if it is within the rules of the service and allowed by the consecrating Bishop. vesting.

This,

declaration.

it is stated,

may take place any time after the

Rubric eight reintroduces the h a nding-over of the

symbols of office, for bishop.

Ru bric seven reintroduces

chalice and paten for priest and pastoral staff

This is to occur after the present a t i o n of the Bible.

The effects of the T ractarian M o v e m e n t can also be seen in the special collects and lections to be used at the Ho l y Com m u n i o n Service on various occasions.

These in clude sets for the blessing

of an Abbot or Abbess or the installati o n of the Head of a Community, for those taking vows and for vocations to religious communities.

A service for the ordination and ind u c t i o n of mi n i s t e r s is included in the United Reformed Churches Bo o k of Services.^

This

has features which still reflect the views of those seeking further r eform at the Reformation period.

The p r e l i minary note states that

the M o derator will preside at or conduct the service or, in his absence, the D istrict Chairman.

The district c o uncil represen t a t i v e s are to

enter the c h urch as a body,

both lay and ordained,

and the moderator

will then be asked by the district cha i r m a n to preside.

The central

point of the ordination is the laying on of hands w hich occurs after

1.

The U n i t e d Reformed Church in England and Wales. A Bo o k of Services. The Saint Andr e w Press. 1980. p . 108 ff.

I i‘

259

■

the m i nistry of the Word, affirmations.

a statement of faith a n d the m i n i s t e r ’s

The ordination is followed by the induction to the

particular pastorate together with prayer, and intercessions.

the giving of a Bible

Provision is made for the service to be followed

by the L o r d ’s Supper.

The direction in the book,

as to those who

shall ordain says "those appointed" shall lay hands on the candidate. Ordina tion according to this rite is the result of a call fr o m the local

church as a whole,

to a particular hands,

through its synod, and is based on a call

ministry. The same service,

minus the laying on of

is used at every new ministry the mi n i s t e r takes up.

It

upholds the views of those wanting further ref o r m in E l i z a b e t h I days that the minister should be ordained as a result of a call from a local church and not by episcopal appointment.

A similar It is

service is

provided for the ord i n a t i o n of elders.^

suggested that it is

appropriate that such o r d i n ations take

place during the L o r d ’s Supper.

The only difference in structure

b etween this service and that of the ordina t i o n of m i n i s t e r s is that the ordination is by prayer alone. of scripture reading,

preface,

Other simpler services con s i s t i n g

affirmat i o n and prayer are provided

for the commissioning of lay-preachers and missionaries.

2 The most recent M e thodist Book of Services the ordination of ministers,

has a service for

also called presbyters.

The o r d i n a t i o n

1.

United Reformed Church in England and Wales.

2.

M e thodist Conference. The M e thodis t Service B o o k . The Metho d i s t Publishing House. 1975. p.Cl ff.

260

Op c i t .

p . 122,

,

takes place within the service of the L o r d ’s Supper after the liturgy of the Word.

The ordination proper consists of the present a t i o n of

the c andidates to the congregation and their acceptance, an examination on church doctrine and discipline, their consent.

followed by

to w hich they give

There follows a prayer for the gift of the Holy Spirit,

after which the president,

together with other m i n i sters present,

his h ands on the c a n d i d a t e ’s head.

As can be seen,

o r d i n a t i o n and the lack of a threefold ministry,

lays

apart from episcopal

the service is

s tr u c t urally the same as the Anglican.

The present Roman Pontifical^ contains all but one of the services concerned with the consecrati o n of persons in the community

2 of the church,

that of the profession of monks.

It contains one

major alteration as far as the clerical orders are concerned and this con c e rns the status of the minor orders. no longer counted as ordained.

Those in minor orders are

They are seen as lay ministries.

the original orders only two remain,

reader and acolyte.

Of

The first

is to assist with the ministry of the Wo r d and the second with the m i n i s t r y of the sanctuary and altar.

The service in wh i c h they are

publicly commissioned is called an institution, The rite takes place during a public Mass.

not an ordination.

The candidate is called

to present himself publicly to the bishop who preaches on the duties of the office.

This is followed by prayer for the candidate and the

h a nding to him,

by the bishop,

of the instrument of office.

1.

The Roman P o n t i f i c a l . I.C.E.L.

2.

Ibid.

1978.

pp. XV, xvi.

261

The traditional pathway to major orders has been lost,

that of

tonsure followed by ordination into the various minor orders up to sub-deacon.

In the place of this candidates for o rdination have a

service of admission to candidacy for orders.

Th e y are also encouraged

to enter the lay ministries of reader and acolyte.

The Pontif i c a l

draws attention to the decrees of the Second Vatican Council with regard to the restoration of the minis t r y of the diaconate w ithin the church.

The result has,

in this country,

married men as permanent deacons.

been the o r d i nation of some

Tho s e entering the diaconate as

single men must take vows of celibacy and those entering the presbyterate or episcopal office must also be celibate.

The services of ordination for all three orders is structurally the same.

The ordination takes place in the M a s s after the L i t u r g y

of the Word.

The candidates are presented to the bishop and the

c o n g r e g a t i o n ’s assent is obtained.

The bishop then outlines the duties

of the particular order and briefly examines the candidate. a bidding to prayer,

a litany,

Th e n comes

collect and the i mposition of hands in

silence followed by the ordination prayer.

Then,

in the case of priests

their hands are anointed and in the case of bishops their heads are anointed. of office.

The candidates are then vested and handed their instruments The ordination is concluded by the Peace and the newly

ordained perform their particular function during the rest of the Mass.

A very similar structure is to be observed in the rites for those consecrating themselves to celibate lives either in the world or in

262

community.

The candidates are called before the bishop,

instructed

in the duties of their calling and given a brief examination. is followed by a bidding and litany.

Th e profession to the celibate

life is then made followed by a prayer of consecration, cowl or veil and handing over of the case,

the liturgy of the hours.

This

vesting with

instrument of office.

In the case of

life in a community the rite also includes, of the candidate into the community.

In this

those living

at this point,

acelibate

the a cceptance

After the consecr a t i o n

the Peace

is exchanged and the Mass continues.

The Roman Pontifical also contains services for the blessing of an Abbot or Abbess.

The structure again follows that of ordination,

that is presentation,

homily,

examination,

bidding,

litany but instead

of o r dination or consecration prayer there follows a prayer of blessing. Th e rite concludes,

as do the others,

of the instrument of office, Again,

with vesting and the presentation

in this case,

the rules of the order.

the rite takes place in the setting of the Ma s s after the L i t u r g y

of the Word.

The Roman Church has continued to m a r k the place of the saints within its community.

Those who,

it is thought,

marks of the presence of the sacred,

have shown indubitable

in special ways,

w ithin them.

The centralisation and formalising of the process of canonisation, begun in the Middle Ages,

was consolidated at the time of the C o u nter-

263

Re f ormation.^

The missal of Pius V of 1570 reduced the number of

saints to be publicly recognised in the L i t u r g y to one hundred and thirty.

In the next three centuries this had doubled.

Many

of these additions coming in the first half of this century.^

The

processes of canonisation continue in the Roman C hurch but the S e cond Vatican Council has revised the list of those celebrated w i t h i n the Liturgy so that they are universal.

P r o v ision is also

2 ma d e for local saints to be celebrated.

A further development during the present century has been the Pent e costal and charismatic movement.

(In the earlier part of this

c e ntury it led to the establishing of separate C h r istian communities w here these

'gifts'

3 have official recognition ). In the last two

decades this has led to a re-emergence of people in all denominations e x e r c ising unofficial ministries similar to those described in the N e w Testament.

T h e r e is one further category to be c onsidered in this e x a m i nation of sacred persons among the En g l i s h and that is the sovereign.

We

have a l r eady noted the importance of sacral k i n gship among the preC h r i s t i a n English.

1.

Jones,

C.

eit.

2.

Ibid.

p.430.

3.

Massey,

R. D.

This continued in the Chr i s t i a n period.

p.429.

Op c i t .

264

The rite

of c oronation was first used in England in the ninth century.^

The

earliest rite was based on that of the c o r o nation of the Pope,

later

rites on that of the Imperial Coronation.

The m e dieval rite was

2 translated and used in 1603. used in England ever since.

Substant i a l l y the same rite has been Maskell reproduces both the medieval

services for the coronation of a king or queen and also that used 3 at the coronation of Queen Victoria in 1838.

Th e structure of

those services and that used of the present queen in 1953 is in three parts within the service of Holy Communion. by the sovereign and he, or she,

First promises are made

is acclaimed by the people.

Then

follows the consecration and anointing of the s o v ereign and finally comes the vesting,

’t r a d i t i o n ’ of the symbols of office and enthronement

The rite is completed by the p e o p l e ’s homage and the rest of the Holy C o m m union Service.

The similarity of this service with that of

o r d i nation into the major orders in the medieval period is apparent; so is the similarity with the mode r n Roman and A n g l i c a n (in their fullest form) ordinations.

As with the other categories of the sacred,

c e rtain very small

groups have been left out in this very w i d e - r a n g i n g survey, the F a mily of Love and the M uggletonian s and, En glish Muslim, H i ndu and Buddhist groups.

such as

in the present day,

This s urvey has s hown that

certain universal categories of sacred person have existed wi t h i n the

1.

Livingstone, E. A. (ed.). The Concise Oxford D i c t i o n a r y of the C hristian C h u r c h . O.U.P. 1977. p . 131.

2.

Ibid.

3.

Maskell,

p . 131. W.

Op c i t .

Vol.

2.

265

E n g l i sh sacred community. priesthood,

These include the sacred king,

the consecrated person and the saint.^

was described,

hierarchical

Ea c h of these,

as

existed in the pre-Chri s t i a n En g l i s h sacred community

as well as within the English Christian Community.

Du r i n g the

C h r i s t i a n era each of these has had a rite performed wit h i n the public place of w o rship whereby he or she was inducted into the sacred status. The c h a r i smatic self-authenticating, evidence,

such as the shaman,

seer,

sacred person has been less in diviner and prophet.

This has

in part been because such manifestatio n s have tended to be regularised by the c h u r c h authorities.

In the M e d i e v a l P e riod this was through

2 the m o n a s t i c life,

particularly in hermit and a n c h orite life.

The

P r o t e s t a n t churches in England since the Refo r m a t i o n have similarly sought to regularise ecstatic movements.

Both Jo h n W e s l e y and

W i l l i a m B o o t h had manifestations of the ecstatic type as a result of their preaching and both of them organised their followers so as to ch annel their energies within the bounds of o r g a nisational propriety.

In these cases,

into lay rather than religious communities.

The other group which have existed wit h i n the E n glish sacred community are those h a v i n g sacred authority but not being deemed sacred persons 4 as such.

T h e s e come within the categories wh i c h Van der L e e u w calls

preacher and teacher and two others, preceeding,

1.

pastor and leader.

Wach, J. 1967. Op c i t . V an der Leeuw, G. 1967.

2.

e.g. J u l i a n of Norwich.

3.

Moorman,

4.

V a n der Leeuw, G.

5.

Wach,

J.

J. R. H.

1967.

These categories are p a r ticularly

chap. 8. Op c i t . Vol. 1.

Op c i t . 1967. Op c i t .

which W a c h ^ includes with the

pp.

299-300 and

Op c i t . p.388.

266

Vol. 1,

pt.

2A.

387-388. p . 222 ff. ;

apparent within the Non-Conformist communities such as the Baptists and the United Reformed Church.

As has been illustrated the sacred community gathers at the public place of worship to express all aspects of its life.

Central

to that expression of its corporate life is sacred action and, associated with this,

the sacred word.

267

CHAPTER FIVE

Cultus:

Sacred Ac t i o n and Word

Sacred acts and words are often linked.

For instance,

the

extending of the hand in blessing will be acc o m p a n i e d by a p p r o priate words.

Similarly,

sacrifice is a c comp a n i e d by prayer and invocation.

T his intertwining of sacred act and wor d is particularly true of the J u d a e o-Christian tradition.

Bouyer^ has suggested that from I s r a e l ’s

earliest days it was as the community met for the sacred act of covenant renewal that the sacred word was proclaimed. setting the divine was present and revealed. should be noted, was founded in sacrifice.

In this

This Covenant,

it

2

3 This tradition has continued in Christianity.

The E u c h arist

has been the central act of worship at which the Wo r d has been proclaimed as covenant was renewed and the f oundation sacrifice 4 recalled. context.

Other sacred actions have taken place wi t h i n this In the W e s t e r n Protestant tr a d ition the sacred word has

been separated somewhat from the Eucharist and its att e n d a n t sacred actions.

This was not the intention of such reformers and C a lvin^

or C r amner.^

For them Word and sacraments were to be joined.

1.

Bouyer, L.

Op

2.

Exodus 24: 1-8.

c i t . chap.

1.

3.

Eucharist is used here as a general term to cover Mass, Holy Communion, L o r d ’s Supper etc.

4.

Brilioth,

5.

Wendel, F.

6.

Davies,

Y, Op

W. H.

Op c i t .

passim.

c i t . p.314. Vol.

1.

Op c i t .

pp.

268

215-216.

The a d vent of the Liturgical Movement has reversed this tendency. Wo r d and sacrament are joined together wi t h i n the E u c h arist and other sacred actions are also placed within this context.

Be c a u s e of these close links between sacred act and word the m a t e r i a l concer n i n g them will be reviewed jointly.

The way in which

the two forms have been present in the En g l i s h public place of worship will,

however,

be analysed separately in the final chapter.

C o v e n a n t and sacrifice are central to sacred ac t i o n not only in C h r i s t i a n i t y but in religion generally as was indicated in the I n t r o d uctory chapter of this study.

In reviewing the evidence for

the c a t e g o r i e s of sacred wo r d and action we shall start, as in previous chapters,

w i t h the earliest pre-Christian E n g l i s h public place of

w or s h i p in this country.

S a c r i f i c e played a large part in T e u tonic r e l igion throughout the c e nturies^ and human sacrifice appears to have c o n t inued to the last.

2

We have already noted

3

that such sacrifice could have been a

r e i t e r a t i o n of the sacrifice of Ymir.

The sacrifice of the a rchetypal 4

man

w h e r e b y h e aven and earth were created.

T a citus says,

1.

C h a n t e p i e de la Saussaye, P.

p . 370.

2.

T u r v ille-Petre,

3.

Chapter

4.

Tacitus.

Op c i t .

E. 0. G.Op c i t .

pp.

1, p . 34. Op c i t . chap.

9.

269

251-255.

"Above all other gods they worshi p Mercury, and count it no sin,

on certain feast days,

to include human victims in the sacrifices offered to him." Mercury, he says,

here,

probably refers to Odin.

Els e w h e r e in the same w o r k

1

"At a set time deputations from all the tribes of the same stock gather in the grove

...

The sacrifice of a human victim

in the name of all marks the grisly opening of their savage ritual." Od i n seems to have played a major role in death rituals. noble warr i o r s slain in battle. kings were offered to Odin,

His were the

He was also god of the hanged.

particularl y when their

’luck'

Even

departed.

2 It was to him that prisoners-of-war were offered. thesis is right,

If D u m é z i l ’s

then Ibn F a d l a n ’s account of the sacrifice of the

s lave-girl at the Rus ship-burial must also be seen as a sacrifice to Odin,

It is difficult to ascer t a i n w h ether h uman sacrifice was 3

in any way directly involved in the wor s h i p of Thor. of Njord,

Freyr and Freyja,

involved h u m a n sacrifice. Njord is correct,

the deities of fertility,

The w o rship certainly

If the identif i c a t i o n of Ner t h u s with

then at Uppsala sacrificial victims were drowned

to F r eyr.^

1.

Ibid.

chap. 39.

2.

Chadwick,

H. M.

3.

Davidson,

H. E, R,

4.

T u rville-Petre,

The Cult 1964.

E. 0. C.

of O t h i n . Op c i t . Op c i t .

C. J. Clay.

1899.

pp. 75-80. p . 172.

1

I

270

Animal sacrifice was also practised, De la Saussaye

1

and Gr^nbech

2

as has alr e a d y been mentioned,

both suggest that animal sacrifices were 3

a c companied by feasts,

a view also taken by Turville-Petre.

"Animal sacrifices were more common than human ones, and they often took the form of sacrificial banquets

...

Some gods were

more suitably honoured by sacrifice of one beast than another.

The boar was considered

a suitable sacrifice for Freyr

...

The ox

and the bull were also used as a sacrifice for Freyr."

One of the fullest expositions of sacrifice and the sacrificial feast in Teutonic religion is to be found in G r ^ n b e c h . ^ the importance,

to the Teutons,

of the s a crificial feast,^

"The sacrifice brought about a r e birth of life,

the worshippers renewed their hamingja

or luck and this renewal implied that the world was created afresh

1.

Ghantepie de la Saussaye,

2.

Gr^nbech,

3.

Turville-Petre,

4.

Gr^nbech,

5.

Ibid.

V.

V.

Op c i t . E. 0.

Op c i t .

..."

P.

Op c i t .

chaps. G.

2.

p . 370.

9 and 11.

Op c i t .

Vol.

He emphasises

p . 255.

chaps.

p.289.

271

8-11.

and says

1

further, that

"The blood of the victim was the means of communicating the power of holiness." We can therefore see the importance of asp e r g i n g the s t a l l r , the ring, the a f h u s , the hall and the people.

2

The blot recreates the primeval

r ealities once more.^ "The present re-acting is as primary, original as the very first acting,

as

and the

participants are not witnesses to the deed of some hero or god,

but simply and literally

the original heroes who send fateful deeds into the world

...

from blot

Time begins over again

...

Life and history start ...

the subsequent year or six months will flow out, made pregnant with the power in the events of the blot hour." Al o n g with the sacrifice went the community feast.

At this,

in some

sense, m e n were experiencing V a l h B l l , here and now, on earth,^ "In the festival

...

The house is filled;

the benches and the pillars,

the fire and

the atmosphere become living

...

are no men, neither are there, speaking gods,

1.

Ibid.

p . 210.

2.

Ibid.

pp.

3.

Ibid.

p . 222.

4.

Ibid.

p . 219.

Th e r e

strictly

but only god or divinity."

210-211.

272

G r ^ n b e c h asserts that the sacred round of ale,

the minne drinking,

was the central act of the feast, even though there were, hall,

in the

the steaming cauldrons of sacrificial meat,^ "It is with good reason that the frith wh i c h embraces the parties at a feast is called an ale-frith and the feast day m u n g a s t ^ & r , i.e. ale-day."

He points out that these C h r i s t i an times.

'al e s ’, duly modified,

continued long into

Not only were the sacrificial feasts times of

frith but also of sanctity,

propitious times for the c o m m unity to

gather for social re-affirmation and political decision while gathered at the place of worship.

2

"We can safely say that the feast opened w i t h a solemn consecration, upon the participants.

declaring

A feast

peace

and a law-

m e e t i n g were related in their innermost being,

in their dependence on the highest

f r i t h , and from all we can gather, were allied in form.

In Iceland,

they the

priest "consecrated" the law-thing,

and

the effect was at once apparent in the t hing-men's augmented holiness,

wh i c h made

an injury done to them twice as costly an a ffair as at other times."

1.

I b i d . p . 146.

2.

Ibid.

See also p . 150.

p . 145.

273

Gr^nbech^ thinks that these feasts occ urred two or three times a year and also in connection with rites of passage and at partings and home-comings.

2 Describing the ritual, horns.

that the ale was put into

The ancient drinking vessel being used instead of the more

recent pottery. hall.

he states

The ale was then drunk in a sacred circle around the

The horn passed from the highest to the lowest and each stood 3

as he drunk.

Each round was dedicated to a god for blessing.

The

ceremony of consecrating the ale was called vigja (from ve - holy) and Gr^nbech thinks it was accompanied by manual signs or ritual. The result of participation was the receiving of blessing but one had to be present for the whole time to receive this.

There were other activities at the sacrificial feast. sites ball-games,

wrestling,

and horse-baitings.

Gr^nbech^

He notes that the

play was hard and that death could result and wo u l d be appr e c i a t e d . ^ We can see this as an enactment of myth.

This was ValhHll on earth,

the warriors feasting and fighting to death in the g o d s ’ presence. R e f e rring to the myth of T h o r ’s hammer and the giants, G r ^ n b e c h

1.

Ibid.

p . 149.

2.

Ibid.

pp.

3.

Ibid.

p . 155.

4.

Ibid.

p . 158.

5.

Ibid.

p . 189.

6.

Ibid.

pp.

150-153.

190-191.

274

suggests^ that this could well be a burlesque of a wedding ale. so,

it gives us a vivid picture of such a sacrificial feast.

If

T h o r ’s

2 visit to U t g a r d - L o k i ’s hall at the feast.

It is to be noted,

collea g u es are struggling, of games,

may also reflect the games in the hall in this myth,

unwittingly,

that Thor and his

in the hall,

under the guise

with cosmic forces.

Clearly the actions within the Teutonic place of public worship were a means of attaining harmony with the cosmic powers and therefore the sacred. the myths

It is also apparent that the

sacred word in the form

gave the appropriate structure for these actions.

What

of is

not clear is whether the myths were recited on such occasions or me r e l y enacted.

We do know that the public recital of myth,

legend

3 and story

had a place in Teutonic culture

its exact

place was in the cultus.

but it is not clear what

We know very little of sacred action and word at the E n glish pr e -Christian public place of worship in this country.

W e can say

that it would be generically connected to other forms of Teutonic sacred action and word but we can say nothing about exact forms. Bede gives us evidence that the sacrificial feast was prominent.^

1.

Ibid.

pp.

166-167.

2.

Snorri Sturlusson. Young, J. 1.

3.

Davidson,

4.

Bede.

The Prose E d d a ,

Op c i t .

H. R. E.

Op c i t .

in

pp. 73-78.

1969.

Op c i t .

passim.

p . 86.

» 'I

275

This has some confirmation in the archa e o l o g i c a l excavations at Yeavering.^

From Bede we learn that Ra e dwald sacrificed to his

traditional gods as well as having an altar to Christ.

In the

previous chapters we have seen that there is clear evidence that the pre-Christian English in this country worshi p p e d the traditional Te u tonic deities.

It was also noted that there are problems when

any attempt is made to define the cycle of myths that were extant. It is clear that the central Teutonic myths were known and told but in what form it is impossible to say.

The central act of Christian worship, was the Eucharist.

from the very first days,

Although the Eucharist developed c o n siderably

over the early centuries in a variety of ways, was established from the very outset.

2

its central structure

In its essence the Eucharist

was a linking of the Liturgy of the Synagogue (the Synaxis) with the Liturgy of the Last Supper.

The latter was probably a form of the

Jewish H a b u r a h which was essentially a domestic rite.

The setting of

the i ndividual Eucharist was enhanced by the development of the Church's Calendar.

Among other things this emphasised Christology,

thus r einforcing the developing iconographie schema. earlier,

As was explained

the Eucharist was also the setting for the rites of status

within the sacred community.

1.

Hope-Taylor,

2.

Dix, G.

Dr. B.

Op c i t .

Op c i t .

p.36 ff.

276

In the post-Constantinian era C hr i s t i a n w o rship continued to develop.

In particular the Eucharist,

West the Mass,

or as it became known in the

was moving towards its fully a rticulated form.

liturgy has been greatly affected by local practice at Rome, Rome did integrate material from elsewhere into its U s a . ^

Wes t e r n although

It seems

likely that Augustine brought the local Roman Use to Canterbury.

2

If

he did introduce any Gallican elements these were probably only minor additions.

3 Dix

has suggested that the Liturgy,

developed in two stages,

both E a stern and Western,

giving four parts to its final shape.

He

is of the opinion that this final shape was achieved by 800 A.D. Th e four parts are the Introduction (second stratum), of the Synaxis,

the old nucleus

the old nucleus of the Eucharist and the T h a n k s g i v i n g

(second stratum).

He suggests that later additions to the liturgy

are only in the nature of embellishments to this final shape.

He offers the following as a reco n s t r u c t i o n of the primitive 4 Euc h a r istie liturgy.

1.

Willis,

2.

Ibid.

3.

Dix, G.

4.

Ibid.

G. G. pp.

Op

cit.

pp.

1-130.

191-198.

Op c i t .

p . 522.

p.434.

277

Primitive Eucharist

Synaxis

Greeting and response. L ections interspersed with psalmody. B ishop's sermon. Dismissal of Catechumens. Intercessions of the faithful. Dismissal of faithful (when there is no Eucharist to follow).

Eucharist Greeting and response. Kiss of Peace. Offertory. E ucharistie prayer. Fraction. Communion. Dismissal. Dix^ says that,

at Rome,

the preceeding had grown to the following

by 800 A.D.

Roman Mass.

Circa 800 A.D.

Synaxis E ntrance chant. Litany.

1.

Ibid.

tables pp.

432,

475 (and chapter 13)

278

Hymn ( G l o r i a ) . Greeting. Prayer. Lections, Chants between lections. Sermon.

Eucharist Oblation. Offertory prayer. Eucharistie prayer with names. Fraction and Pax. Communion. Dismissal after post-communion prayer. J u n g m a n ’s

1

and Klauser's

2

analyses of the Roman Ma s s at this period

are in general agreement with the fram ework as given by Dix.

The Eucharist;

or Mass,

underwent subtle a l t e r ations as a 3

result of the changed status of the Church,

Dix

says,

"The post-Nicene church had obviously every intention of conserving the pre-Nicene body of custom intact,

and it does in fact form

1.

Jungman, J. A. The Early Liturgy to the Time of G r egory the G r e a t , (trans. F. A. Brunner). Darton, Lo n g m a n and Todd. 1960. p . 288 ff.

2.

Klauser, T. A Short History of the W e s t e r n L i t u r g y , (trans. J. Halliburton). O.U.P. 1969. p . 59 ff.

3.

Dix, G.

Op c i t .

p.397.

279

the basis of the Eucharistie rites.

But

it soon began to be overlaid and accompanied by a variety of new customs." Some of these,

such as the solemn processional entry of the clergy

at the beginning of the rite, were suggested quite naturally by the changed public conditions of worship in its ne w formal setting.

This

s olemnity would be seen at Rome in the fifth to seventh c e n t uries as the Pope,

clad in the robes of a senior official of the state,

a cc o m panied by acolytes and a cross-bearer and followed by presbyters and deacons,

entered the church at the beginning of the Mass.^

As important as the changing ceremony of the Mass was the developing theology.

Clearly,

the C hr i s t o l o g i c a l and T r i n i t a r i a n

doctrines predominated until the Council of Cha l c e d o n in 451 A.D. Nevertheless,

the Church had to think out e x actly what was taking

place at the Eucharist. was the starting point, At this stage, bishop,

too,

The action of the Eu c h a r i s t as a n a mnesis linked to the ideas of sacrifice and covenant,

it was the whole Chr i s t i a n community, led by its

which was engaged in the act of anamnesis.

An important

part of the developing doctrine of the Mass was the theology of consecration.

In the West,

this was deemed to be effected by the 3

recital of the words of the Institution and the manual acts.

1.

2

I b i d . chap. Klauser, T.

12 and Op c i t .

pp.

61-69.

2.

Kelly, J. N. D. Early Christian D o c t r i n e s . A. & C. Black. 1968.

3.

Dix, G.

Op c i t . chaps.

9 and 10.

280

4th ed.

This opened the way to the idea that the bishop or his deputy, priest,

the

was the one who effected the cons e c r a t i o n on behalf of,

rather than in conjunction with,

the congregation.

with other doctrinal developments,

This,

together

led to the transfo r m a t i o n of the

primitive Eucharist into the medieval Mass.

Whe n we come to look for the earliest En g l i s h C h r i s t i a n liturgical practice there is a similar lacuna in the case of these texts as there is for the pontifical material concerned with consecrations. the same reason in both cases, of a later period.

It is

the depredations of the Vi k i n g invasions

The A n glo-Saxon ma terial which is a v a ilable dates

ma i n l y from the late period just before the Norman conquest.^ Au g u s tine brought the materials necessary for the cel e b r a t i o n of the Mass from Rome, and he and his monks c o m menced a monastic settlement at Canterbury.

It would seem fairly c e rtain that this,

organised on Roman lines. re c iting the offices, and

The Roman pattern of c e lebrating the Mass,

following the Ca l endar and of private devotions

discipline, must have been followed by this group. "They were constantly at and kept vigils;

too, was

Bede

2

says,

prayer. T h e y fasted

they preached the word of

life to whomsoever they could

...

On the

East side of the city stood an old church, built in honour of St. M a rtin

...

assembled to sing the psalms,

also to pray,

to say mass,

1.

See Willis,

2.

Bede,

to preach and baptise

G. G.

Op c i t .

Op

c i t .pp.

Here they

..."

229-230.

1

p.70.

1 'i

281

He states that Gregory sent Augustine further r equisites for worship at a later stage,^ "They brought with them

everything n e c e ssary for

worship and the service

of the church,

the sacred vessels,

altar coverings,

including

church

ornaments,

vestments for the priests and

ministers,

relics of the holy ap o stles and

martyrs,

and many holy books."

In the next sentence Bede points out that Gre g o r y sent A u g u stine the Pallium;

this would indicate that A ugu s t i n e ' s status at C a n t e r b u r y

was to be similar to that of Gregory of Rome.

It is therefore likely

that he would have performed the same P o n t ifical Mass as Gregory. Presumably, A u g u s t i n e ’s priests, when away from C a n t e r b u r y in mis s i onary situations,

would have cele brated the same M a s s as used

in the stational churches at Rome when the B ishop was not present. It is

unlikely,

however,

that rigid adherence to R oman practice

followed for any great length

of time.

was

G r e g o r y ’s flexible policy,

followed by his immediate successors in matters ecclesiastical, already been noted.

has

A u g u s t i n e ’s question to G r e g o r y on the Mass and

2 the l e t t e r ’s reply are of interest in this connection.

A u g u stine

asks, "Since we hold the same faith, why do customs vary in different churches?

Why,

for instance,

does the method of saying mass differ in the holy Roman Church and in the churches of Gaul?"

1.

2.

I b i d . p . 84. Deanesly, M, Bede.

Op cit.

1961.

Op c i t .

pp.

p . 72.

154-156, \

282

'I

G r egory replies, "My brother you are familiar with the usage of the Roman Church in which you were brought up.

But if you have found customs,

whether

in the Roman, Gallican or any other churches that may be more acceptable to God,

1 wish

you to make a careful s e lection of them, and to teach the Church of the English, still young in the Faith,

which is

whatever you can

profitably learn from the various churches. For things should not be loved for the sake of places but for the sake of good things."^ It is most probable,

however,

that Aug u s t i n e e stablished the Roman Use

with little variation and that his m is s i o n a r i e s spread this pattern. Undoubtedly,

as the centuries progressed,

elements were introduced

from elsewhere and English peculiarities developed. believes that the recitation of the Ni c e n e Creed,

Mayr-Harting

2

an Ea s t e r n innovation,

was possibly introduced into the N o rth e r n En g l i s h Li t u r g y via the Irish 3 Celtic Church. people,

Willis

thinks that the e p i scopal blessing of the

before communion,

Theodore,

was introduced from the G a l l i c a n Use.

of E a stern origins,

G. G.

1.

Willis,

2.

Mayr-Harting, H. The Coming of C h r i s t i a n i t y E n g l a n d . B. T. Batsford. 1972. p . 181.

3.

Willis,

G. G.

Op c i t .

is most likely to have introduced,

Op c i t .

p . 195.

pp.

to Ang l o - S a x o n

195-196,

' !'

283

!,

when

Archbishop of Canterbury,

some non-Roman customs and practice.

whole period of early English Christianity,

The

until the N o r m a n Conquest,

was one affected by the liturgical inte r a c t i o n and growth in the West.

Klauser^ makes a strong case for the s i gnificance of Franko-

G e rman influence on liturgical developments in this period. rigid unification of the West,

under Rome,

The

was a later phenomenon.

Thus the earliest English Liturgy was Roman,

but its subsequent

2 growth was affected by the general pattern in the West. us a picture of the growing liturgical life. at about nine.^

Mass

4

Masses were also said for the dead.^

other services were chanted.^ reserved,

3

Bede gives

was said daily, Th e s e and

The elements appear to have been

chiefly for the viaticum.^

Bede gives instances of the

9 monastic offices being said daily. developed,

The Calendar was also well

both that related to the life and work of Ch r i s t and that

to the saints and martyrs.

The sacred actions and words,

therefore,

of the E n g l i s h C hurch

at this period were those of the Church of Rome. also remained that of the Roman Church,

Of) cit.

U ntil the R e f o r m a t i o n

p . 72.

1.

Klauser •, T.

2.

Willis,

3.

Ibid.

pp.

4.

Bede.

Op cit.

5.

Ibid.

p . 240.

6.

Ibid.

p . 239.

7.

Ibid.

pp.

8.

Ibid.

pp. 225 and 244.

G. G.

Latin.

The sacred language

Op cit.

pp.

199-■204, 219-222. pp.

280-285.

137 and 280. I I%

9.

Ibid.

p . 213.

284

period the sacred words a ccompanying sacred actions were a lways spo k e n in Latin.

Only when the laity were ne c e s sarily involved,

case of the vows at a wedding service,

The central sacred act,

as in the

was English used at all.

in the M i d d l e Ages, was the Mass.

Dix

considers that the Western Mass attain e d its final quadrap a r t i t e form ab o u t 800 A.D.. He suggests,

however,

that there was a "third stratum"

ad d e d in the early Middle Ages circa 80 0 - 1 1 0 0 A.D.

He says,^

"These additions were not protected from change either by their structural usefulness, those of the

like

’second s t r a t u m ’ or by immemorial

tradition like the primitive nucleus;

and in

consequence the persistent innov a t i n g tendency of the clergy in all ages with regard to the details of the liturgy had compa r a t i v e l y free play with these,

and also wi t h other minor

matters of ceremonial whose development or alteration goes persistently,

in all rites,

down to the sixteenth-seventeent h century." Di x goes on to say that these innovations were devotional, and thanksgivings".

This

both laity and clergy.

2

"pre p a r a t i o n s

’devotion to the M a s s ’ was c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of This,

of course,

was a natural c o r o l l a r y to 3

the

emphasis,

at this period,

on the sacrificial

1.

Dix, G.

2.

Wickham-Legg, J. The Sarum M i s s a l . 1916. pp. 205-210 and 230.

3.

Brilioth,

aspect of the

Mass.

Op c i t . p.523.

Y.

Op c i t .

pp.

78-93.

285

Oxford. C l a r e n d o n Press.

As one beheld the miracle enacted whi c h would al l o w one to avoid hell and purgatory after death, love and devotion.

what mo r e natural than to pour out

Although there were various other Uses in England,

during the Middle Ages,

as time progressed, the Sarum Use began to

predominate and was widely adopted.^

2 The Sar u m Mass

commenced as the priest vested and said or

sung the Veni C r e a t o r , versicles and responses and the C o llect for Heart Purity,

As the altar was a pproac h e d P s a l m 43 was recited

with the antiphon "Introibe ad altare D e i ", and the K yrie and Pater Noster were said.

This preparatory section was concluded by the

confession and absolution of the ministers,

the psalm "Ad i u t o r i u m

n o strum ...", the Kiss of Peace and a prayer.

Th e S y naxis proper

began with the G l oria followed by the collect for the day, Epistle and Gospel. alleluia,

The latter two were separated by a gradual,

tract or sequence a c cording to season.

came the Creed and sometimes a sermon. the Eucharist.

Then came the L i t u r g y of

came the Priestly Ablutions and Secreta. Mass consisted of the Sursum Corda,

then

The central a c t i o n of the

Sanctus,

Commixture and Elevation.

he would then give his blessing, were recited.

After the Gospel

First the O f fertory and Prayer of Oblation,

Mass, Fraction,

the

Hosanna,

Ca n o n of the

If the bishop was present

after wh i c h the Pax and the Ag n u s Dei

After the C o mmunion and P o s t - C o m m u n i o n Prayer the Mass

ended with the Dismissal.

1.

Hardman,

0.

2.

Swete, H. B.

Op c i t . Op c i t .

p . 119. p.82.

i

I »

286

The sctructure of the Mass was complete, proliferation of peripheral devotions. multiplied in the West. variable.

except for the

Th e number of Masses,

The PPoper of the Ma s s was infinitely

Thus there could be a Mass for every occasion.

were of three sorts,

however,

Ma s s e s

those celebrating the C h r i s t o l o g i c a l Calendar,

those celebrating the Sanctoral and Voti v e Masses.

The first sort,

and some of the second,

provided the Hig h Ma s s for S u ndays and Holy

Days when the community

as a whole attended.^

The other s a i n t s ’ days

in the Cantoral had their Masses but these were primarily a clerical responsibility.

There was some growth both of the C h r i stological

Calendar and the Sanctoral in the Mediev a l Period. continued to consist of the old Roman list, figures,

2

The Cantoral

including the N e w Tes t a m e n t

to which were added the English Saints.

This structure can 3

also be seen in the pattern of English church dedications. M asses were a different

category to the other

the expiatory nature of

the Mass.

two.

Votive

They arose from

The V o tive Mass was said in order

that the merit of the sacrifice might be gained for a particular person or purpose.

Thus in the Sarum Missal there were Votive Ma s s e s for the

salvation of friends, penitence,

against temptations of the flesh,

for sailors,

in time of war and many others.^

1.

Wickham-Legg,

J.

Op c i t .

2.

Dix, Dom. G.

Op c i t .

3.

Arnold-Foster,

F.

4.

Wickham-Legg,

J.

pp. xxi-xxxii.

p . 585.

Studies in Church D e d i c a t i o n s .

S k effington & Sons. pp. xix-xxv.

for sins,

1899.

Op c i t .

See index and vol.

3 vols.

1.

pp. 551-556.

t 'I

287

for

The Mass was still the central liturgical a c tion and its use had, as we have seen,

been extended.

However,

the element of communal

worship which had been so strong in the earliest Chr i s t i a n days had virtually disappeared.

The sermon,

when preached,

and the procession

were the two occasions left when the whole community,

clerical and lay

joined in corporate liturgical action,^

The daily offices,

the

’opus d e i * remained the respons i b i l i t y of

2 the clergy and monastic communities. them in two or three groups,

P a r ochial clergy tended to say

foreshadowing later developments.

The

offices underwent abbreviation and supplem e n t a t i o n under F r a n ciscan 3 influence.

Offices to Mary were introduced,

in a d dition to the

canonical hours.

At the period of the Reformation there were changed emphases. Covenant,

sacrifice and sacrament were understood differently as was 4

explained in chapter two.

Anamnesis which had meant re-enactment

in the present of C h r i s t ’s sacrifice became,

for the Reformers,

thankful recollection of a past historic event. seen by all groups,

2.

Swete, H. B. Palmer,

3. 4.

Op c i t .

R. L.

Constable. Hardman, 0.

it was still

as the universal and cosmic sacrifice ma k i n g the

sacred realm available to an alienated mankind.

1.

However,

a

pp.

As was also explained.

132-133.

English Monasteries in the M i d d l e A g e s .

1930.

p.46.

Op c i t .

pp.

129-130.

p.91 ff.

I 'I

288

the sacramental presence of the divine in rel a ti o n to the communion e l e ments was also variously re-interpreted.

The med i a t o r i a l role of

the church in connection with men's covenant r e lationship with the divine no longer existed for some groups among the Reformers.

For

th e m the individual could treat with God directly.^

There was also a changed emphasis with regard to the sacred word.

The Medieval Church had proclaimed,in various ways, the biblical

Heilsgeschichte.

The Reformers insisted that the actual n a r r ative of

the Bible be heard in the vulgar tongue.

The p r oclamation of the Word

in the form of the sermon still had a prime place. in the form of the lives of the saints, P r o t e s tant circles.

2

Le g e n d and myth,

officially disappeared in

Such publications as Foxe's "Book of Martyr's"

en s u r e d that they stayed unofficially.

The first major changes in A n glic a n liturgical practice during 3 the R e formation era took place in 1549.

In 1543 an order had been

issued for the reading of the Bible in Eng l i s h during M a t i n s on Sundays and Holy Days followed by the publication of the Litany in En g l i s h in 1544.

As a final prelude to the first E n glish B o o k of C ommon Prayer

of 1549, an order of Communion, used within the Mass. of Communion,

Bainton,

2.

Wendel, F.

3.

This order was a preparation for the reception

R.

Op c i t . Op c i t .

p.64 ff. pp.

293-294.

V. Luther on W o r s h i p . 1958. p . 77.

Jones, C.

was issued in 1548 to be

now to be in both kinds.

1.

Vatja, Press.

in English,

et. al.

Op c i t .

Philadelphia.

p . 263 ff.

Muhlenberg

! r 'l

289

The 1549 Book of Common Prayer was followed by the book of 1552 which contained yet further reforms.

Du r i n g M a r y ’s reign the

use of the medieval service books was resumed.

Eli z a b e t h reinstated

the 1552 Book of Common Prayer with certain m o d i fications and this c o n tinued in use until the period of the Commonwealth, a few minor changes in James I reign in 1604.^ w e a l t h period,

from 1644 to 1660,

During the C o m m o n ­

a Gen e v a n style liturgy was

i n t r oduced via the Directory of Public Worship, the W estminster Directory.

apart from

2

sometimes called

With the Res t o r a t i o n and the reign of

C h a r l es II the Bo o k of Common Prayer was r e introduced after the S a v o y Conference,

and revision by Convocation.

A l t hough the structure

of the earlier Books of Common Prayer was m a i n tained the 1662 B o o k of 3 C o m m o n Prayer contained nearly six hundred detailed amendments. T h e effect of these being to move away from the more reformed position of the 1552 Book and to establish the A n g l i c a n via m e d i a .

For one hundred and thirteen years the shape of Ang l i c a n w o rship had been undecided. church,

In 1662 the two streams w ithin the national

those seeking a via media of m o derate re f o r m and those

s e eking further reform along Genevan lines divided.

The W e s t m i n s t e r

D i r e c tory of the Commonwealth period m arked the h igh-water mark of those seeking further reformation.

1.

Proctor,

F. and Frere, W. H.

2.

- W e stminster D i r e c t o r y .

3.

Proctor,

Henceforward,

1951.

those holding these

Op c i t .

p . 136 ff.

Op c i t .

p . 136 ff.

Op c i t .

F. and Frere, W. H.

1951.

i!'

290

/■

views were placed outside of the ranks of the E s t a b lished C h u r c h and joined the ranks of Non-Conformity.

Fr o m this point in time the

A n g l i c a nism of the Book of Common Prayer was to be the e s tablished form.

Indeed,

until recent years,

liturgical revision in the English

provinces of the Anglican church has proved to be very difficult.

The aims of the composers of the 1549 Bo o k of Co m m o n Prayer are contained in the Preface^ and in the section following, "Of Cer emonies

..."

The aims of the book,

entitled

set out in the Preface,

are to provide one Use for the whole Kingdom,

wh i c h w ould be orderly

but free from complex rules and written in the vulgar tongue.

Further,

that the contents of the book were to be the actual words of the Bible or entirely consonant with them and that n o thing the Bible were to be used in public worship.

but this book and

A key feature

services was to be the systematic reading of the whole Bible, English,

in public worship.

Latin. but,

blessings,

exorcisms,

Hit h er t o . t h e formulae,

readings,

be

hymns had all been in

Very largely these sacred words had B i b lical origins a l ready

being in Latin, were not understood by the ma j o r i t y of the

laity.

The Bible was now clearly enunciated as the source of all

sacred formulae and that these sacred words were the language of the people.

1.

in

The nature of the E n glish unde r s t a n d i n g

of the sacred word was clearly changing. they prayers,

of the

Brightman,

F. E.

Op c i t .

p.4 ff.

291

to be said

in English,

Concerning ceremonies used in public worship the compilers say that some,

in the past, have led to abuse but others,

h uman origin,

have led to godliness and good order.

alt h o u g h of Their overall

aim, as they saw it, was to reinstate the straightforward, order of the early Christian Church.

godly

This opening was retained in

the subsequent Anglican books of common prayer.

The opening sentence

of the 1662 Preface reads,^ "It hath been the wisdom of the Ch u r c h of England, ever since first compiling of the public liturgie to keep the mean between the two extremes." T h i s epitomises the Anglican view. m a t t e r s of great contention,

A number of symbolic actions were

the signing with the cross at Baptism,

the g iving of a ring in marriage and kneeling at the r e c eption of the e l e ments at Holy Communion.

2

These all had to do with the u n d erstanding 3

of the nature of the divine presence.

The so called "black rubric"

i l l u s trates the centre of contention.

It states,

"Whereas it is ordained in this Office for the A dministration of the L o r d ’s Supper,

that the

Communicants should receive kneeling

...

It is

hereby declared, That thereby no a d o ration is intended,

or ought to be done,

either unto the

Sacramental Bread and Wine there bodily received, or unto any corporal Presence of C h r i s t ’s natural flesh and blood

1.

Ibid.

2.

Proctor,

3.

Brightman,

..."

p . 27. F. and Frere, W. H. F. E.

Op c i t .

1954.

Vol.

2.

292

Op c i t . p . 725.

!

T h e r e were those who remained within the A n g l i c a n c hurch who, while seeking separation from Rome,

held to the traditional doctrinal

1 view

that Christ was physically present in the s a cramental elements,

At the other extreme were those seeking further r eform who saw the physical sign as a mere outward c onfir m a t i o n of what was inward and wi t h o ut which the sign meant nothing.

2

Th e Anglican vi e w was a

via m e d i a , as we have seen in an earlier chapter when c o n s i dering the presence of the divine and the c on s e c r a t i o n of church buildings. The A ng l i c a n understanding was that the physical could be a channel of the sacred but any close and exact con n e c t i o n was denied.

The major regular public service in the med i e v a l period,

the

M a s s is entitled "The Lord's Supper or Ho l y Communion" in all the books of common prayer.

This change of title was the result of a 3

c h anged theology relating to the rite. act.

It now became a corporate

The service in all the books of common prayer open with a

rubric to the effect that all who wish to c o mmunicate should notify the clergyman beforehand (people were not normally expected to c om m u nicate in the medieval period) and the 1552 and subsequent books contained a rubric,

stating that there should not be a c e l e ­

bration without communicants.

Althoug h the 1549 C o m munion S e rvice^

was structurally the same as the Sar u m Mass a fundamental and far-

1.

Dickens,

A. G.

2.

Proctor,

F. and Frere, W.

3.

Brilioth,

4.

Brightman,

5.

Y.

1976.

Op c i t .

F. E.

Op

cit. H.

chaps.

Op c i t .

I b i d . Vol. 2. p.638 ff. 1548 and 1552 structures.

p. 241. 1954.

Op c i t .

4, 5 and 6.

Vol.

2.

p. 715.

See appendix for outline of

i!<

293

r e a c h i ng change had taken place.

Previously,

the sa cred action on behalf of the people. Host by the priest Christ was present. u nited in the sacred action.

the priest had performed

At the ele v a t i o n of the

N o w clergy and people were

The service was in English,

the a c t i o n

c o r p o r a t e , a n d the climax was to be the r e c e ption of the e l e ments of bread and wine.

Both Mass and Holy C o m m u n i o n made a present r e ality

of the vital saving act of C h ristian history. enactment;

Th e Ma s s was a re­

the Anglican Holy C o mmunion was a r e membrance followed

by the s p iritual participation in the present blessings of that reality.

The actions of the minister,

with the laity, ma d e the

divine present but in an inward and spiritual manner. b e tween the actions were subtle but important.

The d i s t i n c t i o n s

The A n g l i c a n c l e r g y m a n

broke the bread and laid his hand on the chalice and paten but did not e l evate the host or genuflect as did his Catholic counterpart. T h e A n g l i c a n Prayer of C onsecration made it a mply clear that there had been one sacrifice and that this was a r e c a lling in order to participate.

As we have seen a similar interpr e t a t i o n was a p plied

in the r e q u i rement for the laity to kneel at the r e c eption of the elements.

The

1552 and 1662 Books of Common Prayer contain a rubric

i n s t r u c t i n g the clergy to say M o r ning and Ev e n i n g Prayer daily. In addition,

parish clergy are required to say the offices in ch u r c h

at a c o n v e n i e n t hour and to toll the bell in order to summon the laity to join them.

The opus dei had been the p r i e s t s ’ and m o n k s ’

duty d uring the medieval period.

In late pre-Ref o r m a t i o n times it

1

294

had become the practice of the secular clergy to say the daily offices in two blocks, one in the morning and one in the evening. in a series of drafts culminating in the 1549 book,

1

Cramner,

2

transformed the

seven medieval hour services into the prayer book services of M o r n i n g 3 and E v e n i n g Prayer.

The only subsequent major change to these two

services was the placing of a penitential opening in front of the two services.

Thus the opus dei passed from the

whole sacred community in modified form. G o d ’s W o r d as much as confession,

’r e l i g i o u s ’ to the

The emphasis was on hearing

praise and prayer.^

P r o v i s i o n was

also m ade for a sermon or for one of the homilies to be read.

Another feature of pre-Reformatio n w o rship incorporated into the books of common prayer was the L i ta n y . ^ 1544,

The E n g l i s h L itany of

with the invocation of the saints omitted,

was i n corporated

into the 1549 book and continued in the other books of c ommon prayer wi t h a few amendments.

The 1552 and 1662 books e njoin that it shall

be said at M o rning Prayer on Sundays, W e d n e s d a y s and Fridays.

The liturgical pattern,

which the prayer book reformers sought

to e s t a b l i s h was M o rning Prayer, Litany and H o l y C o m mu n i o n on Sundays and H o l y Days with Evening Prayer in the a f t e r noon,^

1.

Brightman,

2.

Wickham-Legg,

3.

Brightman,

F. E.

4.

Ibid.

pp.

131-133 (Exhortations).

5.

Ibid.

p . 174 ff.

6.

F. E.

Davies, W. H. description).

Op c i t .

J.

Vol.

(ed.). Op c i t .

1970.

Vol.

Op c i t .

Th e s e were to be

1.p.LXXVII. 1915.Op c i t . 1.

pp.

295

p . 126 ff.

215-216 (Contemporary

corporate services of clergy and laity.

In addition,

a daily recital of M o rning and Evening Prayer, two penitential days.

there wo u l d be

w i t h the L i t a n y on the

As we have seen, m e mbers of the laity, who

could, were to attend so that, we r e also to be corporate.

in aspiration at least,

these services

The two pivots of A n g l i c a n w o r s h i p were

to be the hearing of G o d ’s Word read and proclaimed and the r e c e ption of the sacraments.

In Anglican public w o rship there were to be two

points of theophany,

both spiritual,

the m e eting of Chr i s t in the

W o r d and the reception of Christ in the Holy Communion.

The latter half of the aspiration, C o m m u n ion failed to become a reality. for the religious elite, o ften only at Easter. proved difficult.^

the regular r e c e p t i o n of

The m e d ieval practice,

except

had been the rare r e c e ption of Communion,

Persuading people to change this practice

The 1552 Book of Co m m o n Prayer included an

e xh o r t ation in the Holy Communion which sought to persuade those

2 present to partake rather than gaze.

The 1662 Bo o k of C o m m o n Prayer

ad d e d an exhortation to be read out when a n n o uncing a f o r t h coming c el e b r ation of Holy Communion when people were failing to attend. The

1552 and 1662 Books of Common Prayer commanded that every

parishioner should communicate at least three times a year of w hich Eas t e r should be one.

3

This minimum became normal practice.

1.

Proctor,

F, and Frere, W. H,

2.

Brightman,

3.

Ibid.

4.

Lowther Clarke, W. K. and Harris,

F. E.

Op c i t .

1951.

Vol.

2.

Op c i t .

pp.

4

215-216.

p. 665 ff.

p . 719 ff. C.

Op c i t .

pp. 330-331.

I''

296

M o r n i n g and Evening Prayer, prayers,

the former with the litany and

became the normal pattern of A n g l i c a n worship.

’altar'

It was the

word w h i c h became the central point of divine presence and disclosure for Anglicans.

W h e n we remember the other a ctivities wh i c h were also

a b o l ished concerned with the c onsecrati o n of persons and things as well as ceremonies such as candles on C a n d l emass, Wednesday, Friday,

palms on Pa l m Sunday,

ashes on Ash

and C r e e p i n g to the C ross on Good

together with the whole ceremony of the Easter Sepulchre,^

the change becomes even clearer.

A uniting factor for those who looked for further r eform beyond the Book of Common Prayer was the c e n t rality of the Wo r d of God.

As we have seen in chapter two,

for both Luther

G o d ’s W o r d was the point of divine revelation. s tandp oint of most E n glish Dissenters.

2

and Ca l v i n

3

This too became the

Th i s was the one numinous 4

m o ment and place.

Vatja has suggested,

"Holy Scripture is the one and only foundation of L u t h e r ’s theology of worship

...

L u t h e r ’s

greatest concern in the reform of w o rship was the restoration of the Wo r d to its rightful place

...

the Word should have free course

among Christians."

1.

Proctor,

F. and Frere, W. H.

2.

Lee-Wolf, B. Lutterworth.

3.

Wendel,

4.

Vatja,

F. V.

1954.

Op c i t .

pp.

39-40.

(trans.). R eformation W r i t i n g s of M a r t i n L u t h e r . 1956. Vol. 6. p . 78. Op c i t .

Op c i t .

p . 160. p . 67.

,

I''

( 297

For the reformers God’s Word was not simply the reiteration of the words of the Bible but a proclamation of the Chr i s t i a n H e i l s g e s c h i c h t e in the present,

from the pulpit.

Vatja says,^ again of Luther,

’’... he insisted that the oral proclamation was the proper form of the Word.

O r i g inally

the Gospel was not a book but a s e r m o n . ’’ Sa c rament and proclamation were linked.

The sacrament p roclaimed the

2 N e w Covenant.

The remembrance of C h r i s t ’s death and passion at the 3

L o r d ’s Supper was a proclamation of His saving acts for mankind. The principles undergirding the efforts of those seeking further r e f o r m of public worship,

from the time of the first B o o k of C ommon

Prayer to that of 1662, were that it should centre around the preaching of G o d ’s W o r d and that it should not contain anything w h i c h could not be ob s erved and verified as scriptural p ractice.^

The practical implications of this belief both in terms of church government,

church discipline and the w o rship of the c hurch was

s y s t e m atically worked out by Calv i n at Geneva. this t radition in England,

The tran s m i s s i o n of

its establis h m e n t as the aut h o r i s e d form

during the C ommonwealth Period,

and its continu a t i o n in Post-

R e s t o r a t i o n Non-Conformity can be faily clearly traced.

1.

I b i d . p . 77.

2.

Ibid.

pp. 82-83.

3.

Ibid.

pp. 90-107, especially

4.

Davies,

W. H.

1970.

Op

cit.

p . 103. Vol.

298

1.

p . 258 ff.

The first steps of this process have been described by M a x w ell.^ Ca l v i n originally sought to e s tablish a w e ekly c e l e b ration of the

2 L o r d ’s Supper purpose.

but was frustrated by the Gen e v a n mag i s t r a t e s in this

Accordingly, M a xwell^ suggests that C a l v i n ’s 1545 Se r v i c e ^

was d erived from a ’d r y ’ mass developed by the Str a s s b o u r g reformers in 1539.

T h e central part of this service was the scripture reading

and sermon.

The key moment of revelat i o n is the sermon.

One can

also see C a l v i n ’s high view of God and the utter lostness of m a n . ^ The r e v e l a t i o n of the divine can only occur after very careful p e n i t ential preparation. on God,

M a n must realise his complete dependence

It is then that the sacred is revealed through the word.

The same understanding is appare n t in C a l v i n ’s 1545 order for the L o r d ’s Supper.^

C a l v i n ’s intention was that this should be

cel e b rated once a month after due and careful p r e paration.^ again,

preaching as the mode of divine rev e l a t i o n is central.

quote C a l v i n , ^ ’’... the devil introduced the manner of cel e b r a t i n g the Supper without any doctrine."

1.

M a xwell, W. D.

2.

Brilioth,

3.

M a xwell, W. D.

4.

Calvin,

J.

"La forme des prieres

5.

Calvin,

J.

1960.

Op c i t .

6.

Calvin,

J.

1545.

Op c i t .

7.

Brilioth,

8.

Reid,

Y.

Y.

J. K. S.

Op

cit.

Op c i t . Op

Op

p . 172.

cit.

Op c i t . cit.

pp. 33-35.

pp. 33-35. ..."

chaps.

p . 177. p . 161.

299

1-4.

Geneva.

1545.

Once To

He continues,

quoting Augustine,

"He thereby means

that the sacraments

take their virtue

from the Word, wh e n it

is preached intelligibly". Ca l v i n believed that given correct prep a ration of mind and heart there was a real receiving of Christ. parallels.

The outward

were parallelled, minister, Christ.

where

He saw this in terms of

and physical presence of min i s t e r there was correct preparation,

and elements

by the inward

the Holy Spirit and an inward and spiritual r e c e p t i o n of As Calvin^ says,

"...

the internal minister truly communicates

the thing proclaimed through the Word,

that

is Christ."

Some M a r i a n exiles returning to England, Elizabeth,

on the a c c e s s i o n of

brought Calvinist theology and wo r s h i p home wi t h them,

as well as Genevan views on C h urch government.

Alt h o u g h not large

2 in number

many were appointed to key positions in the E l i z a b e t h a n 3

church,

where they continued to w o r k for further reform.

In 1555 John Knox had become leader of the E n g l i s h c o m m unity in Ge n eva and in 1556 produced an Engli s h Service Book, c o m m u n i t y ’s use,

based on that of Calvi n . ^

1.

Ibid.

2.

Garrett,

C.

H.

The Marian E x i l e s .

3.

Dickens,

A.

G.

1967.

4.

Maxwell,

W.

D.

Op c i t .

for the

This service is

p . 173.

Op c i t .

C.U.P.

1938.

p . 386.

p . 18 and pp. 87-92.

I 11

300

,

s t r u c t u r a l l y and functionally the same as Calvin's.

A penitential

op e n i n g prepares the hearers for the mo m e n t of divine disclosure in the proclamation of the Word. Supper,

In his form of service for the L o r d ’s

Kno x again followed Calvin.^

It was to be a m o nthly

c e l e b r a t i o n following the normal m o rnin g service.

Knox,

i n s isted on preaching to accompany the sacrament.

A proper c onception

was essential to an effective reception,

like Calvin,

both sacred word and a ction

were necessary.

T h e liturgical work of those seeking further ref o r m in E n gland took two paths. secondly,

Firstly,

critiques of the Bo o k of Co m m o n Prayer and,

the formulation of acceptabl e forms of service for public

worship.

The most important critique,

and perhaps the best known,

was

2 3 the ’’First Admonition to P a r l i a m e n t ’’ wh i c h Frere and D o uglas call ’’T h e first open manifesto of the puritan p a r t y ’’.

The A d m o n i t i o n

deals wi t h many matters springing from the P u r i t a n s ’ central tenet that not only doctrine,

but patterns of c hurch w o rship and polity

should co n f o r m to that which was evident and shown as practised in the ’’Word of G o d ’’.^

From the point of view of the present discussion

their c o n cern over the absence of preaching and godly preachers is

1.

Ibid.

p . 51 and p . 121 ff.

2.

F r e r e , W. H. and Douglas,

3.

Ibid.

p.xi.

4.

Ibid.

See bottom pp.

C. E.

Op cit.

10-11.

301

i mportant.^

They wanted Parliament to "Appoint to every c o ngregation

2 a learned and diligent preacher".

Further,

W o r d administered with the sacraments, administered.

they sought to have the

wh i c h should be publicly

The A dmonition says,

"... which concerneth a d m i nistra t i o n of sacraments.

In the olde time,

the worde was

preached before they were admini s t e r e d

...

Then they were ministered in public 3 assemblies." T h e y also express their concern at the lack of

’f e n c i n g ’ of the L o r d ’s

Table.4

Those waiting for further reform had to wait a long time before they had a duly authorised public service book, to their views.

In the meantime,

d uring E l i z a b e t h ’s reign,

drawn up a c c o rding

En g l i s h Pur i t a n s exiled in Holland,

printed adap tions of K n o x ’s S e rvice Book.

Th e s e were the so called Waldegrave and M i d d l e b u r g books.^ former was used unofficially for a time, of N o r t h a m ptonsh ire.^ congregations.

until suppressed,

The in parts

The latter was used exc l u s i v e l y by exiled

6

1.

Ibid.

See bottom pp.

2.

Ibid.

p . 12.

3.

Ibid.

p . 13.

4.

Ibid.

p. 14.

5.

Davies , H.

Op cit.

6.

Ibid.

pp.

275-276.

11-12.

See also p . 102.

Vol.

1.

302

In the Mi d d l e b u r g book^ the place of the proclam a t i o n of God's W o r d is clear,

it is the central a c tivi t y of public services.

The

Lord's Supper is published as a separate service and it is recommended, in the o p e ning rubric,

that it should be celebrated once a month.

The lack of a sermon is explained by the fact that the Lord's Supper was celebrated,

almost certainly,

following the sermon in the normal

2 service.

M a r r i a g e s were to be solemnised before the Sermon,

and

3 the op ening rubric

of the service of baptism states clearly that

the s a cram e n t s of Baptism and the Lord's Supper^ are n ecessarily a n n e x e d to the preaching of the Word.

It also says that B a p t i s m

should occur on the day appointed for preaching and that it should take place in the congregation.

This was so that the con g r e g a t i o n

could be, "put in mind of the league and covenant made between God and us". The se rvice for the Lord's Supper also contains the long e x h o r t a t i o n 'fencing'

the L o r d ’s Table.

The fact that the composers of this book followed Gen e v a in seeing the proclaimed Word^ as the point of divine r e v e lation is

1.

P r i n t e d in Hall, P.Reliquiae Bath. Binns & Goodwin. 1847.

2.

Ibid.

Vol.

3.

Ibid.

p . 42.

4.

Ibid.

p . 51.

5.

Davies, W. H. 1970.

1.

Liturgicae.

5 vols.

p.62.

Op

c i t . Vol.

303

1.p . 294

ff*

e vident at other points in the book.

We have al r e a d y noticed that

the sacraments were linked to preaching.

Th e M a r r i a g e ceremony

was also linked to the preaching service.

M i n i s t e r s are also

instructed to meet once a week for the e x p o s i t i o n of the scriptures.^ Genevan influence can also be seen in the b o o k ’s ordinal. the e xhortation in the ordination services,

Throughout

for each of the orders,

is

the injunction to teach or enforce sound doctrine based on G o d ’s Word.

The struggle for a

’completely r e f o r m e d ’ liturgy was continued

2 by the Puritans in the seventeenth century.

Th o s e seeking this end 3

worked both from within and without

the e s t a b l i s h e d church.

During

the period of the L a u dian reforms in the 1 6 3 0 ’s con t r o v e r s y increased 4 which can be seen in the growth of both publ i c a t i o n s and prosecutions.

The success of the parliamentary forces in the C ivil War and the ensuing C ommonwealth enabled those who wis h e d to a c hieve a further reform^ to introduce further changes in ch u r c h order, liturgy.

The Presbyterians,

government and

who remained w i t h i n the est a b l i s h e d Church,

attempted to set up a completely Ge n e v a n style church polity. rulers of the Commonwealth, factions and,

however,

The

were a c o n g l o m e r a t i o n from various

particularly with the emergence of C r o mwell as the real

leader, a more variegated reform emerged.

1.

Hall, P.

Op c i t .

2.

Davies, W. H.

3.

Cross,

C.

Op c i t .

4.

Ibid.

pp.

180-198.

5.

Ibid.

pp.

201-206.

Vol.

Op c i t . pp.

1. Vol.

Th i s all o w e d freedom to

pp. 68-69. 2.

p . 333 ff.

169-174.

j i 'I

j':

304

other more radical groups,^ besides the Presbyterians, their church orders.

The A n glican system,

nevertheless,

d uring this period and C atholicism remained illegal. a b o l i s hed

2

and the higher clergy dismissed.

to set up was disbanded

E p i s c o p a c y was

In place of the B o o k of

C o m m o n Prayer a Parliamentary Directory of W o r s h i p was introd u c e d in 1644,^ as was mentioned earlier.

The Wes t m i n s t e r D i r e c t o r y ^ was drawn

up by a commission selected by Parliament and known as the W e s tm i n s t e r Assembly.

It consisted mainly of Presbyt e r i a n s supplemented by a

m i n o r i t y of Independents.

Some moderate E p i scopalians who were

invited to join the Assembly declined to do so.^ pr o duced a form of church government, of W o r s h i p . ^

The C o m m i s s i o n

two catechisms and the D i r ectory

The Directory was given Par l i a m e n t a r y approval on 7

3rd January,

1644.

The Preface to the Directory states that a l t hough the intention of the original reformers who drew up the B o o k of C ommon P rayer was good,

the book had fallen short of what was required.

In particular, O

it had caused "The great hindrance of the preaching of the Word". Accordingly,

say the authors,

1.

Ibid.

pp.

2.

Ibid.

pp. 201

3.

Ibid.

p . 202.

4.

Davies, W. H.

5.

Ibid.

6.

Leishman,

7.

Ibid.

p . 5.

8.

Ibid.

p . 11.

an entirely n e w book had to be devised.

207-218. and 203.

1970.

Op c i t .

Vol.

p.407. T.

Op c i t .

305

2.

p . 407.

An e x a m i nation of the contents illustrates that this book is a di r ectory of worship,

rather than a book of com m o n prayers.

outlines what should be done, and how,

It

but does not prescribe the

words that are to be used.

The "Order for the Public W o r ship of God"^ c o m m ences with an i n v o c ation by the minister and is followed by the reading of scripture,

the singing of a psalm and a prayer of confession.

comes the text and sermon.

Then

The sermon is followed by prayer and

i n t e r cession and the service completed by the r e c i t a t i o n of a further psalm.

The Directory orders that the sacram e n t s of Ba p t i s m and the L o r d ’s Supper are to take place, when celebrated, p salm and before the Blessing.

2

A l thou g h the service contains model

prayers of invocation and confession, use his own words.

after the last

it leaves the min i s t e r free to

There are notes of guidance as to the c o n g r e g a t i o n ’s

behaviour and demeanor,

on the reading of scriptures,

on h o w the

se r m o n is to be structured and directions as to a p p r o p r i a t e matters for prayer and intercession.

The times and frequency of celeb rating the L o r d ’s Supper are left to the ministers and church governors.

1.

Ibid.

p . 16.

2.

Ibid.

p . 39.

3.

Leishman, T.

Op c i t .

3

It is suggested that

p.49.

I I I M

306

there should be public preparation for the sacrament but no form of public exhortation is given for this, as in the Bo o k of C ommon Prayer. The order for the L o r d ’s Supper,

which like its predecessors was

linked to the preaching service,

commences with a ’f e n c i n g ’ of the

table.

That is a warning to the people not to come to the table

morally and spiritually unprepared. from 1 Corinthians blessing.

After the words of institution

11: 22 there is a prayer of t h anksgiving and

This is followed by the fraction and the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n

of the elements.

The service concludes with a short exhortation,

prayer of thanksgiving and a collection for the poor.

Once more,

directions rather than specific forms are given.

There is a model exhortation and prayer of thanksgiving. fixed words are those of Christ,

The only

to be used during the administration.

The table is to be decently covered and placed so that the c on gregation can sit around it.

The Directory orders that B a p tism is to be a public ordinance.^ The performance of the sacrament of Bap t i s m either by private person or in a private manner is forbidden.

It also commands that the

sacraments are always to take place in conjun c t io n wi t h the public proclamation of G o d ’s Word.

1.

Ibid.

The Directory is also clear that there

p.40.

307

are no other sacraments. It says,

Concer n i n g the S o l emnisation of M a r riage

1

"Although marriage be no sacrament, peculiar to the Church of God and similarly,

nor

..."

of burial that it is to be

"without any ceremony Some allowance,

however,

..."

is made for preaching on such an occasion,

"We judge it convenient that Chri s t i a n friends

... do apply themselves to

meditation and conference suitable to the occasion,

and that the minister

...

2 put them in remembrance of their duty."

The

family resemblance

of The

Knox, Waldegrave and M iddleburg are apparent.

Dir e c t o r y to

is unmistakable.

those of Calvin, Only minor changes

Like its predecessors it indicates that the sacred

will be revealed through the sacred word.

To prepare

the way for the rest o ration of the monarchy,

Charles II issued the "Declaration of Breda" This declaration

on 4th April,

1660.

gave the Presbyteria n s some hope. Th e y were

granted

an i n terview with Charles and presented a document containing proposals which they thought necessary for a comprehensive settlement.

1.

I b i d . p.55.

2.

Ibid.

p.68.

308

The proposals listed the key objections wh i c h those seeking further reform of the Book of Common Prayer and the A n g lican c h urch polity had wanted since the earliest Elizabethan times.^ were, however,

The Presbyt e r i a n s

prepared to accept episcopacy and a common prayer book

within this new order.

The Independents,

by this time, had rejected

both of these items and took no part in the discussions.

2

The sequal to these preliminary discussions was the Savoy 3 Conference of 1661.

The Presbyterian o b j e ctions to the Bo o k of

4 Common Prayer were drawn up in great detail: and presented to the bishops.

The latter,

concessions.^ liturgy.^

however,

were unwilling to make any substantial

In the meantime, Baxter was preparing an a l ternative

It was drawn up in fourteen days,

a point on which it

has often been criticised but, as Davies^ points out, Baxter was in fact committing to print what had been his practice at Kidderm i n s t e r for many years. changes,

B a x t e r ’s liturgy was accepted,

with a few minor

by the Presbyterians but rejected by the Savoy Conference.

The 1662 Book of Common Prayer while re instating A n g lican worship

1.

Davies,

2.

Ibid.

p . 142.

3.

Ibid.

p . 146 ff.

4.

Ibid.

H.

pp.

5.

Ibid.

6.

Davies, H.

7.

Ibid.

1948.

Op c i t .

pp.143-145.

146-148.

p . 153. 1970.

Op c i t . Vol.

2.

p.426.

p.427.

I >1

309

is not without some minor marks of C o m m o n w e a l t h P e r i o d influence.^

2 The Savoy Liturgy as B a x t e r ’s book is known,

was r e p r inted by Hall.

3 B a x t e r ’s book

and the services it contains is clearly Ca l v i n i s t

in its fundamental theology.

It does,

nevertheless,

freedom to use his own words in many places and, atives, makes concessions to the Independents. the content of the services,

by providing a l t e r n ­ Al s o by l e n g t hening

providing set forms and including such

things as a service of thanksgiving at childbirth, Anglican sensibilities.

Despite the foregoing,

Anglican nor Independent,

a l l o w the m i n i s t e r

it was Calvinist.

it does a l l o w for

it was neither

It went to great lengths

to support every item by.scriptual references.

It did,

however,

move

away from Calvin a little in lessening the emp h a s i s on m a n ’s creatureliness and divine sovereignty by bringing in many elements of adoration.

The pattern of detailed con f e s s i o n of original and

particular sin to be found in the introdu c t i o n s to earlier Puritan liturgies is also modified.

B a x t e r ’s liturgy, while having no real e ffect on official Anglican practice,

does indicate the d e v e loping pattern of one

strand of English post-Reforraation worship.

Th e A n g l i c a n Book of

Common Prayer of 1662 was imposed very firmly and non- c o n f o r m i n g

1.

e.g. The Service of Prayers for those at Sea.

2.

Hall, P.

3.

Ibid.

Op c i t .

Vol.

4.

p.80 ff.

310

clergy and congregations underwent conside r a b l e hardships immediately after

1662.^

This situation continued until

the first Tolera t i o n Act.

1689 and the passing of

In that year Non- C o n f o r m i s t s were allowed

f r eedom to worship and the inevitabili t y of public div i s i o n acknowledged,

2 Davi e s compromise,

is of the opinion that the failure of B a x t e r ’s a t t e mpted together with the harsh imposition of the subsequent

A n g l i can settlement,

led to the rejection of written liturgies amongst

all types of non-conforming Protestants.

In his view,

extempore

prayer and liturgical freedom became the h a l l m a r k of Non-Conformity.

The characteristic of those groups,

following the pattern of

R a dical P r otestant Dissent as seen in their worship, on the S p i r i t ’s leading.

Thus,

was the emphasis

they rejected set forms of w o rship or 3

prayers and also the unique role of the minister. of the first English Baptist group, ’’We alreddy as in prayinge,

Helwys,

leader

explained,

so in prophesinge

and singinge Psalmes lay aside translacion, and even suppose yt will prove the truth, that All bookes even the originelles themselves must be laid aside in tyme of spirituall worshipp,

1.

Watts, M. R.

2.

Davies,

3.

L e tter dated 20/9/1608 quoted in Davies, W. H. 1970. Op c i t .Vol.

W. H.

Op c i t .

yet still retayninge

chaps. 3 and

4.

1948. Op c i t .p . 161.

1.

p . 340.

i

1 !

311

the reading and interpretinge of the Scriptures in the Churche for the p reparinge to worshipp,

judging the doctrine,

decindinge

of controverseries as the grounds of or faith or whole profession." Da vies^ suggests that Baptists made three cont r i b u t i o n s to English S e p a r a t i s t s ’ worship.

B e l i e v e r s ’ Baptism,

of wo rship and running,

or interpolated,

opposi t i o n to set forms e x p o s i t i o n of the Bible.

During the Commonwealth period several other radical groups e m erged in England

2

but one which has persisted and shared much of

the B aptist view of authority and reve lation in m a tters of the 3 divine was the Society of Friends.

Watts suggests that ma n y of

F o x ’s ideas were common among radicals in the s i x t e e n - f o r t i e s . ^ Fo x believed in the priority of the leading of the Spirit over the letter of the scriptures,^ a similar view to that of the Baptists.

The point of liturgical division between B a p tists and

F r iends was that of outward ceremonies and signs.

Both groups

emp h a sised that true reality lay wi t h the interior experience of the divine. L o r d ’s

The Baptists,

however,

kept the outward signs of the

Supper and Believers' Baptism, which the Quakers rejected.

1.

Davies , W. H.

1970.

Op cit.

2.

Watts, M. R.

Op cit.

chap,

3.

Ibid.

p . 186 ff.

4.

Ibid.

pp.

189-192.

5.

Ibid.

pp.

189-191.

Vol. 2.

312

W i t h the advent of the Quakers the revolution was complete.

There

was now no particular external means by which the sacred was revealed, the d i scovery of the sacred was internal,

individual and personal.

General Baptists and Quakers both e x e rcised c o nsiderable f r eedom in their practice of worship.

A picture of the General Baptists'

w o r s h i p is available from a letter describing the practice in H e l w y s ’ c o n g r e g a t i o n in Holland in 1608.

He writes,^

’’The order of worshippe and government of our church is 1. we begynne wit h a prayer,

after

reade some one or two chapters of the bible, gyve the sence thereof, same,

and confer upon the

that done we lay aside oure books,

and

after a solemne prayer made by the 1. speaker, he propounds the same text out of the Scripture,

and prophecieth owt of the same,

by the space of one hower or three quarters of an hower.

After him standeth up a 2.

speaker and prophecieth owt of the said text the like time and space, some tyme lesse. and the 5 etc.,

some tyme more

After h i m the 3 and 4 as the tyme will give leave.

T h e n the 1.speaker concludeth with prayer as he began with prayer,

with an exortation to

c o ntribute to the poore,

1.

Davies, W. H.

1970.

wch collection

Op c i t .

Vol.

2.

pp.

501-502. I

313

being made is also concluded with prayer

...

last of all the execution of the government of the church is handled." We do not possess a description of the early General B a p t i s t s ’ c elebration of the L o r d ’s Supper but the G e neral Baptist C o n f e s s i o n of Faith of 1651^ makes it clear that they held a mem o r i a l i s t view, "The Lord Jesus took bread ... which practice is left upon record as a memorial of His suffering to continue in the C hurch until His coming again." We know,

also that the General Baptists incorporated into the L o r d ’s

2 Supper two actions recorded in the Gospels, by other denominations at that time,

not generally practised

those of feet w a shing and the

love-feast or a g a p e .

The most striking difference between General Ba p t i s t s and other Protestants,

whether Anglican or Non-Conformist,

was their practice

of adult public baptism by aspersion or immersion in public rivers 3 or ponds.

As Davies

indicates,

this was an act of public i conoclasm

challenging both Anglican and Puritan practice and order.

As has been previously stated both General Baptists and Quakers agreed on the complete inwardness of religion.

1.

Ibid.

p.503.

2.

Ibid.

p.504.

3.

Ibid.

p.505.

The B a p tists kept

'''

314

certain outward signs and sought in these to c o nform to what they conceived as being the biblical pattern of things.

The Society of

1 Friends,

however,

an early Quaker,

rejected outward signs in worship.

Barclay,

said,

"All true and acceptable worship to God is offered in the inward and immediate moving and drawing of His own Spirit, w hich is neither limited to places, or persons. praises,

All other worship then,

times both

prayers and preaching wh i c h man

sets about in his own will, own appointment,

and at his

which he can both begin

and end at his pleasure,

do or leave

undone as he himself sees meet:

whether

they be prescribed form as a liturgy or prayers conceived e x t e m p o r a r i l y , by the natural strength and faculty of the mind;

they are all but superstitious,

will worship and abominable idolatry in the sight of God; denied,

which are to be

rejected and separated from the

day of His spiritual arising." F r o m its outset Quaker worship set store by silence. individuals might sing psalms, centre of Quaker worship was,

1.

read scripture,

Al t h o u g h

exhort and pray,

and always has been,

the wai t i n g upon

Barclay, R. Apology for the True Chr i s t i a n D i v i n i t y . 1678. chap. XI.

315

the

the Inner Light.

In this seeking of the divine presence there had

never been division of person or sex.^ cannot be a particular sacred act.

Thus for the F r iends there

God is not present in the

particular but forever ready to be discovered inwardly and in everything.

As the revelation of the sacred is inward,

have never had any sacraments or sacramental worship.

2

the Friends Th e only

outwards form that has ever existed was the exchange of vows and signing of the contract at a marriage, actions.

wh i c h are civil and secular

3

The Counter-Reformation brought about u niformity and conformity in the Mass.^

The attempt was made to r egain the pristine Mass of

G r e g o r y ’s Rome.^

The effect of the Council of T r e n t ’s deliberations

and the issue of Pope Pius V ’s missal was, as Howell says,^ "From 1570 onwards the liturgy en tered a period of stagnation.

Nothing in the liturgy

itself could be changed or developed.

Every

word printed in black had to be uttered, every action printed in red had to be performed.

Thus,

and thus only, was the

Mass to be celebrated,

and a vigilant Sacred

Congregatio n of Rites ensured that it was so."

1.

Davies, W. H.

1970.

Op c i t .

Vol.

2.

pp.

511-521.

2.

Ibid.

p.520.

3.

Ibid.

p.521.

4.

Jones, C,

5.

Theisen, R. Mass Liturgy and the Council of T r e n t . St. John's U niversity Press. C o l l e g e v i l l e , Minnesota. 1965. p . 30. , 1 ,

6.

Jones, C.

Op c i t .

et.

al.

pp.

241-243.

Op cit.

p . 244.

316

j.

The effect of this on Catholic Liturgy is made apparent in Fortescue and O ’C o n n e l l ’s book^ on the ceremonies of the Roman Rite w hich has over two hundred and fifty pages devoted to describing the ceremonies

2 of the Mass and twenty-one ground plans.

As H owell

once again says,

"In one sense it is true to say that there is no history in the Mass liturgy between the Councils of Trent and of Vati c a n II. There is history only of the ways in which the Tridentine liturgy was performed. The 1570 Mi ssal fixed the texts and rites, and the Sacred Congregation of Rites was founded for the express purpose of preventing any changes." The C o u n t e r -Reformation

Mass,

therefore remained what

predecessor had become,

an entirely clerical affair.

its m e d ieval The laity

were

to attend and be present and to give devout a t t e n t i o n at the consecration, 3 otherwise they could pursue their own private devotions.

The renewal of Catholic piety was one of the marks of the C o unter4 Reformation.

One popular m anifestatio n of this was the growth of the

devotion to the Sacred Heart. popular level,

This renewal of devotional life,

at a

also manifested itself in the devotions at Mass.

The

1.

Fortescue, A. and O ’Connell, J. The Cer e m o n i e s of the Roman Rite d e s c r i b e d . Burns, Oates & Washbourne. 1958.

2.

Jones,

C.

3.

Ibid.

p . 244.

4.

Dickens,

e^.

A. G.

Op c i t .

1968.

p . 241.

Op c i t .

chaps. V and XI.

317

laity,

havi n g no part in the action,

a n d provided with,

needed to be i nstructed in,

suitable private devotions.

A good number of

I r e c u s a n t publications, centuries,

during the sixt e e n t h and s eventeenth

were manuals of instructions for devotions in and

2 a r o u n d the Mass.

Two examples of such w r iting are H e i g h a m ’s 3

A D e v o ut E x p o s i t i o n of the Holy Masse and R icheome's

Holy Pictures

of the M y s t i c a l l Figures of the most Holy Sacrifice and S a c r a m e n t . H e i g h a m goes through the Mass,

item by it e m and phrase by phrase,

i n t e r p r e t i n g its meaning for the lay person. series of Old and N e w Testament incidents

(his

Richeome takes a ’p i c t u r e s ’) such

as the Pascal Lamb, Manna in the desert. Mir a c l e of the Five loaves and two fishes and bases meditations of the Mass on these for his readers.

Dix , ^ as was mentioned earlier,

has suggested that the

fou r f o ld shape of the liturgy was complete by the M i d d l e Ages. He f u rther sugges ts that subsequent growth of the liturgy was by the a d d i t i o n of previously external devotional mat e r i a l . ^

The

ef f e c t of the 1570 Roman Mass was to encourage the further de v e l o p ­ me n t of such addi ti o n a l and external material.

This was particularly

true with regard to the adoration of Ch rist present in the Sacrament, r e s e r v ed on the altar in the T a b e r nacle . ^

The Catholic view of the

1.

M a n y are r eprinted by the Scolar Press in their Early R e cu s a n t Li t e r a t u r e series.

2.

Heigham, Douay.

3.

A Devout Exposition of the Ho l y M a s s e .

Richeome, L. Holy Pictures of the M y s t i c a l l Figures of the mo s t Holy Sacrifice and S a c r a m e n t . 1619.

4.

Dix,

5.

Ibid.

6.

J, A. 1614.

D o m G. pp.

O ’Connell,

Op c i t . 524-525.

J.

p.522. '

Op c i t .

chaps.

9 and

318

11.

presence of the sacred is particularly e mphasised in these practices. M u c h of the polemic or didactic writing of the recusant priests was concerned with maintaining the reality of C h r i s t ’s corporal presence in the sacrament.

1

For instance,

Peter C a nasius wrote,

2

’’This Sacrament contains thrie things, the visible formes,

the veritie of our

l o r d ’s bodie and blood,

and ye verteu

of spiritual grace." 3 Becanus,

writing of the real presence of Christ in the sacrament says

that there are four ways in which He is present,

by faith,

signified

as present by bread and wine,

by spiritual wo r k of signs of faith,

and C h r i s t ’s actual presence.

He goes on to say that it is in the

last of these four ways that the contro v e r s y lies.

It is now possible to examine how the w o r k of the C o uncil of Trent, affected the structure of the M e d i e v a l Mass.

As Th e i s e n

suggests the C o u n t e r -Reformation Mass sought to correct abuses but 4 not to institute any basic changes. "The Council conceived its task as one of purification.

It wished to eliminate

superstitions - legendary texts which were found in votive mass formularies.

1.

See various volumes in Scolar Press, L i terature series.

2.

Canasius,

3.

Becanus, M.

P.

Ane C a t é c h i s m e .

Ea r l y Recusant

1588.

A Controversy in which the C o m m u n i o n of C alvin

is wholly overthrowne and the reall presence of C h r i s t ’s Body in the Eucharist C o n f i r m e d . 1614. 4.

Theisen,

R.

Op c i t .

p . 110.

319

orations,

tropes,

sequences and prefaces.

The way the Council chose to eliminate these abuses and to prevent their re­ appearance was the formation of a u n iform missal." In achieving this latter aim Theisen says that the reformers sought to return to the practice of the apostles^ both in verbal formulations and ceremonies.

This,

they felt, was encapsu l a t e d in the pristine

practice of the C hurch in Rome.

2

3 The outline of the 1570 Mass was as follows: Preparatory prayers. *Introit (and kiss altar). Kyrie and (usually) Gloria. *Collect(s). ^Epistle (or lesson). ^Gradual and Alleluia or Tract. Munda cor meum. ^Gospel. Creed (sometimes). ^Offertory verse. Preparatory offering of bread and wine. Lavabo.

1.

Ibid.

pp.

20-36, 30 ff, 66 and 82.

2.

Ibid.

p.111.

3.

O'Connell, J. and Finsberg, H. P. R. (eds.). The M i s s a l in Latin and E n g l i s h . Burns, Oates & Washbourne. 1949.

| I 'I

320

Prayer to Trinity and "Orate fratres

..."

*Secreta. ^Preface. Canon. Pater Noster

... and Libera nos.

Fraction. Agnus Dei

...

Preparation for Communion. Communion. Ablutions. (*items thus marked vary in content with the day - the "Proper of the Mass").

A c o m parison of this with the Medieval Mass, chapter,

outlined earlier in this

show that they are virtually the same.

The Tridentine High Mass varied from this L o w Mass in three ways,

preliminary asperging at the principal Mass on Sundays,

censing of the altar, finally,

the

sacramental elements and participants and,

a variety of ministers,

including priest,

deacon and sub­

deacon.

The exigencies of the English situation during the penal period meant that the full Roman ceremonial could rarely be performed L o w M a ss with a portable altar could easily be celebrated anywhere.

321

Only the priest needed to vest^ and his liturgical require m e n t s were

2 minimal.

The frontispiece of H e i g h a m ’s book

concerning such a Mass.

The priest,

altar which has two candlesticks,

provides evidence

in a chasuble,

is before an

a crucifix and a Mass book.

There

are two further candles in floor-stands by the altar and a wooden stool holding the cruets.

The server appears to be in lay dress.

3 Two Mass books, seventeenth century.

both abbreviated,

still exist from the early

One of them also contains the sacramental

rites such as Baptism.

The Missal P a rv u m pro S a c erdotibus provides

the T ridentine Mass in the Low Mass form.

S o m e thing of the situation

in wh i ch it was used is indicated in the section,

"praeparatio ad

missam" where "pro opportunitate sacerdotibus facienda" is added. The section concerned with the propers is also indicative of the restricted liturgical opportunities of the penal period.

The propers

of time cover the main Christological Calendar but the propers of the saints are severely restricted as are the Votive Masses. section headed "various prayers"

(Orationes D i v e r s a e ) also indicate

the pastoral needs of an underground church, for the sufferings of saints,

The

they include prayers

persecutors of the Ch u r c h and for

those in trials and tribulations.

1.

Bossy, J.

2.

Heigham, J, Op c i t . Bellarmine, R. A Short C a t é c h i s m e .

3.

Op c i t .

p . 121 ff.

1614.

pp. 56,

68 and 91.

Missale P a rvum pro Sacerdotibus in A nglia I t i n e r a n t i b u s . Ordo etiam baptiandi ... S. Oraer. 1623. M i ssae aliquot pro Sacerdotibus Itinerantibus in A n g l i a . Ex missale Romano reformatio. S. Omer, 1615.

322

English Catholic manuals of the s i x teenth and seventeenth century are at great pains to teach the real physical presence of Christ in the Sacrament.^

The community are at a physical point

of divine presence even though it was not located in a recognisable public place of worship,

a duly consecrated church.

The choir offices,

contained in the Breviary,

a clerical matter. devotions,

remained entirely

The attendance at Mass, wi t h the appropriate

was the central act of lay worship.

2

As Catholics

became emancipated in England further devotions could develop centred on the sacrament reserved in the tabernacle on the altar.

For English Catholics,

since the Counter-Reformation,

their

public place of worship has been a place in w hich the central activity has been sacred action.

All has been centred on the Mass

and within this on the action of making the divine present within the elements and re-offering the cosmic sacrifice. actions and words,

however,

All other

sacred have been secondary to this.

The insights of the Liturgical Movement,

wh i c h were described*

in chapter two, have also changed the e m p hases with regard to sacred action and word as they have the other forms of the sacred.

1.

Canasius, P.

Certayne Necessarie Pri n c i p l e s of R e l i g i o n .

1568/9. 2.

Bossy, J.

Op c i t .

p . 131.

323

The new Anglican services in the A l t e r n a t i v e Services Book reflect this,

especially in the services for the Holy Communion,

These services are in modern English. are said corporately.

At several points the prayers

Only the Collect,

Absolution, P rayer of

C onsecration and the Blessing are said by the president alone, other parts may

be delegated to others.

service, at the

Peace and at the Prayer of Cons e c r a t i o n the president

and c o ngregation greet each other. minister is called the president, role.

At

the

the beginning of the

It is noteworthy that the thus emphas i s i n g his corporate

The Rite A Communion Service res tores the traditional structure

lost in C r a m n e r ’s re-ordering of the se rvice in 1552. around what Dix Eucharist.

calls the original two part

These are called the L i turgy of

of the Sacrament.

They do, however,

It is ordered

nucleus of Synaxis and the Word and the L i turgy

co ntain within them the second

stratum material of Introduction and Thanksgiving.

In addition,

C r a m n e r ’s preparation of 1548 is retained in a m odern form with alternative locations.

The Rite A Service of Ho l y C o m m u n i o n commences

with a section called The Preparation.

This starts wi t h a greeting

and response and continues with the Col l e c t for H e arty Purity, Prayers of Penitence, the Day.

Kyrie, Gloria and finishes with the C o llect of

The next section is entitled The Mi n i s t r y of the Word.

It begins with an optional Old Testament reading, Gospel.

These may be interspersed with psalms,

the E p istle and

canticles or hymns.

Next comes the Sermon followed by the N icene Creed on Ho l y Days,

1.

Ibid.

p . 132 ff.

324

intercessions.

Prayers of Penitence if not said in the P r e p a r a t i o n

and the Prayer of Humble Access. of the Sacrament, Table,

The final section. The M i n i s t r y

commences with the Peace, Pre p a r a t i o n of the

Offering and Offertory Prayer.

comes the Eucharistie Prayer,

which is in three sections which are

i n t e r s persed with acclamations. P ra y e r s are provided.) Fraction,

After a greeting and response

(Four a l t e r native Eucharistie

This is followed by the L o r d ’s Prayer,

Agnus Dei (which is optional),

the elements.

and the d i stribution of

The service concludes with a Post - C o m m u n i o n Prayer,

B l e s s i n g and Final Greeting and Response.

This structure shows

that sacred word and action have an equal and related importance and that they are related to corporate activity. a similar structure and is in modern language.

Rite B follows The ma i n d ifference

being that the internal matter of prayers is traditional.

Apart from being in modern English and having additional canticles. M o rning and Evening Prayer remain unaltered.

This

i n d i cates the lesser place that they have in mo d e r n A n g l i c a n worship. N o w a d a ys ma n y Anglican churches have made the Holy C o m m u n i o n their m a i n parish service and sacred word and ac t i o n are once more linked and r e ceiving equal emphasis within the c o m m u n i t y ’s central liturgical activity.

The various forms of sacred word,

prayer,

sermon,

scripture,

creed and blessing are conjoined with sacred action wh i c h incorpo r a t e s sacrifice,

sacrament and covenant renewal.

325

In the case of non-conformist chu rches there are problems because of the lack of written liturgies.

It wo u l d take a considerable study

involving a great deal of personal observ a t i o n to be able to speak authoritatively.

The liturgical re-ord e r i n g of non-con f o r m i s t churches

indicates that changes are taking place. churches,

however,

Two major non-conf o r m i s t

the United Reformed C h u r c h of England and Wales

and the Methodist Chur c h have published Books of Services.

Although the United Reformed Chur c h B o o k of Services allows the minister and congregation to have an extempore service notes are given on the order of worship which clearly indicate the structure to be followed.

The printed Order of W o r s h i p follows this structure

supplying forms of words.

The note given on the pattern of worship

is of interest.^ "This order of worship consists of two parts: 'The Word and the prayers' and the C o m m u n i o n ’.

and

'The Tha n k s g i v i n g

Because the normative order

for worship in the Reformed tradition is a service of word and sacrament,

what follows is

offered as a pattern for the main Sunday worship in our churches," This is both in agreement with what Cal v i n hoped to a c hieve and in line with the thinking of the Liturgical Movement.

1.

United Reformed Church of England and Wales. A Book of S e r v i c e s . St. Andr e w Press. 1980.

p . 10.

j‘ '

326

I

The first part of the U n ited Ref ormed C h u r c h Service is called 'The Word and The Prayers'.

It begins with a greeting and response

and continues with a sentence from scripture, hymn or psalm,

a prayer of approach,

confession and words of assurance, Gl o r i a or Kyrie,

and a collect for grace.

Then follows the Old T e s t a m e n t and Ne w

T e s t a m e n t lessons with psalm, and the Sermon.

canticle,

hymn or an t h e m between them

This part is completed wi t h a hymn,

notices,

any

special acts such as Baptism or O rdinat i o n and then intercessions. The s econd part is called'The T hanksgi v i n g and The Communion'.

This

begins wi t h an invitation and the Gracious W o r d s followed by the Peace.

After the Offertory there is a hymn.

N a r r a t ive of the Institution,

Next comes the

Statement of Intention,

a greeting and

re s ponse then the T h a n ksgiving Prayer which includes the T r i s a g i o n and Acclamations.

There are three alt e r native versions of this

prayer as well as seasonal prefaces.

The P rayer of T h a n k s g i v i n g is

con c l uded by the Lord's Prayer after which the elements are distributed.

The service concludes with an acclamation,

C o m m u n i o n Prayer,

Post-

a hymn. Dismissal and Blessing.

The r e are propers for the season at the beginning and end of the s ervice and, as has been mentioned,

at the T h a n k s g i v i n g Prayer.

The s easons observed are the main Chri s t o l o g i c a l ones together with All Saints,

Harvest and N e w Year.

that of the Joint Liturgical Group.

The C a l endar and Lec t i o n a r y is It is therefore the same as

the A n g l i c a n Alternative Services Book.

The collects,

and p o s t - communion sentences of scripture are not,

327

introductory

however,

included,

The book reflects various trends.

A move towards the Lit u r g i c a l

M o v e m e n t wi t h an emphasis on the centra l i t y of the C o m m u n i o n service, a co n c ern about pastoral matters in a secular society, of a civil marriage, some matters,

e.g.

blessing

and a move towards a less radical vi e w about

for instance a service to dedicate a c h urch is provided.

Like the A n glican Alternative Services B o o k it places a greater e m p h a s i s on sacred action than in the past.

Alt h o u g h the sign of the cross and

the g iving of a lighted candle at baptism are still firmly excluded, rings are exchanged at marriage, f r a ction at communion,

there is a clear rubric for the

ordination is by laying on of hands and there

is the provision for the laying on of hands for the sick.

Also by

the ma ny services it provides the areas where sacred act i o n and word are a p p r o priate are extended.

The Meth o d i s t Service Book^ shows many of the trends visible in the Angl i c a n and United Reformed C h u r c h ’s recent service books. The M e t h o d i s t church is perhaps different to the other,

earlier,

N o n - C o n f o r m i s t Ch urches in that the division wi t h the C h u r c h of En g l a n d aro s e on grounds of religious e x p e rience and piety in the first instance rather than doctrine or c hurch polity.

Accordingly,

the i n troduction to the Service Book em p h asises the influence that the 1662 B o o k of Common Prayer has had on M e t h o d i s t liturgy.

It

states that the Communion Service of the 1936 Book of O f fices was vir t u a lly that of the Book of Common Prayer.

1.

It acknowledges,

The Metho d i s t Conference. The M e th o d i s t Service B o o k . M e t h o d i s t P ub lishing House. 1975.

328

however,

the effect of the Ecumenical M o v e m e n t and liturgical research

and states that the book^ "... will serve as a link not only with the Church of England but with other communions also."

Regarding the main worship of the c hurch on a Su n d a y the Book of Services says, "The worship of the Church is the offering of praise and prayer in which G o d ’s Word is read and preached,

and in its fullness

it includes the L o r d ’s Supper,

or Holy

Communion." The service is to be congregational, various activities and actions.

laymen are to share in the

Normal l y an ordained m i n ister will

preside but a duly accredited layman may do so as well.

The service has three sections wh i c h c orrespond to the same parts in the Anglican Rite A.

The first part is called The Preparation.

It commences with the Collect for Heart P urity and continues wi t h the Commandments (which are optional), Words,

the C o n f e s s i o n and Comfor t a b l e

the Collect for the Day and finishes wi t h a hymn.

part is called The Mini s t r y of the Word. Te s tament reading,

or the Epistle,

The next

It begins w i t h an Old

or both.

T h e n comes a hymn followed

by the Gospel and the Sermon. Next there are intercessions and the

1.

Ibid.

p.viii.

329

L o r d ’s Prayer and the section finishes with the Grace and Dismissals. Th e third and last part is entitled The L o r d ’s Supper. with the Peace and the recital of the N icene Creed. a hymn is sung, set.

It starts

Then,

while

the elements are brought and prepared and the table

There is a single Prayer of T h a n k s g i v i n g which is said next.

After this comes the Breaking of the Bread and the D i s t r i b u t i o n of the Elements. Blessing.

The service concludes wi t h a final hymn,

prayers and

No prefaces of season are in c luded alt h o u g h the 1936 Ser v i c e

w hich is included as an alternative does contain them.

The collects,

lessons and psalms are those of the Joint Lit u r g i c a l Group. readings are given for Watchnight,

A l de r s g a t e Sunday,

Special

Edu c a t i o n

Sunday, Harvest T h a n ksgiving and similar occasions.

The Metho d i s t book reflects the o r igins of M e t h o d i s m in a c o m b i nation of Anglicanism and evangelical e x p e rience but also shows the convergence whi c h the Liturgical Mo v e m e n t is bringing about. The C o mmunion is set forth as the central sacred action. to be central and other sacred actions such as Ordination,

This is Baptism

and Confirmation are to take place with i n this corporate action. T his is also the trend of the Roman Cat holic Services wh i c h have emerged since the Second Vatican Council,

wh i c h we shall n o w examine.

For Roman Catholics the Mass has always been the central act of worship and had become primarily a sacred act i o n done on behalf of the laity. Protestants,

W h ereas the Liturgy of the W o r d was paramount among the proclamation being the key point of revelation,

330

for

C atholics it was the Liturgy of the Sac r ament c u l m i nating in the consecration of the elements which was the m oment of sacred revelation. The Mass had from very early days in Rome been in Latin and the Consecration Prayer unaltered since the time of Gr e g o r y the Great. The fact that the Mass is now said in E n g l i s h as a c o n g regational rite and that there are four Eucharisti e Prayers is indicative of a considerable change.

The present English Mass for Cath o l i c s is divided into three sections which parallel those of the Me t h o d i s t and A n g l i c a n services. The first part is called The Introducto r y Rite.

It begins with the

Entrance of the Ministers during which a hymn may be sung and then the altar is reverenced and may be censed as well.

After the

Invocation of the Trinity which is acco m p a n i e d by the Sign of the C ross there is a greeting and response followed by the Cor p o r a t e Rite of P e nitence (for which alternatives are provided). w i t h silent prayer and a collect. of the Word.

The section ends

The next part is called the L i t u r g y

It starts with a scripture reading followed by a psalm.

This can be followed by an optional second reading.

Th e n comes the

A l l eluia or Chant during whi c h the minister bows and prays quietly before the reading of the Gospel. B o o k may be processed, acolytes,

Before the reading,

the Gospel

accompanied by lighted candles held by

then censed and the Sign of the Cross made.

B o o k is kissed after the reading.

The Gospel

This section is c o m p leted by the

Sermon, Nicene Creed (on the prescribed days) and intercessions. The last part is called the Liturgy of the Eucharist.

331

This commences

with the Offertory and Altar Preparati o n during wh i c h the elements and the people may be censed.

Next comes the Lavabo and the

C o r p orate Offering of the Sacrifice. E u charistie Prayers,

Th e r e are four a l ternative

together with the Seasonal Prefaces.

The

ensuing items are termed the Communion Rite wh i c h consists of the Lord's Prayer, Peace, of the elements.

Commixture,

Agnus Dei and finally the reception

The last items of this part of the service are

called the Concluding Rite and include announcements.

D i s m issal and

Blessing.

It will be seen that the basic structure of the m o d e r n Roman Rite is similar to those previously outlined of P r o t estant origin. Alt h o ugh there are some detailed disparities such as the point at wh i c h the Peace is exchanged.

One major difference,

differences of theological emphasis,

apart from

is the far greater number of

symbolic actions enjoined in the rubrics compared with the other rites.

There are innumerable instructions with regard to bowing,

extending the arms in prayer,

joining the hands, ma k i n g the sign of

the cross and censing objects and people.

Traditionally, setting of the Mass.

many Roman rites have taken place w ithin the The fact that this is n o w a more corporate

action also makes the associated sacred actions more communal.

The

m odern Roman services include detailed lists of readings from scriptures for every rite. so are the readings.

As all services are now in the vernacular

The sacred word has a very real and public part

332

in m odern Roman worship.

This is also seen in the p r o d uction of part

of the B r e v i a r y as "Morning and Evening Prayer".^

This is intended

for lay people and those religious not bound to the full c a n o nical performance of the divine office and for cong r e g a t i o n a l and community use.

It consists of psalmody,

cessions.

the reading of scripture and inter­

Unlike the Liturgy of the Wo r d in the Mass the main

2 emphasis is on psalmody rather than scripture reading.

Nevertheless,

it does emphasise the private and public r e ading of s c r i pture in the vernacular and that by laity as well as the religious.

As was m e ntioned earlier there has been great bif u r c a t i o n among protestants and only a sample has been taken to investigate the present situation.

3

Also that during recent decades there has been

a great increase in the representation of religions other than Ch ristianity in this country and forms of Chri s t i a n i t y not indigenous to this country,^

The numbers of English people involved in these

are not, as has been previously stated,

large and therefore have

been omitted from this study of sacred a c t i o n and word as w i t h the other forms.

1.

The H i erarchies of Australia, England and Wales, Ireland. M o rning and Evening Prayer with Night Pra y e r from the D ivine Office.

Collins.

1979.

Introduction,

p.xiii.

2.

Ibid.

p.xvii.

3.

Brierly, P. (ed.). U.K. Chri s t i a n H a n d b o o k .Evange l i c a l Alliance, Bible Society. .Marc Europe. 1983. p . 14. table lb.

4.

Ibid.

tables p p . . 22-24,

26-28.

I I 'I

333

At the beginning of the chapter it was suggested that sacred act a n d word are frequently combined.

It was stated that, accordingly,

the two forms would be considered together.

In studying the cultus

at the E n glish public place of worship a great deal has been said so far about the various categories of sacred word and rather less ab o u t sacred acts.

It was,

however,

pointed out that during the

C h r i s t i a n Period in England many sacred acts have taken place w i t h i n the se t t ing of the Eucharist.^

Many of these sacred acts have been

m e n t i o n e d in earlier chapters and these must now be c o n s idered further.

Before this is done some reference is nec e s s a r y to the

s acred acts dealt with already in this chapter.

Normally sacred acts have to do wi t h binding or loosing things or people to or from the sacred. have been considered,

The cat e g o r i e s of sacred act wh i c h

particularly,

sac r i f i c e and sacrament.

in this chapter are covenant,

Each of these words has a root m e aning

linked with the ideas of being bound to or joined together.

The

c o v e n a n t is the act whereby the community and the individual are joined together wi t h the sacred,

frequently on the basis of sacrifice.

S a c r i f i c e is the means whereby the sacred becomes ava i l a b l e to man. The s a c r ament is the physical means w h ere b y the sacred is con v e y e d

to men.

The s e three sacred acts have been present wi t h i n

the E n g l i s h Christian Eucharistie^ tradition.

The ideas of s a c rament

and sacrifice have been differently under s t o o d and covenant has not

1.

E u c h arist in this context is used to cover a variety of terms such as Mass, L o r d ’s Supper, Holy C o m m u n i o n etc.

334

always been prominent,

nevertheless each element is constant,^ as

is also the presence of the sacred as a result of their enactment.

During the Christian Period the E u c harist has been the normal setting for further sacred acts whereby things and people were bound to, or loosed from,

the sacred,

been mentioned in earlier chapters. has been noted,

A number of such acts have In the pre-Chr i s t i a n period,

as

places and people were e x p e r ienced as being sacred

through theophany but we have no record of consecrations.

We have

2 seen that Coifi,

however,

by an act of p r ofanation released a

Te u tonic temple from being bound to the gods.

The consecration of both things and persons w i t h i n the setting 3 of the Eucharist follow a similar structure.

The person or object

is first released from the power of evil and profane life and then purified and joined to the sacred.

In the case of initia t i o n into 4

the community,

and sometimes of church buildings,

the p u rification

and joining to the sacred is through b a ptism (by immersion or aspersion) Th e joining to the sacred is also a cco m p l i s h e d through blessing w hich can be by the laying on of hands or by an o i n t i n g with oil.

In the

case of things used within the church for sacred purposes and special categories of sacred person^ the blessing is the means whereby they

1.

Brilioth,

Y.

Op c i t .

2.

Bede.

3.

See chaps.

4.

See chap.

5.

Henderson, W. G. Wickham-Legg, J.

Op c i t .

p . 125.

2 and 3 for churches,

and 4 for persons.

1, p . 87. Op c i t . 1901. Op

\ cit.

335

|1,

are consecrated and the baptism is omitted.

W e have also seen that

the conclusion of the consecration of persons can include the tradition of the instrument of office and robing.

In the case of

the church this equates with the robing of the altar and the lighting of the building ready for use.

In the case of the consecration of persons, Period,

in the C h r i stian

there has also been the element of covenant.

Th i s is seen

in the promises made after the release from their previous state and before they are joined to the sacred in their n e w role. like the act of baptism, things,

Although,

this is not present in the act of c o nsecrating

it is parallelled in the case of church c o n secrations where

there is a contractual handing over of the land and building by the original owner to the church authorities.

Not only can things and persons be joined to the sacred they can be loosed and made profane once more.

The Me d i e v a l Pon t i f i c a l s

provided for the reinstatement of places of w o rship and objects which

1 had been profaned.

In the previous chapter it was pointed out

not only were people

inducted into the sacred community,

be excluded.

Not only could they be bound,

that

they could

they could be loosed.

People have been cursed as well as blessed.

Fr o m this summary of the sacred acts referred to in previous chapters,

1.

as well as

Henderson,

W. G.

those described in this chapter,

, Op c i t .

for services.

336

various

categories of sacred act linked with binding and loosing a s s o ciated with the E n glish public place of worshi p have been described.

One

1 further category remains to be briefly considered, Ag a i n word and act are associated,

that of divination.

divination can be by symbol or word.

Two instances of Teutonic divination have been observed,

that of the

Viking chief casting his temple pillars in the sea and that of the pre-Christian E n g lish nine-twigs charm.

In the section of the previous

chapter where sacred persons in the early C h r i s t i a n C h u r c h were considered attention was drawn to the c h a r i smatic ministries.

These

2 included divination.

At the R eformati o n those seeking R a dical Reform,

represented in this country by the General B a p tists and the Society of Friends,

sought direct divine guidance.

As we have seen,

placing

immediate divine guidance before scripture.

In the next chapter,

where sacred time will be examined the

practice of those seeking further reform of the A n g l i c a n Ch u r c h in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries with regard to days of fasting or thanksgiving will be examined.

Signs of divine app r o v a l or

displeasure were seen in the fortunes of the individual or community and days were set aside accordingly.

The W e s t m i n s t e r D i r e ctory

makes provision for the public observance of these days.

1.

Divination is taken to mean not only k n o wledge of future events but the discerning of the divine will in a s c e r t a i n i n g ho w me n should act.

2.

1 Corinthians 12:

8-11.

337

In the present century,

the Pent e c o s t a l C h u rches and C h a r i s m a t i c

M o v e m e n t have revived the practice of the exercise of c harismatic gifts and, accordingly,

divination.

Fr o m the foregoing study it can be seen that sacred act and word have had an important place in the a ctivities at the En g l i s h public place of worship.

Sacred word and sacred act are always c l osely

a s s o c i a t e d but this is particularly true wi t h i n the C h r i s t i a n t r a d ition as the sacred actions have usually been embodied wi t h i n the Eucharist. T h e r e have been variations.

There has at times been emphasis on the

sacred words being uttered in language counted a p p r o priate as in the Latin Mass.

Since the period of the Refo r m a t i o n and the C o u nter-

R e f o r m a t i o n E n glish P rotestants have,

in varying degrees,

r e j ected

sacred actions and put great emphasis on the sacred word,

read and

pro c l aimed in the vernacular.

At the same time the E n g l i s h C a t h o l i c s

have put greater emphasis on sacred action, Mass.

In recent times, as we have seen,

particularly that of the

there has been a c o a l e s c i n g

t h r o u gh the events which we call the L i t u r g i c a l Movement.

In our preliminary survey of previous major phen o m e n o l o g i c a l s t udies it was pointed out that there are a p p r o p r i a t e sacred times for sacred acts and words.

We turn no w to a cons i d e r a t i o n of these.

338

!,

CHAPTER SIX

Time:

Sacred and Secular

In the introductory chapter it was argued that a phenomenological e x a m i n a t i o n of time within religious experience led one away from a mod e r n secular understanding of time as m echanical duration to a binary view.

There is ordinary time and sacred time when the real

and sacred world is present once more.

As Turner^ points out for

many people the only real time has been, and indeed still is, sacred time when the

' t imeless’ real events m a n ifest themselves again.

other times the world is in decline.

At

Th e r e is no concep t i o n of the

W e s t e r n idea of history either sacred or secular.

It is impossible to be certain as to exactly what the preC h r i s tian English believed with regard to sacred time.

Was the

ordinary passage of time purposeful history or a cyclical decline aw a i t ing the revival of life by the advent of sacred time once more? Tu r v i l l e - P e t r e

2

suggests that the versions of the myth of Ra g n a r ü k

known to us may well have been influenced by Chr i s t i a n thought so that any idea of history may have been a late introduction. G r ^ n b ech's

account of Thor's trickery at m a rriage and his suggestion

that the my t h was closely linked with T e u t o n i c m a r riage customs may indicate that sacred time was likely, to have been the only real time at least until outside Christian influences were felt.

Further,

if

D u m é z i l ’s"^ thesis is right the Teutonic religion would share a common

1.

Turner,

2.

T urville-Petre,

3.

Gr^nbech,

4.

Dumézil, (trans. Press.

H.

1971.

V. G.

Op

E. 0. G.

Op c i t .

cit.

p . 26 ff.

Op c i t . p . 150

p . 285.

ff.

The Gods of the Ancient

E. Haugen). 1973.

Berkeley.

Northmen.

Uni v e r s i t y of Cal i f o r n i a

. 1

339

origin with other Near-Eastern religions of time being cyclical and declining between times of divine renewal.

In a previous chapter,

when examining Teutonic sacrificial feasts, G r ^ n b e c h ’s view was noted that seasonal observance and rites of passage were a re­ entering of sacred time and an occasion when normal time was renewed.

If the argument that there was a c o n t inuity wi t h i n the Teutonic culture, and that English pre-Christian r e l igion resembled that of Scandinavia and Germany is correct,

then it is reasonable to suppose

that Gr^nbech's reconstruction of the sacrificial meal, and its attendant activities, must have had its counte r p a r t in England. view supported by the evidence of Bede.

1

Chaney

2

thinks that there

were festivals three times a year in Scandinavia. sacrifice for good crops;

A

The m i d - winter

the sacrifice for victory wh i c h was the

great sacrifice to Odin to mark the commencement of the war-year at the beginning of Summer, beginning of Winter. may also have existed.

and W i n t e r ’s Day w hich marked the

A N e w Y e a r ’s festival for peace and plenty Adam of Bremen says,

that in Sweden,

s acrificial offerings were made to Odin in wartime,

to Thor in

plague or famine and to Freyr for fertility at we d d i n g nuptials.

3

Quoting Bede to the effect that there were two divisions in the 4 S axon year, Winter arid Summer, that these two seasons were

1.

Bede.

Op c i t .

2.

Chaney, W. A.

3.

I b i d . p.56.

4.

Ibid.

p.59.

Chaney argues,

with Phillipson,

matched by two agricul t u r a l

’high'

p.86. Op c i t .

p.57.

(quoting Phillipson,

340

Germ.

Heideten.

pp.

204/5).

occasions - planting and harvest.

Chaney^ then proceeds to argue

that the Saxon festivals of Bede can be equated with those of Germany.

2

Chaney

3

summarises his argument,

"These holy days or seasons November the month of blot ;

... occur in late December

and early January the nights of m o d ranect and plough ceremonies; solomonath

...;

February or

in March when offerings

were made to the goddess Hred;

mid-

Summer a light and fertility feast; September

the h a l e g m o n a t h .

and

The relatio n s h i p

and common origins of A n g l o -Saxon and Continental Germanic heathen festivals is, although perhaps expected,

quite clear."

That the English pre-Christian Ca l e n d a r was related to other T e u tonic sacred calendars is clear but,

once again,

the complete

re l ationship of English pre-Christian r e l i g i o n to the total Teutonic sy s t e m is elusive and unclear. above,

Althoug h from C h a n e y ’s a n a lysis given

we can see the place that Vanir deities would have,

clear at which points the would take their place.

Aesir However,

deities,

it is not

such as Odin and Thor,

they did have their especial times

1.

Ibid.

p.60.

2.

Owen, G. R. Rites and Religions of the A n g l o - S a x o n s . Charles. 1981. p.48 ff. for another summary.

3.

Chaney, W. A.

Op c i t .

p.60.

341

David &

as is instanced in the survival of A n g l o - S a x o n names for days, Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday (the days of Tiw, O d i n and Thor).

As we have seen in previous chapters,the earliest Christians continued to follow their Jewish practices of worship as well as those of their Christian faith.

By the time of Christ the cyclical view of

time in the Jewish round of festivals, w h atever may have been originally the case,

was muted.

The day of the Lord of the eighth century

prophets had become the eschatalogical day when the present age would end.

This had developed as sense of linear time from creation to the

end of present time when there would be a new ideas can be seen in

the N e w Testament.^

heaven and earth.

These

The J ewish Calendar like

Teutonic Calendar has its origins in the a g ricultural seasons. built round three great feasts at which, Torah instructs, are to present themselves before the Lord.

Passover

2

the

It is

Israelites

(P e s a c h ) , a

nomadic festival which coalesced with the agricultural festival of unleavened bread, Shavuot the wheat harvest which became a s s o ciated with

the giving of the Covenant at Sinai and Succoth which was

vine

and olive harvest but also came to celebrate the w ilderness

soujourn.

the

Although I s r a e l ’s festivals were originally to do with

flock and field and their fertility they became associated with historic time

events.

Thus the festivals were not a r e -entering of

mythic

and the re-living of the timeless cosmogonic events but a

celebration of G o d ’s

saving acts in history.

1.

M a t t h e w 24, Acts

2:

2.

D euteronomy 16:

14-36,

J ewish festivals are

1 Thess a l o n i a n s 5.

1-16.

342

not a recall to the pristine quality of life of mythic time but to the pristine life when the Covenant (Berith) was first ma d e at Sinai and a reminder that G o d ’s saving activity in history is now as it was then.

The earliest Christian proclamation presented Jesus as the culmination of this divine saving activ i t y in history.^

Jesus is

presented as a crucified Mes s i a h who triumphs over death in the resurrection and is now the ascended lord in heaven.

This proclamation

formed the basis of both the weekly and annual sanctifi c a t i o n of time for Christians.

Fr o m earliest times the sacred day for C hristians

was Sunday the day of resurrection,

2

not the Je w i s h Sabbath.

The

starting point of the Christological Calendar was the EasterPentecostal cycle coinciding in time with the J ewish P a s sover and Feast of Weeks.

The earliest records show that a short period of

fasting proceeded the Easter festival which was kept with c elebration

3 as were the fifty days leading on to Pentecost. Calendar developed steadily, times.

The Christol o g i c a l

particularly in p o s t - C o nstantinian

Cyril of J e rusalem (circa 350 a.d.) developed the liturgical

devotions of Easter W e e k and we have a contemp o r a r y d e scription of these by Etheria a Spanish nun.^

Pilgrims like E t heria spread these

practices from J e rusalem to other churches.

1.

e.g. Acts 2:

14 ff, 1 Corinthians

2.

Davies, J. G. 1965.

3.

Ibid.

4.

McClure, M. L. and Feltoe, S.P.C.K. 1919. See also Davies, J. G. Holy Week:

The pre-Easter fast

15; 1 ff.

Op c i t .p . 154.

C.

L.

The Pilgrimage of E t h e r i a . , A Short H i s t o r y . Lutterworth. 1963. \ 'I

343

dev e l o ped into the forty days of Lent^ wh i c h was,

in the first instance,

the final period of the catechumenate.

The A d v e n t -Christmas-Epiphany cycle of the Chr i s t i a n year are post-Constantinian.

They are based on the solar year unlike the

E a s t e r -Pe n t e c o s t cycle which uses a lunar base derived from their J e w i s h antecedents.

This cycle appears to have two roots.

These

were a desire to combat A r ianism and the provision of Christian a l t e r n atives to traditional religious festivals,

linked to the

2 W i n t e r solstice.

The original proclamation of a crucified M e s s i a h

d e v e loped during the New Testament.

In Gentile circles particularly,

Jesus was depicted as a cosmic and divine figure coming to take the 3 role of the human messiah.

The nativity cycle of stories in the

N e w Testament provided a basis for the liturgical e x p r ession of the o r t h o d ox faith in the Christmas and Epi p h a n y seasons. G a l l i c a n and Roman practice, for Christmas.

analagous to Lent,

Advent,

a

grew as a preparation

Thus by the time that A u g u s t i n e ’s m i ssion came to

E n g l a n d the complete.

Advent to Pentecost,

feasts and festivals was in being.

Chri s t o l o g i c a l cycle of

The earliest and the central part

of the C h ristian Calendar therefore shares with its J e w i s h predecessors the celebration of God's saving activity in history.

1.

Jones, C.

2.

Ibid.

3.

Dunn, J. D, G.

Op c i t .

p.412.

p.414 ff. Op cit.

344

The other major part of the Christian Calendar was the Sanctoral that is the s a i n t s ’ days.

The practice arose,

in the West,

of

observing the anniversary of a martyrdom by the c elebration of the Eucharist and a meal

(r e f r i g e r i u m )^ at the tomb.

This was not a

c e lebration by the whole church,

only those connected w i t h the person.

In the West,

there was reluctance to deposit the

especially at Rome,

bodies of Christians, the fifth century,

even martyrs,

however,

in church.

led to changed practice.

M ass began to be celebrated in church, Along with the martyrs, were also celebrated.

The depredations of The a nniversary

wi t h processions and sermons.

2

the lives of the major N e w T e s t a m e n t figures To these were added additi o n a l days honouring

the Virgin Mary after the Council of Ephesus had v indicated the idea of Mary as t h e o t o k o s .

To this list were added,

from time to time,

the outstanding figures of the church.

As we have said earlier,

Augustine w ould have brought the local

Calendar of the Church of Rome with him to England. Calendar that triumphed at the Synod of Whitby.

It was this

The Celtic Church

w hich followed the Eastern C h u r c h ’s method of dating E aster lost the 3 day.

Henceforth the Roman pattern would be followed.

The Calendar of pre-Christian E n g l i s h r e l igion did not match the

C h ristological Calendar.

1.

Jungman,

2.

Jones,

3.

Moorman,

C.

J. A. ejt. R. H.

Op c i t .

The Winter and Spring

pp.

a l . Op c i t . Op c i t .

festivals could be

140-141 and 183-184.

p.484.

p . 20 ff.

I I )i

345

realigned as Christmas and Easter. gods could be substituted by the

The o b s e rvance of days to the

’s t a t i o n ’ days of W e d n e s d a y and

Friday as well as the day of C h r i s t - S u n d a y . days and rogation-tide,

There was also ember

this latter introduced by the W e s t e r n C hurch

to provide Christian replacements for t r aditional ceremonies. However,

with the Sanctoral Calendar

the C h r i s t i a n C h u r c h had a

flexible instrument for transforming festivals.

and assi m i l a t i n g n o n - C h r i s t i a n

On this problem Gregory wrote to Mellitus,^

"Since they have a custom of sacr i ficing many oxen to devils,

let some other solemnity

be substituted in its place,

such as a day of

dedication or the festivals of

the holy

martyrs whose relics are enshrined

there.

On such occasions they might well construct shelters of boughs for themselves around churches which were once temples,

and

celebrate the solemnity with devout feasting." The

’C h r i s t i a n i s i n g ’ of what were essen t i a l l y non- C h r i s t i a n festivals

e nsured that they persisted for many centuries,

indeed into post-

2 R e f o r mation times.

The present popularity of such local customs as

w el l - d ressing ceremonies show the persistence of such customs.

The

V is i t a tion Articles of the time of the R e f o r m a t i o n show h o w strongly 3 many n on-Christian ceremonies and practices persisted.

1.

Bede.

2.

Hole, C. English T r aditional C u s t o m s . B. T. Batsford. 1975. also Chambers, E. K. Op c i t . Vol. 1. chaps. V-XVll.

3.

Op c i t .

The popularity

p.86.

Frere, W. J. and Kennedy, W. M.

Op c i t .

passim.

j | i'

i: 346

of h a r vest-f e s t i v a l services standing outside the C h r i s t o l o g i c a l and S a n c t o ral Calendars show how tenacious n o n -Christian s entiments can be.

In broad terms,

however,

just as A u g u s t i n e ’s mi s s i o n led to

sa c r e d space being brought within a Chr i s t o l o g i c a l fra m e w o r k so too w i t h s a cred time.

It was God in C h rist who was to be re v e a le d in

s acred time and space.

The r e was some growth both of the Christo l o g i c a l Cal e n d a r and the S a n c t o r a l during the medieval period but, r o u n d i n g out of what already existed.^ c o n s i s t of the old Roman list,

in the main,

this was a

The sanctoral con t i n u e d to

includin g the N e w T e s t a m e n t figures.

T o this was added a certain number of E n g l i s h saints.

This overall

s t r u c t ure was reflected in the pattern of church dedications.

2

The n e w understandings of the R e f o r m a t i o n and C o u n t e r - R e f o r m a t i o n w e r e r eflected in new calendars.

The A n g l i c a n via me d i a is to be seen

in the calendars in the books of common prayer.

The A n g l i c a n Calendar

3 r e s o l v es the types of day into two.

Th e first type are red-letter

4 days.

T h e s e were to be observed as holy days and had special collects,

e p i s t l es and gospels allocated to them.

The second,

black letter days,

we r e to be mere l y noted and have no special liturgical provision.

1.

Hardman,

0.

Op c i t . F.

pp.

2.

A r nold-Foster, pp. xix-xxv.

3.

Brightman,

4.

F r o m the fact that like rubrics they were originally, and s o metimes still are, printed in red in the B o o k of Com m o n Prayer.

F. E.

Op c i t .

106 and 134.

Op c i t .

See esp e cially K a l endars

Vol.

1.

p . 76 ff.

^ j I

347

B o t h Frere

1

and L owther-Clarke

2

speculate that the re t e n t i o n of the

b lack letter days was purely for secular c o nvenience and note the b i s hop's answer to the puritan divines in 1661 to this effect.

The black letter days are derived entirely from the Sanctoral. T h e red letter days consist of the Chri s t o l o g i c a l C a lendar supplemented by the days from the Sanctoral celebrating the key N e w T e s tament figures, mainly the apostles.

The A n gl i c a n liturgical year is thus

e s s e n tially a C hristological one.

In acc o r d a n c e with A n g l i c a n thinking,

the Ca lendar is based on the Bible while not being ent i r e l y derived from it.

The only days with specific celebration,

d e rived from N e w T e stament figures and incidents.

however,

are

The Calendar is

c o n c e r ned with m a king the key historic s a l vation event a present reality.

The understanding of sacred time for those seeking further r e f o r m is to be seen clearly in the instructions of the Par l i a m e n t a r y D i r e c t o r y of Worship,

introduced during the C o m m o n w e a l t h Period,

r e g a r d to the Calendar and liturgical year.^ a special study of P u ritan

Cla r k e , ^ who has made

holy days, suggests that the P u r itans

the divine in action now, whereas the A n g l i c a n C a l endar

saw

of feasts

5 and festivals was a renewal of foundation events.

Proctor,

2.

Lowther-Clarke, W. K. and Harris,

3.

Leishman,

4.

Clarke, D. J. "Annual Holidays in P u r i t a n England". M.A. Thesis. U niversity of Kent. 1971. Ibid.

1.

Op c i t .

Op c i t .

D uring the

1.

5.

F. and Frere, W. F.

C.

pp. 340-341. Op c i t .

pp.

216-217.

p.69.

p. 88.

i 'I'

348

with

Commonwealth period the Calendar was abolished. of the traditional Calendar was Sunday, H o l y d a y s were replaced in two ways.

The only vestige

no w called the L o r d ’s Day.

Regular days were al l o w e d free

from w o r k for recreation^ and days appointed,* from time to time, public thanksgiving or fasting.

for

The s e latter days were in response

to what were seen as marks of divine favour or displeasure. Accordingly, The D i rectory has a section named ’’Of So l e m n Public F a s t i n g ’’, and another,

’’Of the O b s e r vat i o n of Days of P ublic T h anks-

2 g i v i n g ’’. ■ The opening of the former says, ’’W h e n some great and notable judgements are either inflicted upon a people

... ;

as also

when some special blessing is to be s o u g h t . ’’ It then goes on to give direction as to h o w the fast days are to be c o n d u c ted privately and publicly.

Of the public part it says,

’’So large a portion of the days as c o nveniently maybe,

is to be spent in public reading and

preaching of the Word." It also provides guidelines for preachers on these days.

Concerning

days of Public Th ank s g i v i n g the Directo r y says that these are to be a n n o u n c e d beforehand. for preaching,

Once again,

the cong r e g a t i o n is to a s semble

psalm singing and prayer.

3 At the end of the Directory there is an app e n d i x w i t h the time and place of public worship.

1.

Ibid.

p.49.

2.

Ibid.

pp. 69 and 73.

3.

Leishman,

T.

Op c i t .

p . 78.

349

It says.

concerned

"There is no day commended in Scr ipture to be kept holy under the gospel but the L o r d ’s Day which is the Christian Sabbath, days,

Festival

vulgarly called H o l y d a y s , having no

warrant in the Word of God, are not to be continued.

Nevertheless,

it is lawful and

necessary upon special emergent occasions, to separate a day

or days for public fasting

and thanksgiving,

as the several eminent and

extraordinary dispensations of G o d ’s providence shall administer cause and opportunity to His p e o p l e ."

This encapsulates the views of those seeking further reform. Anything within the church must have scriptural precedent.

Thus the

only recollection of past sacred events in time was the L o r d ’s Day. The C o mmonwealth Calendar and its underlying rationale ma r k e d a very real change of understanding of the sacred and time. it introduced the idea of secular holidays and secondly,

Firstly, the

ob s e r vation of G o d ’s present and passing a ction rather than His past and eternal action.

The idea of non-religious holidays for r ecreation

i ntroduced a separation

of life into sacred and secular.^

was introduced relating

to Sunday activities,

Legislation

forbidding travel,

2 re creational and trading activities on that day.

1.

2.

Whitaker, W. B.

Abuses,

Sunday in Tudor and Stuart T i m e s .

1933.

pp.

156-158.

Ibid.

pp.

147-150.

350

as Puritans

Houghton,

saw them, which they had long attacked.^ prayer and the study of G o d ’s Word. privately at home.

Sunday was for them a day of

Pub l i c l y in the c o n g r e g a t i o n and

2

The Calendar,

as well as the liturgy,

of the C o m m o n w e a l t h Period

emphasised the belief that the sacred was not more fully present at any special time.

God revealed Himself to ma n at one point only,

in

3 the preaching of the Word,

and brought h i m back to obey that revelation

through the providence of daily life.

For those,

such as the Society of Friends,

seeking radical

reformation there could be no particular sacred time, not even the L o r d ’s Day.

For Fox, Sunday was merely the first day of the week,

4 without special significance.

God was present and active at all

times.

The Roman Calendar of 1570 was a r a t i o n a l i s a t i o n of medieval calendars.^

The Sanctoral was fixed by central authority,

mandatory propers,

a l though provision was made for the celebr a t i o n

of local s a i n t s ’ days.

Although,

in the first instance,

of s a i n t s ’ days to be celebrated was reduced,

D. J.

1.

Clarke,

2.

Whitaker, W. B.

3.

Davies, W. H.

4.

Nickalls,

5.

Donovan, K. ’’The Sanctoral" in Jones, C. e^. a l . Op c i t . p.428 ff.

J. L.

with

Op c i t .

pp.

Op c i t . 1948.

20-26.

pp.

Op c i t .

Op c i t .

pp.

153-154. p . 143. 39-40.

351

the number

in time the number grew

a gain.^ period,

This increased the tendency,

ever present in the m e d ieval

for the Sanctoral to interfere with and displace the

C h r i s t ological Calendar.

2

The observance of the Calendar for Eng l i s h Cat h o l i c s had to be private.

C e l e b ration with feasting,

and penitence w i t h fasting 3

and abstinence,

continued domestically.

s trong and was not quickly destroyed. to it that Fridays,

Lent,

M e d i e v a l t r a dition held The Catholic w o m e n f o l k saw

Ember days and vigils were observed wi t h 4

f a sting and abstinence.

As Bossy says,

"There is fairly unanimous testim o n y that this ascetic regime was the branch of pre-Ref o r m a t i o n religious practice held on to mos t firmly by E lizabethan Catholics." Similarly,

the festivals were observed d o m estically in the traditional

w a y s w i t h feasting,

dancing and games.^

The s anctif ication of the hours of the day, m e d i e v a l monasticism,

the h a l l m a r k of

was first restricted by the closure of

m o n a s t e r i e s and convents between 1536 and

1540 and after the A n g l i c a n

ch a n g e s became the concern of the recusant C a t holic clergy alone.

1. 2.

Ibid.

p.428.

Cobb, P.

"The History of the Chris t i a n Year",

Jones, C.

et.

al.

3.

Bossy, J.

Op c i t .

4.

Ibid.

p . 110 ff.

5.

Ibid.

p.111.

Op c i t . p . 110

in

p.417. ff.

I

352

In recent years,

the Liturgical M o v e m e n t ’s insights have led

to n e w expressions of the sacred and time.

T h e Roman C a tholic C h u r c h

has sought to restore the C hristologica l C a l endar so often set a side for the Sanctoral.

The Second Va t i c a n C o uncil decreed,

’’The proper of time must be given the preference which is its due over the feasts of saints so that the entire cycle of the myst e r i e s of salvation may be suitably r e c a l l e d . ’’^ V a rious other changes strengthen and emphasise both the Chr i s t m a s and Easter cycles.

The rest of the year is c o unted as o r d inary time and

the S u ndays are simply numbered and not d esignated as a fter E p i p h a n y or after Easter.

2

The Council also revised the S a n c toral with a 3

vi e w to making it more universal and more accurate. has been divided into solemnities, two of these,

feasts and memorials.

The first

with the exception of the feast of St. Lawrence,

biblical and have propers. saints.

The S a n ctoral

are

The m e moria l s cover the non-bib l i c a l

Many of these are optional.

Spe c i f i c propers are not

provided for the memorials.

The Joint Liturgical Group set up in 1963 have made proposals wh i c h have been accepted in their entir e t y by the Eng l i s h Free C h u r c h es and, with some modification,

by the Ang l i c a n Church.

This

a c c e p t a n c e marks a radical departure in u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the sacred and time for the Free Churches.

The Re f o r m a t i o n emphasis on present

1.

Jones, C,

p.417,

2.

Ibid.

p.418.

3.

Ibid.

pp. 429-430.

£t. a l .

Op c i t .

353

r e v e l a tion is set aside in favour of a didactic approach,

Cobb says,^

"They depart radically from the t raditions of the early Church and show little a p p r e c i a t i o n of the theological meaning of the C h r i s t i a n year as a means of participating in the m y s t e r y of Christ," Th e a p pr o a c h of the proposals is not based on the sacred revealed in time but systematic teaching.

In many w a y s it is a secular calendar

e m p h a s ising another aspect of the under s t a n d i n g of those seeking further reform in the sixteenth and s e v e n t e e n t h centuries,

that of

the need of systematic teaching and preaching of the gospel.

The new Calendar,

and associated lec t i o n a r y and themes,

the year into three sections, a P e n t ecost cycle.

an Easter

cycle and

It is Trin i t a r i a n w h e r e the traditional C h r i stian

Ca l e n d a r is Christological. Advent,

a C h ristm a s cycle,

divides

The Christ m a s cycle commences before

so that the themes and their readings cover the C h r i stian

H e i l s g e s c h i c h t e from Creation to the rev e l a t i o n of the human Christ. Th e Easter

cycle commences before Lent and the themes run through the

h u m a n life of Jesus to the Ascension.

Th e P e n tecost s e ction starts

w i t h the gift of the Spirit and then has a series of themes to do w i t h the quality of life in the Church.

Th e new M e t h o d i s t Service

B o o k and the United Reformed Church Book of Services co n t a i n the C a l e n d a r and its attendant lectionary.

T h e Free Churches have not

ad o p t e d the Sanctoral but the above books provide a proper for All

1.

Cobb, P. G. in Jones, C.

Op c i t .

p.418. I.il

354

S a i n t s Day.

The other days observed and given propers by the Free

C h u r c h e s show the didactic nature of the Calendar.

The days provided

for include, C h ristian Mission,

and Harvest.

Remembra n c e Sunday,

The Anglican C h urch has not abolis h e d the 1662 Book of C o mmon Pr a y e r and so the traditional Calendar can still be used.

The

A l t e r n a t i v e Services Book, which incorporates the Calendar of the J o i n t Liturgical Group, Calendar,

is an alternative.

In a d d ition to the n e w

the A l ternative Services Book contains the traditional

A n g l i c a n N e w Testa m e n t Sanctoral together with provision for Ember W e e k s and Rogationtide. letter d a y s ’. T h e i r books,

It also provides general propers for

’black

A similar choice is available to the Free Churches.

incorporating the new Calendar,

are optional.

Alth o u g h there is now a considerab l e outward c o nvergence in the C a l endars of the churches, fun d a m e ntal differences.

one senses that there are still

The Roman Calendar seems to emphasise that

there are times when it is particularly app r o p r i a t e and right for the sa c r e d to be experienced in a particular aspect.

The A n g l i c a n C hurch

seems to have tried to have retained this insight while a c c o m m o d a t i n g to other views for the sake of unity.

The Free C h u rches seem to have

ad o p t e d something foreign to their own theologies for didactic purposes.

E arlier forms continue as they have at previous periods of change, T r a d i t i o n a l experience of sacred time is still present in an a p p a rently

355

se cular society as can be seen at such times as C h r itmas and Harvest, The recent presence,

in England,

of migrant groups following both

C h r i s t i a n and other forms of religion will also doubtless lead some E n g l i s h people to celebrate sacred time in n e w ways.

T he forms of sacred phenomena whi c h have been ma n i f e s t at the E n g l i s h public place of worship have now been reviewed. to a consideration of this evidence as a whole.

356

We turn

SUMMARY AND C O N C L U S IONS

In the review of major phenomenological studies in the Introduction an o u tline of the major forms of sacred phenomena was given. r e lated to the public place of worship.

This was

In the succeeding chapters the

ways these forms have been manifested at the E n glish public place of w o r s h i p have been examined,

including particular types w i t h i n the forms.

A r e v i e w and analysis of the foregoing ma t e r i a l will now lead on to the c o n c l u sions to be drawn from this study.

Among the English, T hese are by theophany, sacred community. times,

sacred space has been defined in four ways. consecration,

use, and the presence of the

Many sites which were experienced,

as locations where the sacred was present, have been in continuous

use for worship ever since. r e f o r m ation and change.

This has been through times of conversion,

This,

of course,

W i t h i n the English tradition space, c hurch buildings consecration. them.

in the earliest

is a w idespread phenomenon.^

in the form of churchyard,

and the cells within them,

has been made sacred by

So also have the objects associ a t e d wi t h or attached to

Sacred space must not be profaned.

In fact,

during the medieval

period there were services for the reversal of profanation.

The

c o n s e c ration of sacred space has normally involved sacred a ction or word and frequently both.

Sacred action in connection with the

s a n c t i fication of space can take various forms.

It can be by the

2 d u p l i c ation of a heavenly prototype.

1.

e.g. Jerusalem, Mecca.

2.

Kristensen, W. B.

Op c i t .

p.369.

357

Th i s can involve c o mplex ritual

I a ction in setting aside,

preparing and laying-out the site.

There is

no direct evidence of such activity in E n gland but there are aspects of both pre-Christian English temples and of the later churches that suggest the idea of heavenly duplication.

’Bri n g i n g to l i f e ’ is

2 another form of consecration.

The theme of death and resurrection

has been central in English medieval and C a t holic consecr a t i o n services. These services are a combination of a R e q u i e m Mass and a Baptismal Service.

They articulate the idea of an earthly death followed by

a heavenly life.

Touching,

the cross and anointing, also been rites of

particularly in the forms of the sign of

also feature in these services.

There have

’bringing to l i f e ’ in the sense of bringing the

divine presence into the objects associ a t e d wi t h w o rship in Christian churches in England.

C ircumambulation is another way of marking-off

space so that it becomes sacred and this has been part of the ceremony for consecrating churchyards in England. word can consecrate space.

Prayers of c o nsecration have been

important in many English rites, Church.

The utterance of the sacred

not least those of the Anglican

The performance of sacred rites has also been a path to the

sanctification of space.

As was indicated,

the performance of the

Eucharist was the earliest form of Chri s t i a n consecr at i o n of buildings for worship and this practice became integral to the A n g l i c a n seventeenth century services and their successors.

1.

Kramitsch,

2.

Davidson,

S. S.

Op c i t . Op cit.

chap.

1.

chap. 3.

358

Within the Judaeo-Christian tradition two forms of sacred space have existed.

The first has been permanent and associ a t e d with

specific locations.

The second has been temporary,

being the space

where the sacred community was gathered at any one time. these have existed and do exist in England. second,

Bo t h of

In the case of the

even when the congregation has to meet in a building on a

regular basis this does not permanently sanctify the area or the buildings.

The sacred is present only when and where the community

is gathered.

In one sense the sacred community is most truly itself

when it gathers into sacred space,

whether physically or socially

defined.

Whichever category is examined,

theophany,

consecr a t i o n or

presence of the sacred community the purpose and the end is the same space,

once profane,

has become the realm and possession of the

sacred.

Having reviewed the sacralisation of space among the English, it is possible to examine the forms of sacred space wh i c h have existed in England.

We have noted that sacred space always has a

t e m e n o s , a clearly defined boundary either physical or social. that boundary,

however,

W ithin

there can be gradations of sacrality and

a lternative categories of sacred space.

It is likely that among

the pre-Christian English the afhus of the temple,

with its s t a l l r ,

was more holy than the main hall with its pillars,

sacred nails and

I It

359

images.

This division was certainly true of the m e dieval C h r i s t i a n

churches in England. presence,

The sanctuary was the place of the divine

located in the host and the chancel was the place for

especially sacred persons. churchyard,

The nave was for the laity and the

the place for all,

seeking sanctuary.

including the departed and those

On occasion too,

the church,

in the me d i e v a l

period,

could contain other forms of sacred space such as the chantry

chapel,

the a n c h o r i t e ’s room,

and the shrine.

It was noted also that

there were various forms of church asso c i a t e d with sacred space in Me d ieval England.

These were the parochial church,

church, and the monastic church.

On occasion one building could

a c commodate more than one of these types. sacrality with these as well. consecrated persons.

the pilgrimage

There was a g r a d a ti o n of

The monastic ch u r c h was res t r i c t e d to

Shrines were places made venerable by the

remains of saints and there were rites for setting aside in temporary sacrality those embarking on pilgrimage. Anglican church,

The post-Ref o r m a t i o n

while retaining sacrality,

lost these divisions.

The process of intériorisation at the period of the R e f o r m a t i o n led to further changes.

It led to a re-emphasis on sacred presence being

defined in terms of the location of the sacred community and, particularly with the Society of Friends,

the r ecognition of the

divine presence everywhere.

W i thin sacred space, sacred objects.

in which public w o rship takes place,

are

These can take the form of boundaries and buildings

360

further defining the sacred space, and signs.

symbols

These like sacred space can differ in h o w they are, or

have become, The image,

but can also be images,

sacred and the level of sacrality they reveal or contain.

be it three dimensional or two,

is a man-made object.

statue,

icon or painting

If it is to be a symbol rather than a sign,

that is to reveal the sacred rather than point to it, it will be consecrated.

It may also be ritually c o nstructed if it is to be a

symbol rather than a sign. in iconographical schemes,

The image has featured largely, in English religion.

especially

Even am o n g staunch

P rotestant groups in post-Reformation En g l a n d images have re-emerged in verbal form in sermons and devotional books,

such as B u n y a n ’s

Pilgrim's P r o g r e s s .

The symbol can either be a natural object or man-made. former case,

the symbol will be sacred because me n have experienced

its innate numinous qualities. consecrated.

In the

In the latter case it will have been

Symbols have featured both in p r e -Christian and Christian

places of worship in England.

Signs can be iconic or aniconic.

Non-

Conformist places of worship provide many examples of the latter.

As

we have seen many of the chapels and me eting houses w i t h plain walls and benches were saying things very ele q u e n t l y about the sacred without being either images or symbols.

The places of worship resulting from

the L iturgical M o vement are examples where signs are iconic without being sacred in themselves.

361

The images, symbols and signs at the English public place of worship have always had the purpose of r e v e aling the sacred and m a n ’s path to it.

In other words they have revealed the path of salvation.

Whether this has been in the pre-Christian E n g l i s h temple, medieval church,

post-Reformation church and chapel or c h urch organised in

accordance with the ideas of the Liturgical Movement. and sign are always linked to sacred story.

This,

Image,

symbol

of course,

is

widespread in religion.

U niversal forms of iconic represen t a t i o n and symbols are present within the English tradition.

These include s y mbolising the place of

worship as the axis mundi and the gateway to heaven.

Images and

symbols echoing the revelation of the sacred through natural objects have also been present including such items as sky, water and tree.

The universal forms of the sacred community as outlined in the I n troduction have existed among the En g l i s h including tribal, and protest (both internal, as the sect).

In England,

ecclesiola in e c c l e s i a , and external such as elsewhere,

entrance to the sacred

community is not by birth but by initiation. initiated,

founded

U ntil the person is

and thereby gains a community name,

they do not exist as 1

far as the community is concerned.

As Eliade,

in particular,

has

shown death and resurrection are the keynotes in c eremonies of initiation into the sacred community. the English,

1.

In the C h r i s t i a n era,

among

B a ptism has been the central rite of initiation.

Eliade, M.

1958.

Op c i t .

I,'I

362

Death and resurrection are the central themes of this rite.

The

structure of the rite and the ceremonies a c c o m p a n y i n g B a p t i s m are parallel to those used for special categories of sacred person within the English sacred community such as priest and king.

The c o m m u n i t y ’s life at the place of public worship in England has not just been confined to cultus,

the w hole gamut of the community's

life has been lived out within it.

At death the members total passage into the sacred realm has been ensured by transitional rites connected with burial. interment of their bodies within the sacred space.

This has included W h e r e i n ternal­

isation has occurred these rites have become truncated or disappeared altogether.

The boundaries of the community and its s u b - c ommunities have always been guarded not only by entrance rites but by rites of exclusion and re-admittance.

The breakdown of these clear boundaries in the

present day has been noted.

The various categories of sacred person in the pre-Christian E n glish sacred community have been described. the king,

W i t h the exception of

it is not clear whether any of the categories was an

h ereditary caste.

The Anglo-Saxon rulers did o riginally trace their

a n c estry back to the gods,

but in the Chr i s t i a n era the hereditary

E n glish king has been made sacred through coronation.

363

It was pointed out that there was a continuity of sacred person a mong the English through the period of con v e r s i o n to Christianity. The similarity of structure of the various medieval rites for c o nsecrating the differing categories of sacred person was also indicated. persons,

Wach^ has suggested that there is a hierarchy of sacred

the founder being the most replete with sacred power.

This

declension is most marked in the reformed churches in England. priest becomes the pastor and teacher or even elder. balanced however,

The

This is co u n t e r ­

with an emphasis on the priesthood of all believers.

Sacred action has been an integral and central feature of cultus at the English public place of worship.

It has been con c e r n e d with

binding to and excluding from the sacred.

Sacred acts have al w a y s

been closely a s sociated with the sacred word, w h i c h have been most central. and sacrament.

p a r ticularly those actions

These have been sacrifice,

covenant,

Th r o u g h these the life of the sacred has been renewed

both for the sacred community and the i n d i v iduals wi t h i n it.

Sacrifice was an essential part of T e u t o n i c r e l igion as was also sacramental communion with the gods in the form of minne-drinking. T here is no reason to think that this was not also true of the preChr i s tian English.

The Eucharist,

Holy Communion and Lord's Supper, been the focus for sacred action.

in its various forms the Mass, has,

in Chr i s t i a n times in England,

The three themes of sacrifice,

covenant and sacrament have always been present.

1.

Wach, J.

Op c i t .

chap.

Although,

of course,

8.

i

364

they have been expressed with varying emphasis at different times and places.

During P r e - Christian and C h ristia n times a variety of other sacred acts have taken place in the public place of w o r s h i p within the setting of the Eucharist. of people and things,

These have included the c o nsecration

bringing them into the sacred re a l m and also

the d egradation and exclusion of individuals from the sacred community. In the Christian era a variety of activ i t i e s have been associated with these sacred actions; of hands,

exorcisms,

purifications,

anointings,

laying on

robing and the giving of symbols.

Movement as a type of sacred action in the form of

bodily posture,

dance and drama has been dealt with very little in this study. C i r c u m ambulation as an act of making space sacred has been mentioned, as has pilgrimage as a journey noted that dancing,

to the sacred realm.

We have also

drama and games have had their place w i thin the

sacred space of church and churchyard and that these a c t i vities had also occurred at the pre-Christian E n g l i s h temples and sacred areas. One activity which particularly links sacred action, bodily movement and posture,

in the form

and sacred word is prayer.

It is a

of key

act whereby man and sacred are joined.

The sacred word has had a central function in the E n glish public place of worship.

A l though we lack direct descriptive evidence,

c ircumstantial clues make it clear that myth,

365

the

legend and epic were

important in pre-Christian English religion.

The sacred word has

always been of prime importance in Engl i s h C h r i s t i a n worship. Li turgy of the Word was the first section of the Mass.

The

It remained

so in the Communi on Service of the Books of C o m m o n Prayer.

Even

those reformers desiring extensive m odi f i c a t i o n s of liturgy retained the Liturgy of the Word as the key stone of their worship. to this Liturgy of the Wo r d has been the Bible.

Fundamental

The r e ading of the

Bible in a sacred tongue (Latin) or profane tongue (English) has always occurred. man.

The sacred word,

like iconography,

revealed salvation to

The Bible has been the basis of two other forms of sacred word,

the sermon and prayer in liturgy.

The w r itten liturgies and directories

of worship in Christian England have been heavily dependent on the Bible both for the e x pression of ideas and forms of words. as another form of sacred word,

The creed,

has had a place wi t h i n B a p t i s m from

earliest times in Chris t i a n England and since the el e v e n t h century within the Mass and later the A n glican Communion. consecration has, as has been shown,

The sacred word of

an important role in the

activities at the Eng l i s h public place of worship.

Myth, Legend,

Epic and Saga have had a prominent role as forms

of sacred word in Eng l i s h pre-Christian religion. prominent in medieval English Christianity. by the iconography,

church dedications,

They were also

This is wit n e s s e d to

and the Sanctoral.

These

forms of sacred word have continued in protestant c i rcles in informal ways of which F o x e ’s Book of Martyrs is an early example.

366

Sacred formulae have always been present in En g l i s h religion. The E n g lish C h ristian liturgies are replete w i t h sacred formulae, and as we have seen, oaths,

not least in those of consecration.

curses and vows were linked with the priest,

Sacred

his ring and the

stallr in pre-Christian times and the altar in Christian.

Sacred

oaths have had their place in pre-Christian temple and Chr i s t i a n church, Baptism,

in connection with legal matters. Ordination and Marriage,

Vows,

connected with

were uttered in churches.

The

sacred curse has been less prominent but the C o m b i n a t i o n Service of the books of common prayer is one example.

As has been alluded to before,

the c h a r i smatic e x p r ession of

the sacred has not been prominent among the English. l a l lation and silence have had their place.

Sa c r e d praise,

The Quakers moving

from lallation to silence in their early period is one group.

We

have also noted the m o dern charismatic mo v e m e n t w here these forms of s acred word are to be found among the English.

There are propitious times,

replete wi t h sacred power, when it

is a p p ropriate to engage in sacred action and to utter the sacred word. As was described,

sacred time in primal re l i g i o n is the life of m ythic

time made present here and now.

This appears to have been the case in

p r e - C h ristian English religion although an element of sacred history may have been present as well.

The fluctuations of the seasons have

also been indicators of times when sacred power is most replete or absent.

The pre-Christian Calendar was c e r tainly seasonal and this

e l ement has never been entirely absent from the En g l i s h Chr i s t i a n year

367

The calendar is important if one is to tell beforehand wh i c h times will be replete with sacred power. the English,

F r o m a seasonal c a l endar

on becoming Christians, moved to a calendar w h i c h was

based on the historical foundation events of the faith.

T h i s calendar

indicated when past sacred history would once again be a present r eality in all its plenary power.

A s e c o ndary calendar of lesser

sacral power has also been present in E n g l i s h C h r i s t i a n religion. This is the Sanctoral.

In historic time the original power of the

foundation events have been re-manifes t e d in individuals. saints'

The

days are moments of re-manife s t a t i o n of this s e c o ndary

sacrality.

Once again the saint is present in the sacred community.

Those seeking further reform,

as has been described,

the presence and action of the sacred in present time.

e mphasised

This was not

a r e -appearing of mythic time or salvation time but a pristine m a n i f estation of the sacred here and now. reform internalised sacred time.

Every m oment was replete w i t h the

presence of the sacred for the believer. secular and mechanical.

Those committed to radical

To those outside,

time was

From this latter tendency has a r i s e n the

didactic aspects of modern liturgical calendars.

The foregoing summary of this study has indicated that universal forms of the sacred can be identified wi t h i n the phenomena of religion a s s o ciated with the English public place of worship.

Even w h e n there

have been new infusions of religious e x p e rience and insight they have tended to persist,

even when transformed or interiorised.

368

T h e r e has

been a continuity of the major form: person, action,

sacred space,

object,

community,

word and time.

This study has been a general initial inve s t i g a t i o n necessarily covering a wide range of material gathered from a considerable period of time.

It has also had a restricted field of enquiry,

E n glish public place of worship. had to be selective.

that is,

the

As a r esult of these factors it has

Liturgical materi a l s wh i c h present themselves

as eminently practical starting points for a p h enomenological study c onnected with the place of worship have provided the prime source for enquiry.

Besides the large amount of m a t e r i a l in this field which

has had to be by-passed there is much other mat e r i a l ava i l a b l e for the p h enomenological investigation of E n gli s h religion. biographical and devotional material, drama and art,

sermons,

This includes

doctrinal writings,

as well as recorded eye- w itness accounts.

Attention has been given to the ma j o r groups and movements.

There

have been many minor groups and activities wh i c h have not been considered. Further,

little attention has been paid in this study to comparison

with religion elsewhere.

Brief reference to this material was made in

the I ntroduction in the survey of major pheno m e n o l o g i c a l works.

The

E n glish evidence concerning the forms of the sacred needs to be studied alongside,

and compared with, material from elsewhere.

There is a very

full field of study to be undertaken in c o m p a r i n g the forms of sacred phenomena which have been examined in this study with parallel forms elsewhere,

as well as work in much greater detail on the forms of the

sacred in E n g lish Religion.

369

The problem of going beyond an external morp h o l o gi c a l description to intentionality was discussed in the Introduction, a ppr e h ension of the inward knowing experience, witnesses,

To gain an

except wi t h living

is impossible in terms of ob t aining any verification.

On

the evidence which has been reviewed all that can be said is that there appears to have been continuity through processes of t r a n sform­ ation.

However,

that is not to say that an exam i n a t i o n of externals

does not increase our understanding.

By examining the structure of

the phenomena something of the essence and me a n i n g of r e ligion can be discerned.

This study,

as has already been stated,

has shown that

the phenomena connected with English re l i g i o n at the public place of w o rship exhibits features which are universal.

This provides a very

useful basis for further research.

I M

370

S

APPENDIX A

Who were the English?

Hodgkin^ suggests that a passage in Bede is the starting point of any investigation into the question, T his passage is also taken by Stenton

2

"Who were the English?". to be of prime importance. 3

The English translation of the text is as follows: "Those who came over were of the three most powerful nations in Germany and Jutes.

-

Saxons,

Angles

Fro m the Jutes are descended the

people of Kent and the Isle of Wi g h t and those in the province of the West Saxons who are to this day called Jutes, the Isle of Wight.

seated opposite

From the Saxons,

that is,

from that region which is now called Old Saxony, come the East Saxons, West Saxons.

the South Saxons and the

From the Angles,

that is,

from

that country which is called Angulus and which is said from that time to the present day to have remained deserted (between the provinces of the Jutes and the Saxons) are descended the East Angles,

the Midland Angles,

all the race of the Northumbrian s

the Mercians, ... and the

other nations of the Angles."

H o w accurate is Bede's statement?

To answer this h i s t orians have

turned to information in other written sources,

1.

Hodgkin, 2 vols.

R. H. O.U.P.

2.

Stenton, F.

3.

Bede.

A History of the A n g l o - S a x o n s . 1952.

Op c i t .

Op c i t .

philology and to the

3rd ed.

p . 2.

pp. 9-11.

I

p . 56.

lu

371

wo r k of the archaeologist. Angles,

That there were three distinct groups,

Saxons and Jutes and that they came from northern Ge r m a n y

seems to be without doubt. his text by a map.

Hodgkin^ illustrates the a r g u m e n t s in

He suggests that all three groups had s e ttled

for a period prior to m igration in Schl e s w i g - H o l s t e i n b e tween the rivers Elbe and Wes e r and then migrated to England via Frisia. S t enton

2

agrees in general terms, with this c o n c lusion and says:

3

"When all allowance has been made for the fragmentary evidence its general trend seems clear and c onsistent with the tradition preserved by Bede."

Two further points need to be cla r ified c o n c erning the origin of the English people,

"Were they closely inter-r e l a t e d on the

Continent and how soon did they become an E n g l i s h n ation once they had settled here?" answered. Saxon,

The latter question is,

perhaps the m o r e easily

A l though the settlers set up a number of kingdoms,

or rather English,

A nglo-

has come down to us as a unified language,

even though there are regional dialects.

Despite the fact that the

separate kingdoms were not an amphictyo n y they shared a common religion

4

and culture.

1.

Hodgkin,

R. H.

2.

Stenton, F.

3.

Ibid.

4.

Chaney, W. A.

5.

vide

5

The terms Angle and Saxon soon became

Op c i t .

Op c i t .

p.9.

pp.

11-13.

p . 13.

Brown,

Op c i t . G. B.

chaps.

1-4.

Op c i t .

!

372

interchangeable.

Chadwick^ says,

"The invaders of Britain belonged not to three but to two distinct nationalities, call Jutish and Anglo-Saxon

...

wh i c h we may

Th e A n glo-

Saxons may not have originally been a homogeneous people

... but there is no proof that any

fundamental difference survived at the time when they invaded Britain."

2 H o dgkin

agrees,

in general terms, wi t h C h a d w i c k quoting the use of

A n g elcyn indifferently for Angle or Saxon and E n glisc as the common language.

He quotes B e d e ’s statement,

"gens Saxonum sive Anglorum." Despite regional differences the Angles and Saxons recogn i s ed themselves as the English nation into which the Ju t e s were readily absorbed.

Even

though the regions were politically separate the sense of nationhood is exemplified by the ease with which the R oman mis s i o n established an e piscopal hierarchy and organisation.

This contrasts with the

difficulties encountered by the Roman m i s s i o n in est a b l i s h i n g a similar form of government among Celtic Christi a n s in the B r i t i s h Isles.

The evidence for a close continen t a l a s s o c i a t i o n of the Angles and Saxons seems strong.

3

The origin of the Jutes is more problematic.

1.

Chadwick, H. M. The Origin of the E n g l i s h N a t i o n . Cambridge U niversity Press. 1907. pp. 88-89.

2.

Hodgkin, R. H.

3.

Stenton,

F.

4.

Stenton, Hodgkin,

F. Op c i t . pp. R. H. Op c i t .

Op c i t . Op c i t . pp.

p . 158. 7-20. 14-19 and pp. 81-99.

373

4

All shared a common Germanic heritage.^

Even after the conver s i o n

this sense of Germanic origin continued strongly,

as can be seen in

the large part played by the English mis s i o n a r i e s in the con v e r s i o n

2 of the Germans,

1.

Hodgkin,

R. H.

Op c i t .

pp.

19-35.

2.

Godfrey,

C. J.

Op c i t .

chaps.

14-15.

374

APPENDIX B

What Influence did Celtic Chr i s t i a n i t y have on English R e lig i o n and Culture?

The traditional picture is one of extermination of the Britons by the Saxons.

This view has been derived mainly from Gildas,^

The

suggestion of Gildas that the Saxons first arrived as foederati seems likely to have been true.

We know that the Saxons had been marauding

E a stern England during Roman times and that a "Count of the Saxon Shore" had been appointed.

Extensive fortifications had also been

2 built and a fleet raised.

The practice of allowing foederati to •

settle within the borders of the Empire and to al l o w them to serve in the Roman army was an established practice.

There is evidence of

Saxon mercenaries having served on H a d r i a n ’s Wall towards the end of the Roman period.

It would seem entirely likely that the Romano-

British officials of the civitates would invite Saxons and possibly 3 others to settle as f o e d e r a t i .

Did these newcomers r emain separate?

It has been suggested that the heavier Saxon plough, to plough heavier soil in the valleys,

a l l owing them

made for some natural division

of land occupation.

Be this as it may,

the Saxons were slow in

spreading westward.

The Anglo-Saxon C h r o nicle for 682 A.D.

records 4

that King Centwine drove the Britons in flight to the sea.

Hodgkin

suggests that this refers to, "the conquest of the country at least as far as the Quantocks."

1.

Gildas. De Excidio et Conquesto B r i t a n n i a e . H istorical Society. 1838.

2.

Thomas C. Britain and Ireland in Early G h r i stian T i m e s . Thames & Hudson. 1971. pp. 16-18.

3.

Ibid.

English

p.33. and

Sheldon, G. The Transition from Roman Britain to C h r i stian England. A.D. 3 6 8 - 6 6 4 . Macmillan. 1932. p.49. 4.

Hodgkin,

R. H.

Op c i t .

1

p.315.

375

Th i s is some two hundred and fifty years after the most likely time for the beginning of the Anglo-Saxon m igrat i o n s and nearly a century after A u g u s t i n e ’s mission.

The place names on the map of Eng l a n d are another guide to the survival of the Britons and their culture as the tide of the Saxons came steadily westwards. Leicester and York.

Some Roman towns survived,

This perhaps indicates that the R o m a no-British

p opulations of the towns survived longest. however,

such as Colchester,

Hodgkin^

quotes Collingwood,

saying

’’A handful of de-Romanised Britons, among the ruins of a Roman town point of view of the social,

squatting

... from the

economic and

political historian are discontinuity i n c a r n a t e . ’’ Tu r n i n g to the rural population,

Hodgkin

2

points out that air photography

shows that the discontinued Celtic settlements in Salisbury Plain and elsewhere,

are quite distinct in location from the later Saxon ones.

3 A map

indicates that the Celtic field s ystem only persisted in Devon,

Cornwall, Wales and Strathclyde.

Exami n i n g evidence from surviving 4

Celtic river and place names,

Hodgkin

draws similar conclusions.

Some Celtic river names^ persist in the East but few, names,

even in the West.

if any,

place

Whatever happened to the Britons who did not

1.

I b i d . p . 164.

2.

I b i d . pp.

3.

I b i d . p . 174.

4.

I b i d . pp.

5.

Loyn, H. R. Anglo-Saxon England and the Norman C o n q u e s t . Longmans. 1962. p.8 for map.

165-167.

168-170.

376

|

1

'., '

migrate westwards,

whether it was e x t e r m i n a t i o n or absorption,

there

is little evidence that they transmitted their cultural ideas to the Ang l o -Saxon settlers.

The C h ristian mission to the Eng l i s h came from two directions, from the nearby Celtic church and more distantly from Rome. two missions are well documented and described elsewhere.^ cultures and religions, Teutonic,

These The three

Celt i c Christian and Roman C h r i stian

met and came to a turning point at the Synod of Wh i t b y in 664 A.D. Clearly,

in outward terms,

2

the Roman mi s s i o n emerged the victor and

the subsequent work of Archbishop T h eo d o r e of Canter b u r y ensured that R o m a n discipline and practice were followed throughout the kingdom.

Undoubtedly Celtic Christian practice lingered on, in Northumbria,

particularly

but this does not seem to have a f f ected the E n g l i s h

C h u r c h in any widespread or significant way. find this in church architecture,

One would expect to

liturgy and sacred art.

C oncerning

3 the latter, Ken d r i c k

has claimed to have found traces of Celtic

influence in the Lindisfarne gospels.

His views,

however,

do not

4 appear to have great support. influence,

Brown

finds much northern Teutonic

particularly in the Bewcastle and Ruthwell Crosses,

m akes little men tion of Celtic influence.

1.

Deanesley, M. A.

2.

Stenton,

F.

Deanesley, M.

A c o m p arison of C e ltic and

The Pre-Conquest C h u r c h in E n g l a n d .

& C. Black.

1961.

pp. 20-190.

Op c i t . and 1961.

Op c i t .

pp.

87-88.

3.

Kendrick, T. D. Methuen. 1972.

Anglo-Saxon Art to 900 A.D. chap. 5.

4.

Brown,

cit.

G. B.

Op

377

but

2nd ed.

E n glish liturgies and calendars seem to indicate that in this area of religious life^ also,

there was little Celtic influence.

In this

connection it should be noted that the date of observance of Easter was central to the discussions at the Synod of Whitby. appears to hold good in matters of church building. was,

in many ways,

a monastic church.

Chr i s t ian building is monastic. used by the monastic priests. gathered at the door. celled,

2

The same

T h e Celtic church

The heritage of early Celtic

The churches are one-called oratories

Here they would say M a s s wi t h the laity

The Saxon churches,

by way of contrast are two-

having rooms for priest and laity.

The life of the Celtic church centred on its monasteries. these issued independent and itinerant missionaries.

C eltic Chr i s t i a n i t y

seems to have lingered on in the N o r t h u m b r i a n monasteries, difficult to see where even these, m is s i o nary work,

From

but it is

apart from their preliminary

had any real influence,

on Eng l i s h Christianity.

T h e o d o r e ’s imposition of Roman discipline appears to have finally been 3 supreme.

Concerning the important area of liturgy,

"The liturgy of the Anglo-Saxon c h urch from A u g u s t i n e ’s time to the Norman C o n quest may be said to have been Roman with m inor G a l lican e m b e l l i s h m e n t s ."

1.

Inter alia v i d e . Dawson, W. Op c i t . Hardinge, L. Op c i t . chaps. 3 and 4. Wright,

T.

Op c i t .

2.

Allcroft,

A. H.

3.

Deanesley, M.

Op c i t . 1961.

chaps.

Op c i t .

17-20,

p . 156.

378

D e a nesley

says,

One must conclude that Celtic influence on the E n g l i s h was m inor and of no lasting effect.

379

APPENDIX C

Anglican Church C onsecrati o n Services 1960-1980

ANGLICAN CHURCH CONSECRATION SERVICES

1960-1980

(Analysis of key items included in Tw e n t y Services)

Introit Psalms

1 1 1

Bishop Knocks

1 1 1 1

Church handed to Bishop

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

Psalm 24 (or part)

1 1 1 1 1

Outside circuit of Church

1 1

"Veni Creator

1 1 1 1

..."

1 1 1

1

11

11

1

11

11

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

11

1 1 1 1 1

1

Alphabet Ceremony Holy Communion

1

1

Asperge inside Chur c h "Peace to this House"

11

1 1 1 1 1 1

•

1 1

1 1 1 1 1

1

1 1 1 1 1

1

1

Morning/Evening Prayer Litany

1

1 1 1

Visit key parts

1 1 1 1

1

1

1

11

1 1 1 1

Prayer of Consecration

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

Signing of Deed/ Declaration

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

11

1 1

1

1

1

Ma r k Church with Cross Consecrate altar

1

1 1 1 1

1

Anoint altar Vest altar

1 1

Sign altar with Cross

380

1 1 1 1 1 1 1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

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Mr. J. Marvell

Abstract of Thesis The English

, Place of Worship;

This study was chosen,

firstly,

A P h e n o m e n o l o g i c a l Study

because of the lack of any previous

overall phenomenological study of E n gl i s h religion;

secondly,

for the

importance of the findings of such an enquiry for the d e v e l opment of religious education in state schools in this country,

and,

thirdly,

b ecause thereby a phenomenological investi g a t i o n could be undert a k e n wit h i n a geographical,

cultural and historic whole.

P h e n o menology as à method of stu dying r e l igion is first discussed, as are the reasons for choosing it rather than other disciplines.

The

w o r k of a number of leading phenomenol o g i s t s is then reviewed with reference to the forms of sacred phenomena found at the public place of worship. community,

The ev idence concerning these forms (sacred space, person,

action,

object,

word and time) at the E n g l i s h public place of

worship, and its antecedents,

is then presented.

a v a i l able is so considerable,

particular att e n t i o n is given to certain

periods and movements of religious change, to Christianity,

As the m a t erial

the C o n v e r s i o n of the E n glish

the Reformation and the Lit u r g i c a l Movement.

con c l uding chapter this evidence is reviewed and analysed.

In the

It is argued

that, alt h o u g h there has been transfor m a t i o n and change of emphasis,

the

major forms of the sacred have existed con t i n u o u s l y at the E n g l i s h public place of worship in this country, the forms.

as have many of the c a t e gories wi t h i n

It is suggested that these findings provide a clear structure

and basis for further phenomenological and h i s t orical study of E n g l i s h religion.